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:•■      •-     . 

"WITHDRAWN  BY 


METflOWfclTAN  TORONTO 

history 

LIBRARY   BOARD 


s<0*        °'iao^: 


KEXE  "THE  GOOD," 


KING   OF   SICILY,    NAPLES,    AND   JERUSALEM,    DUKE   OF   ANJOL    AND    LORRAIN       AND 

COUNT   OF    PROVENCE. 


THE 


LIFE  AND  TIMES 


OF 


MARGARET   OF  ANJOU, 


QUEEN  OF  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE. 


By   MARY   ANN   HOOKHAM. 


VOL.  II. 


LONDON: 
TINSLEY  BROTHERS,  18,  CATHERINE  ST.,  STRAND. 

1872. 


THE 


LIFE  AND  TIMES 


OF 


MAEGAKET   OF  ANJOU, 

QUEEN  OF  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE; 


AND   OF   HER  FATHER 


BENE    "THE    GOOD," 


KING   OF   SICILY,   NAPLES,    AND  JERUSALEM. 


WITH 


MEMOIRS   OF  THE  HOUSES   OF  ANJOU. 

BY 

MAKY  ANN  HOOKHAM. 

WITH     PORTRAITS    AND     ILLUSTRATIONS. 


IN   TWO   VOLUMES. 
VOL.  II. 


LONDON : 
TINSLEY  BROTHERS,   18,  CATHERINE   ST.,  STRAND. 

1872. 


S¥&</3 


LONDON  : 
BRADBURY,    EVANS,    AND   CO.,     PRINTERS,    WHITEFRIARS. 


I 


V 


j)V 


HIZ 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

a.d.  1455-1459. 

PAGE 

The  battle  of  St.  Alban's— King  Henry's  illness— York  again  "  Pro- 
tector"— The  King  and  Queen  go  to  Coventry — They  invite  the 
Lords  to  repair  thither — Invasions  of  the  French  and  Scots — The 
reconciliation  of  the  Lords — Their  procession  to  St.  Paul's— An 
affray — Warwick  assaulted — Salisbury  takes  up  arms — The  battle 
of  Bloreheath — Lord  Audley  is  slain — Ludlow  spoiled — Parliament 
held  at  Coventry — Yorkists  attainted — Rebellion  in  Kent— The 
insurgents  enter  London 1 

CHAPTER  II. 

a.d.  1460-1461. 

The  battle  of  Northampton — The  Tower  of  London  besieged — Death  of 
Lord  Scales — The  Duke  of  York's  claims  discussed  in  Parliament 
— York  becomes  absolute — Queen  Margaret  flies  to  Durham,  Wales, 
and  Scotland — She  excites  the  northern  barons  to  take  up  arms — 
The  battle  of  Wakefield— The  Duke  of  York  killed— Battle  of 
Mortimer's  Cross— Second  battle  of  St.  Alban's — Edward,  son  of  the 
Duke  of  York,  proclaimed  King    .         .         .         .         .        .        .68 


CHAPTER,  III. 

a.d.  1461-1464. 

The  Queen  raises  a  large  army — Yorkists  defeated  at  Ferrybridge — 
Battle  of  Towton — King  Henry,  his  Queen,  and  their  son  fly  to 
Scotland— They  are  well  received  by  the  Scots — Incursions  in 
England — Henry  repulsed  at  Durham — A  defeat  in  Wales — King 
Edward's  first  Parliament — Somerset  submits  to  Edward — Lord 
Oxford  beheaded — Queen  Margaret  goes  to  France  —  Death  of 
Charles  VII.  and  of  his  wife,  Marie  of  Anjou— Louis  XL  lends 
money  to  Queen  Margaret,  and  some  troops,  headed  by  Pierre  de 
Breze — They  return  with  the  Queen  to  England — They  take  several 
castles,  but  are  repulsed  by  the  Yorkists — A  shipwreck — Warwick 
retakes  the  castles — Margaret  in  Scotland — Breze  departs       .        .     112 


X  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

a.d.  1464-1465. 

FAGE 

Battles  of  Hedgely  Moor  and  Hexham — King  Edward's  treatment  of 
the  Lords — The  Queen's  adventure  in  the  forest — She  escapes  to 
Flanders,  and  settles  in  Lorraine  with  her  son — Education  of  Prince 
Edward — Sir  John  Fortescue — The  distress  of  the  Lancastrians — 
King  Rene's  tastes  and  occupations — The  Tournaments — The  Order 
of  the  Crescent — Death  of  Isabella  of  Lorraine — Rene's  war  with 
the  Genoese — Marriage  of  Rene  to  Jeanne  de  Laval — King  Henry's 
concealment  in  "Wales  and  elsewhere — He  is  discovered,  and  brought 
to  London — 111  treatment  of  him  by  "Warwick — He  conducts  him 
through  London — Heriry  VI.  in  prison  in  the  Tower       .         .         .161 

CHAPTER  V. 

a.d.  1465-1470. 

King  Edward's  marriage — Warwick  offended — The  "Widdevilles  are 
promoted — Jealousy  of  the  nobility — Marriage  of  the  sister  of 
King  Edward — Warwick's  revenge — His  plot  against  Edward — He 
marries  his  daughter  to  Clarence — Insurrection  in  Yorkshire — 
Battle  of  Banbury — Earl  Rivers  and  his  son  beheaded — King  Ed- 
ward taken  prisoner— He  escapes — A  rising  under  Sir  Robert  Wells 
— Lord  Wells  beheaded — The  battle  of  Ernpyngham — Warwick  and 
Clarence,  with  their  families,  fly  to  Devonshire — Sail  from  Dart- 
mouth— Land  at  Honfleur — They  go  to  Amboise — Louis  XL  sends 
for  Queen  Margaret — She  is  reconciled  to  Warwick,  and  Prince 
Edward  marries  Lady  Ann — Warwick  returns  to  England,  and 
restores  Henry  VI.  to  the  throne 210 


CHAPTER  VI. 

a.d.  1470-1471. 

Rejoicings  in  France— Queen  Margaret's  reception  in  Paris — Burgundy's 
discontent — King  Edward  at  the  Hague — Parliament  called  by 
Warwick — Edward's  party  attainted — The  Earl  of  Worcester  be- 
headed— "Warwick  sends  for  Margaret,  and  waits  for  her  at  Dover 
— The  league  "  du  bien  public" — Rene's  conduct — John  of  Anjou 
in  Spain — His  death — Rene's  letters,  genius,  paintings,  writings — 
His  good  nature  and  love  of  his  people — His  Institutions— The 
Duke  of  Burgundy's  policy — Affairs  in  England — Edward  returns 
and  lands  in  Yorkshire — Warwick  opposes  him — Clarence  joins  his 
brother— Restoration  of  Edward  IV. — His  affability— King  Henry 
sent  to  the  Tower 263 


CONTENTS.  X] 

CHAPTER  VTI. 

A.D.  1471. 

PAGE 

Battle  of  Barnet — Warwick  killed — Edward  enters  London  in  triumph 
— Queen  Margaret  lands  at  Weymouth — She  takes  refuge  at  Cearn — 
Then  at  Beaulieu — Her  alarm  for  her  son's  safety — She  goes  to  Bath 
— The  Lords  assemble  the  Lancastrian  forces — King  Edward  col- 
lects his  army — Battle  of  Tewkesbury — Somerset  and  others  taken 
prisoners  and  executed — Murder  of  Prince  Edward — Queen  Mar- 
garet taken  prisoner — Sir  John  Fortescue  taken,  and  set  free — The 
Queen  led  in  triumph  to  London,  and  imprisoned  in  the  Tower — 
Henry  VI.  murdered — His  burial — His  own  choice  of  the  place  of 
his  sepulture — Three  parties  claim  the  right  of  the  interment  of  his 
body — A  licence  granted  by  the  Pope  for  his  removal — The  design 
of  Henry  VII.  and  Henry  VIII.  to  repair  his  tomb— His  character     292 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

a.d.  1471-1480. 

Queen  Margaret  in  prison  in  the  Tower— Removed  to  Windsor — Then 
to  Wallingford — Rene's  age  and  misfortunes— Death  of  Charles  of 
Anjou,  and  of  Ferri  de  Vaudemont ;  also  the  death  of  Nicholas  of 
Anjou—  Louis  XI.  seizes  on  Anjou — Rene  retires  to  Provence — His 
pursuits,  tastes,  and  disposition — Rene's  letter  to  Queen  Margaret 
— Louis  XI.  meets  Rene  at  Lyons — Rene  appoints  Charles  of  Maine 
his  heir — Cession  of  the  rights  of  Rene — Louis  treats  with  King 
Edward — Margaret's  ransom — She  leaves  England — Yields  up  all 
her  rights — Her  melancholy — Rene  at  Gardane — He  instructs  his 
grand-daughter — The  defeat  and  death  of  "Charles  the  Bold"  by 
the  Duke  of  Lorraine — Rent's  illness — Death — Will — Removal  of 
his  body — Interment,  monument,  and  epitaph — Rene's  Institutions 
— His  character — Charles  of  Anjou  his  successor — His  death— 
Louis  XL  his  heir 330 


CHAPTER  IX. 

a.d.  1480-1482. 

Queen  Margaret's  second  cession  to  Louis  XI. — Her  pension — Her  re* 
sidence  atDampierre — Her  last  days — Her  death,  burial,  and  will  — 
The  cathedral  of  St.  Maurice — Character  of  Queen  Margaret — The 
sequel  to  Jeanne  de  Laval,  Yoland  of  Anjou,  Margaret  of  Lorraine, 
Cecily  Duchess  of  York,  Elizabeth  Woodville,  and  other  prominent 
characters,  in  conclusion S68 


Xll  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  X. 

PAGE 

Review  of  the  fifteenth  century — Causes  of  the  Wars  of  "  the  Roses  "  — 
Religion,  politics,  arts  and  sciences,  literature,  manners,  and 
customs         ...........     384 


APPENDIX 427 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU. 


CHAPTER  I. 

(Warwick  to  Plantagenet.)     "  In  signal  of  my  love  to  thee, 
"  Will  I  upon  thy  party  wear  the  rose  ; 
"  And  here  I  prophesy — this  brawl  to-day, 
"  Grown  to  this  faction  in  the  Temple  Gardens, 
"  Shall  send,  between  the  Red  rose  and  the  White 
"  A  thousand  souls  to  death,  and  deadly  night."* — Shakespeare. 

White  and  Red  Roses— Battle  of  St.  Alban's— Somerset  is  slain — The  Yorkists 
conduct  the  King  to  London — King  Henry's  illness — York  made  "  Pro- 
tector " — Henry  recovers,  and  York  is  deprived  of  his  office — He  retires 
into  Yorkshire — He  consults  with  the  Earls  of  Salisbury  and  Warwick 
— The  King  and  Queen  go  to  Coventry — Margaret's  stratagem,  and 
her  attempt  to  reconcile  the  two  parties — They  come  to  London — The 
reconciliation  and  procession  to  St.  Paul's — The  Yorkists  withdraw 
from  Court — An  affray  in  London — Warwick  assaulted — Salisbury  takes 
up  arms — Battle  of  Blackheath — Lord  Audley  slain — Queen  Margaret 
assembles  a  large  army  at  Coventry —Remonstrates  with  the  King, 
who  advances  to  Ludlow — He  offers  pardon  to  the  rebels — Complaints 
of  the  Yorkists — The  Duke  of  York's  stratagem — Trollop  goes  over  to 
the  King,  and  the  Yorkists  disperse — The  castle  and  town  of  Ludlow 
spoiled — A  Parliament  held  at  Coventry — The  Yorkists  attainted — 
The  Duke  of  York  in  Ireland — Somerset  sent  to  gain  Calais — Inter- 
view between  York  and  Wrarwick  in  Ireland — The  punishment  of  the 
Yorkists — Rebellion  of  the  Kentishmen,  who  are  joined  by  the  Lords 
from  Calais — An  army  of  25,000  march  to  London — The  gates  of  the 
city  are  thrown  open  to  receive  them. 


The  two  contending  parties  had  assumed  the  badge 
of  a  rose  ;  a  white  one  being  borne  by  the  Yorkists, 
whilst  a  red  one  distinguished  the  party  of  the  Lan- 
castrians.    It  seems  strange  that  so  lovely  a  flower, 

*  Shakespeare  seems  to  have  chosen  from  tradition,  rather  than  history* 
the  locality  of  the  Temple  Gardens,  as  the  scene  where  the  two  badges  were 
first  assumed  by  the  Yorkists  and  Lancastrians. 

VOL.   II.  B 


; 


2  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

always  emblematical  of  beauty,  of  innocence,  and  of 
love,  should  in  those  days  have  been  used  as  the 
badge  of  destruction,  hatred,  and  bloodshed ;  but  it 
affords  another  instance  amongst  the  many  of  man's 
perversion  of  the  good  gifts  in  nature,  when  excited 
by  his  passions  to  the  destruction  of  his  fellow-men  in 
civil  warfare. 

As  early  as  the  time  of  John  of  Ghent,  the  rose 
was  used  as  an  heraldic  emblem ;  and  when  he  mar- 
ried Blanche,  the  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster, 
he  used  the  red  rose  for  his  device.  Edmund  of  Lang- 
ley,  his  brother,  the  fifth  son  of  Edward  III.,  adopted 
the  white  rose  in  opposition  to  him  ;  and  their  fol- 
lowers afterwards  maintained  these  distinctions  in  the 
bloody  wars  of  the  fifteenth  century.  There  is,  how- 
ever, no  authentic  account  of  the  precise  period  when 
these  badges  were  first  adopted.  The  "  House  of 
"  Clifford"  bore  the  white  rose,  being  descended  by  a 
female  line  from  Edmund  of  Langley.  We  are  further 
told  that  the  white  rose  was  the  device  of  the  castle 
of  Clifford,  one  of  the  possessions  of  the  Duke  of  York. 
The  bads;e  of  the  House  of  York  was  first  the  white 
falcon,  and  it  was  not  until  the  time  of  his  claiming 
the  crown  that  the  Duke  of  York  adopted  the  white 
rose,  when  it  is  probable  he  chose  it  for  his  followers 
from  its  contrast  to  that  of  his  rival.* 
1455.  In  the  town  of   St.  Alban's,  on  the  23rd  of  May, 

Baker  •  . 

HoHnshed;  1455,  was  fought  the  first  battle  in  the  memorable 

Sandford.  '     ^^  of  the  Roseg> 

*  The  white  dog-rose,  "  rosa  arrensis,"  which  is  most  common  in  the  west 
of  Yorkshire,  has  been  generally  named  as  the  rebel  rose  ;  but  both  white  and 
red  were  rebellious  emblems,  as  the  blood  of  our  ancestors  has  proved.  Some 
have  said  that  during  the  civil  wars  a  rose-tree,  found  at  Longfleet,  bore 
white  flowers  on  one  side  and  red  ones  on  the  other,  prognosticating  the 
union  of  the  two  Houses  ;  also,  that  after  the  marriage  of  Henry  VII.  a 
rose  was  first  seen  with  red  and  white  petals,  called  the  "  York  and  Lan- 
caster," an  emblem  of  that  happy  union. — Sandford ;  Pennant ;  Londiniana ; 
Willemonfs  Regal  Heraldry  ;  Camden's  Remains  ;  Phillips 's  Sylva  Florifcra. 


MARGAKET   OF   ANJOTJ.  3 

The  two  armies  met  on  level  ground,  where  there 
appeared  to  be  no  impediment  to  fighting,  and  an 
ens;a2;ement  seemed  inevitable.  Before  its  commence- 
ment  King  Henry  sent  a  herald  to  the  Duke  of  York, 
commanding  him  to  keep  the  peace  as  a  dutiful  sub- 
ject, and  thus  to  avoid  the  shedding  of  blood.  To 
this  the  Duke,  who,  in  all  his  actions  sought  to  make 
it  appear  that  he  was  consulting  the  public  good, 
replied,  that  he  would  dismiss  his  troops  if  the  King- 
would  deliver  up  the  Duke  of  Somerset  to  submit  to 
the  ordinary  course  of  justice.  The  King  refused, 
declaring,  with  firmness,  "  That,  sooner  than  abandon 
"  one  of  the  Lords  who  was  faithful  to  him,  he  was 
"  prepared  that  day  to  live  or  die  in  their  quarrel." 
Thus  was  the  Duke's  offer  rejected,  the  Court  only 
regarding  it  as  a  vain  pretext ;  and  finding  no  other 
way  to  accommodate  their  differences  but  by  the 
sword,  both  parties  prepared  for  battle. 

The  King's  banner  was  placed  in  St.  Peter's  Street. 
The  attack  was  commenced  in  three  places  by  the 
insurgents,  who,  headed  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
vigorously  pressed  the  royalists,  shouting  the  tre- 
mendous name  of  their  leader,  as  they  broke  in 
through  the  gardens  into  Holywell  Street.  The 
Duke  of  York  also  entered  the  town,  when  a  dread- 
ful fight  ensued.  The  suddenness  as  well  as  the 
force  of  the  assault  had  thrown  the  royalists  into 
great  confusion,  and  the  Duke  of  Somerset  found  it 
impossible  to  repair  the  disorder.  The  opportunity, 
indeed,  was  scarcely  afforded  him,  for  the  Duke  of 
York,  perceiving  the  advantage  which  his  friend  had 
gained,  seconded  him  with  so  much  alacrity  that  the 
battle  was  quickly  decided,  with  the  loss  of  5,000,  or 
as  some  say,  8,000  *  men,  on  the  side  of  the  royalists. 

*  Pennant  says  orders  had  been  given  by  the  King,  or  Queen,  that  no 
quarter  should  be  given.  Authors  differ  much  in  their  computations.  Some 

b  2 


4  MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

Many  of  the  chief  nobility  were  slain.  Amongst 
those  who  fell  were  the  commander,  the  Duke  of 
Somerset,  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  (son  of  the 
noted  Hotspur),  Humphrey  Earl  of  Stafford,  the 
valiant  John  Lord  Clifford,  who  had  defended  the 
barriers,  and  several  others  of  less  note.  The  Duke 
of  Buckingham,  the  Lords  Dorset,  Dudley,  and  Wen- 
lock,  with  others,  who  were  also  wounded,  withdrew 
from  the  battle,  and  thus  the  defeat  was  complete.* 

King  Henry,  finding  himself  deserted  by  his  chief 
nobility,  and  having  received  a  wound  in  the  neck 
with  an  arrow,  retired  to  a  neighbouring  dwelling, 
which  was  quickly  invested.  The  Duke  of  York, 
with  the  Earls  of  Salisbury  and  Warwick,  hastened 
thither,  and,  throwing  themselves  on  their  knees 
before  their  Sovereign,  with  mock  humility  assured 
him  of  their  readiness  to  obey  all  his  commands,  now 
that  their  common  enemy,  the  "  Traitor "  Somerset 
was  no  more.  The  affrighted  monarch  exclaimed, 
"  Let  there  be  no  more  killing,  and  Til  do  what  you 
"  will  have  me ! '  A  retreat  was  immediately  sounded, 
and  King  Henry  was  conducted  by  the  Duke  of  York, 
first  to  the  shrine  of  St.  Alban's,  and  afterwards  to 
London. 

The  lively  interest  so  universally  felt  for  the  King 
was  evinced  on  this  occasion.  A  letter  written  im- 
mediately after  this  battle  ends  thus  : — "  And  as  for 
11  our  sovereign  Lord,  thanked  be  God  he  hath  no 
"  great  harm."  This  first  battle  of  St.  Alban's  was 
chiefly  gained  by  the  archers.     The  Duke  of  Somerset 

sr.y  that  many  thousands  were  slain  in  this  battle.  One  writer  tells  us  800 
common  men,  besides  the  nobles.  A  letter,  dated  the  day  after  the  battle, 
reduces  the  number  to  six  score.  The  day  of  the  battle  has  also  varied  ;  by 
some  it  is  placed  on  the  2nd,  22nd,  23rd,  or  28th  of  May. 

*  Baker  ;  Holinshed  ;  Hall ;  Fabian ;  Rapin  ;  Carte  ;  Harding's  Chron.  ; 
Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Sandford  ;  Pennant  ;  Henry  ;  Daniel  ;  Stow  ;  Lond. 
Chron. ;  Howel  ;  Toplis  ;  Lingard  ;  Hume  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Ptot.  Pari.  ; 
Bridge's  Xorthampt. ;  Phillips's  Shrewsbury. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  5 

lost  his  life  beneath  the  sign  of  the  "Castle,"  thus 
fulfilling  the  prophecy  of  Margery  Jourdemayne,  the 
"  witch  of  Eye,"  which  has  thus  been  given  by 
Shakespeare : — 

"  Let  him  shun  castles, 

"  Safer  shall  he  be  on  the  sandy  plains, 

"  Than  where  castles  mounted  stand."* 

In  the  chapel  of  St.  Mary,  at  St.  Alban's,  were  interred 
the  bodies  of  Somerset,  Northumberland,  Clifford,  and 
others,  to  the  number  of  forty-seven,  slain  in  this 
battle.  | 

Theiimid  monks  of  St.  Alban's  Abbey  had  anxiously 
"  listened  to  the  clash  of  arms  and  the  groans  of  the 
"  wounded,  and  on  the  morning  after  the  battle  issued 
"  from  their  cells  to  behold  the  melancholy  spectacle. 
"  The  maimed  and  mangled  corpses  lay  in  the  streets, 
"  transfixed  with  barbed  darts,  which  had  made  such 
"  havoc  amidst  the  partisans  of  the  red  rose."  Fear- 
ful of  offending  the  victor,  these  monks  would  not 
remove  the  bodies  of  the  slain,  until  permission  had 
been  given  them.  Then  the  pious  brethren  performed 
their  obsequies,  and  interred  them  in  a  line  in  the 
chapel,  each  one  of  the  nobles  and  others  according 
to  their  birth  and  rank.  J 

Sir  Philip  Wentworth,  who  had  borne  the  King's 
standard  in  the  field,  cast  it  down  and  fled ;  thus  he 
drew  upon  himself  the  contempt  of  all  parties  by  this 
base  desertion  of  the  royal  colours.  The  Duke  of  Nor- 
folk, although  on  the  Yorkist  side,  would  have  hanged 
him  for  his  cowardice,  had  he  not  concealed  himself  in 
Suffolk,  not  daring  to  appear  before  the  King.  § 

In  the  reverse  of  fortune  which  King  Henry  at  this 

*  Baker  ;   Holinshed  ;   Sandford  ;  Toplis ;   Stow  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;   Howel ; 
Paston  Letters  ;  Pennant ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard. 
f  Pol.  Vergil ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Pennant  ;  Daniel. 
X  Wethamstede  ;  Gough. 
§  Paston  Letters. 


MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOTJ. 


1455. 
Holinshed 
Milles's 

Catalogue ; 

Paston 

Letters. 


time  experienced,  he  did  not  so  much  lament  his  own 
misfortunes,  as  he  grieved  at  the  death  of  the  Duke  of 
Somerset.  He  had  placed  such  great  confidence  in 
him,  and  could  not  but  regret  that,  after  his  conduct 
in  France,  and  the  great  valour  he  had  shown  abroad, 
he  should  at  length  be  slain  at  home  by  his  own 
countrymen. 

It  is  recorded,  of  this  first  battle  of  St.  Alban's,  that 
no  executions  were  commanded  by  the  victorious  party. 
The  ties  of  kindred  were  yet  unbroken  by  the  ambi- 
tious and  vindictive  spirit  of  the  nobles  and  heads  of 
families ;  but,  it  being  a  point  of  honour  to  rQvenge 
offences,  these  high-born  chiefs,  yielding  more  and 
more  to  their  resentment,  became  at  length  implac- 
able, and  daily  wudened  the  breach  between  the  two 
parties.  In  this  fatal  contest  of  "the  Koses,"  the  first 
blood  shed  was  in  this  battle  of  St.  Alban's.  It  wTas 
the  commencement  of  an  era  quite  unprecedented  in 
English  history,  and  signalized  by  twelve  pitched 
battles,  in  which  alternately  the  banners  of  York  and 
Lancaster  floated  triumphantly ;  the  utmost  fierceness 
and  cruelty  being  exhibited  during  a  period  of  thirty 
years,  in  which  it  is  computed  not  less  than  eighty 
princes  of  the  blood  lost  their  lives,  and  almost  all  the 
ancient  nobility  of  this  land  were  annihilated.0 

After  the  battle  of  St.  Alban's  and  the  King's  return 
to  the  metropolis,  a  Parliament  was  summoned  by 
this  monarch,  which  was  appointed  for  the  9th  of  July 
following. |  The  Lords  were  commanded  to  attend 
with  only  their  own  household  servants,  such  fear  was 
there,  that  this  meeting  would  lead  to  discord  and 
contention. 

A  letter  of  that  period  informs  us  that  the  King, 
Queen  and  Prince  then  repaired  to  Hertford,  to  remain 

*  Toplis  ;  Hume. 

f  This  was  prorogued  on  the  31st  of  July  to  the  12th  of  November. 


MAKGARET   OF  ANJOU.  1 

until  the  opening  of  Parliament.  The  Duke  of  York 
also  went  to  the  Friars  at  Ware,  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
to  Hunsdon,  and  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  to  Rye,  to  await 
the  time  of  this  important  session. 

The  Duke  of  Buckingham  had,  it  appears,  taken  an 
oath  of  submission  to  the  Yorkists,  and  was  bound,  as 
were  his  two  brothers,  by  recognizance  in  notable  sums 
to  adhere  to  their  party.  Previous  to  the  late  engage- 
ment the  Earl  of  Wiltshire  had  been  in  attendance  on 
the  King's  person,  and  desiring  to  return  to  this  office 
he  addressed  a  letter  from  Petersfield  to  the  victorious 
Lords  for  their  permission  to  do  so,  or  in  case  of  their 
refusal,  to  allow  him  to  depart  to  Ireland  and  live  there 
on  his  own  estate ;  but,  previously  to  this,  these  lords 
were  advised  to  require  of  him,  the  same  as  of  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham. 

Tlie  Baron  Dudley  was  in  the  Tower,  having  accused 
many  persons ;  and  the  Earl  of  Dorset  was  in  the 
custody  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 

Three  persons  were,  at  this  time,  accused  of  con- 
spiring to  stab  the  Duke  of  York  in  the  King's  chamber, 
but  tliey  were  able  to  clear  themselves  of  the  charge  ; 
yet  this  occasioned  a  great  commotion  throughout 
London,  on  Corpus  Christi,  the  5th  of  June. 

In  this  month  also  a  blazing  star  is  recorded  by  the 
chroniclers  to  have  appeared,  extending  its  beams  to 
the  south :  the  ominous  precursor  of  this  Parliament 
and  of  the  coming  disasters.* 

The  unfortunate  King  Henry  was  at  this  season  1455. 
again  attacked  by  his  former  disorder,  and  the  session 
was  opened  by  the  Duke  of  York,  as  his  Lieutenant. 
The  next  day  the  Commons  petitioned  that  if  the  King 
were  incapable  of  attending  to  the  protection  of  the 
country  an  able  person  should  be  appointed  as  "  Pro- 
"  tector,"  to  whom  they  might  have  recourse,  to  redress 

*  Paston  Letters  ;  HoweFs  Medulla  Histories  Anglicanas. 


8  MARGARET   OF   AXJOTJ. 

their  grievances ;  especially  as  great  disturbances  had 
lately  arisen  in  the  West,  through  the  feuds  of  the  Earl 
of  Devonshire  and  Lord  Bonville. 

Upon  this  the  Lords  conjured  the  Duke  of  York  to 
undertake  this  charge.  In  reply,  the  Duke,  with 
affected  humility,  alleged  his  incapacity ;  but,  on  their 
renewed  entreaties  accompanied  with  compliments  on 
his  wisdom  and  abilities,  he  accepted  this  office,  but 
conditionally,  that  the  "Protectorate"  should  not  be, 
as  before,  revocable  at  the  will  of  the  King,  but  by  the 
Parliament,  with  the  consent  of  the  Lords  temporal 
and  spiritual.  The  powers  of  government  were  vested 
in  the  Council ;  but  this  provision  was  only  intended 
by  the  Duke  to  blind  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  as  he  had 
previously  secured  a  majority  in  his  favour  in  the 
Council,  and  his  two  friends  Salisbury  and  Warwick 
had  already  been  appointed  to  fill  the  offices  of  Chan- 
cellor and  Governor  of  Calais. 

A  declaration  was  next  made  to  this  effect,  viz.,  that 
the  Queen  and  the  Duke  of  Somerset  had  imposed  on 
the  King's  kindness  and  condescension,  and  had  admi- 
nistered badly  in  his  name.  Also  that  they  had  laid 
a  false  accusation  against  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  who 
was  declared  in  this  Parliament  to  have  been  a  true 
and  loyal  subject. 

The  alienations  of  crown  lands  of  this  reign  were 
now  revoked,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to  justify  the 
late  rebellion,  under  the  plea  that  the  King  required 
to  be  set  free  from  his  thraldom.  All  the  blame  was 
cast  on  Somerset  and  his  party,  whose  concealment  of 
the  Duke  of  York's  letter  had  been  the  cause  of  the 
late  commotions.  This  letter,  so  maliciously  withheld 
from  the  knowledge  of  the  King  by  the  Duke  of 
Somerset,  Thomas  Thorp,  Baron  of  the  Exchequer,  and 
William  Joseph,  Esquire,  their  confidant,  was  intended, 
they  said,  to  promote  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the 


MAEGABET   OF   ANJOU.  9 

kingdom ;  for  therein  they  had  merely  required,  as 
good  and  loyal  subjects,  that  the  King  would  be 
pleased  not  to  listen  to  the  misrepresentations  of  their 
enemies,  until,  by  their  presence,  they  might  be  enabled 
to  confute  them.  Further,  they  had  humbly  craved 
permission  to  approach  their  sovereign,  in  order  to 
exhibit  the  causes  of  their  appearing  in  arms,  by  which 
they  purposed  only  to  show  their  fidelity  to  his  person, 
and  to  promote  his  security  and  honour.  The  sup- 
pression of  this  letter  furnished  them  with  a  pretext  in 
Parliament  to  justify  their  subsequent  conduct,  as  well 
as  for  the  battle  which  had  ensued,  in  the  result  of 
which  they  were  triumphant.  A  general  pardon  was 
granted  by  them  to  all  who  had  committed  crimes  and 
offences  previous  to  the  first  day  of  this  session. 

The  Yorkists,  having  established  their  authority, 
decided  that  King  Henry  should  be  permitted  to  main- 
tain his  dignity ;  yet  they  suffered  him  to  enjoy  but 
the  name  of  King.  They  dared  not  take  his  life,  lest 
by  this  act  they  should  provoke  the  anger  of  the 
people,  who  were  strongly  attached  to  him,  for  his 
peaceful  and  holy  life  and  for  his  clemency.  The 
Duke  of  York,  therefore,  as  well  as  the  Duke  of 
Clarence  and  the  Earls  of  Warwick  and  Oxford  made 
a  great  show  of  favour  and  condescension  to  the 
King,  calling  themselves  his  best  friends.  They  even 
took  oath  on  the  24th  of  July  in  the  most  solemn 
maimer,  and  swore  allegiance  to  their  King,  promising 
to  defend  his  person  and  maintain  his  authority ;  and 
this  oath  was  ordered  to  be  enacted  in  the  Parlia- 
mentary Roll,  and  also  incorporated  in  the  "  Book  of 
'  the  Council  "  to  be  left  on  record. °  Nor  would  the 
Duke  of  York  allow  it  to  appear  that  King  Henry 
acted  by  compulsion.     For  this  reason  a  petition  had 

*  This  ';  Book  of  the  Council "  referred  to  no  longer  exists,  and  probably 
with  it  have  perished  many  important  records  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VI. 


10  HAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

been  several  times  presented  to  the  King  during  his 
illness,  and  while  residing  at  Hertford,  praying  him  to 
nominate  a  Protector,  being  himself  incapacitated  for 
paying  attention  to  affairs  of  state.  This  monarch  at 
length  appointed  the  Duke  of  York  to  fill  that  high 
office  until  removed  by  Parliament,  or  the  young 
Prince  should  be  of  age  to  govern. 

This  was  the  second  time  that  York  was  made  Pro- 
tector, and  it  lasted  but  a  brief  period. 

The  illness  of  King  Henry  at  this  time  was  not  so 
severe  as  in  the  preceding  year.  The  condition  of 
apathy  into  which  he  had  fallen  was  not  mental 
only,  but  also  bodily,  being  obliged  to  be  assisted 
from  one  room  to  another  by  two  of  his  attendants. 
1455.  On  the  5th  of  June  this  year  the  Dean  of  Salisbury, 
named  Kemer,  a  man  approved  of  as  expert  and 
notable  in  "  the  craft  of  medecine,"  was,  by  order  of 
Parliament,  sent  "  to  wait  upon  the  King  at  "Windsor, 
"  he  being  (as  the  doctor  was  well  aware)  labouring 
"  under  sickness  and  infirmities." 

Henry  was,  notwithstanding  all  this,  still  capable  of 
attending  to  public  affairs  at  times,  as  the  proceedings 
of  the  period  show ;  many  things  being  referred  to 
him  by  the  Council.  He  also  declared  his  son,  the 
young  Edward,  to  be  Prince  of  Whales  and  Duke  of 
Cornwall,  and  passed  an  act  of  resumption  of  all 
grants  made  since  the  first  vear  of  his  reio*n. 

Parliament  was  prorogued  on  the  13th  of  December 
to  the  14th  of  January  following,  partly  on  account  of 
the  departure  of  the  Duke  of  York,  who  was  com- 
pelled to  repair  into  the  west,  to  quell  the  riots  and 
rebellion  which  were  giving  rise  to  murders  and 
various  crimes  in  that  part  of  the  kingdom.  While 
the  "  Protectorate "  lasted,  the  King  was  obliged  to 
approve  of  the  conduct  of  the  Duke,  however  despotic, 
and  to  commit  the  sole  direction  of  affairs  into  his  hands. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  11 

The  Earl  of  Salisbury  at  this  time  surrendered  the  U55. 
King's  Great  Seal  of  silver,  and  two  others  also,  one 
of  gold,  and  the  other  of  silver.  On  the  7th  of 
March,  1455,  these  three  seals  were  by  the  King 
placed  in  the  charge  of  Thomas  Bouchier,  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  who  took  the  oath  of  Chancellor.0 
In  the  late  Parliament  the  Duke  of  York  had  caused  U55- 
a  bill  to  be  passed,  granting  to  Queen  Margaret  for 
life  an  annual  pension  of  £1,000,  to  be  drawn  from 
the  rights  and  imposts  of  the  customs  of  the  port  of 
Southampton,  and  from  several  manors  and  heritages 
in  the  counties  of  Northampton,  Southampton,  and 
Oxfordshire.  The  Protector  at  the  same  time  com- 
mitted the  care  of  the  King  during  his  sickness,  and  of 
her  infant  son,  to  the  Queen,  and  assigned  their  resi- 
dence at  Hertford.  Margaret  was  not  in  a  position  to 
resist  this  arrangement,  and  she  seemed  to  be  absorbed 
in  her  duty  and  solicitude  as  a  wife  and  mother ;  but 
ere  long  she  found  means  to  repair  with  her  husband 
and  child  to  Greenwich,  where  she  speedily  assembled 
her  friends  around  her. 

During  these  times  the  election  of  members  for  the 
House  of  Commons,  even  for  counties,  was  much 
influenced  by  the  great  men  of  the  day.  Thus  we 
find  the  Duke  of  York,  while  in  the  exercise  of  chief 
authority,  meeting  by  appointment  the  Duke  of  Nor- 
folk at  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  passed  there  a  day  with 
this  staunch  adherent  of  his  cause,  and  they  together 
determined  on  the  persons  whom  they  chose  to  be 
returned  as  knights  of  the  shire  for  the  county  of 
Norfolk.  A  schedule  of  the  intention  of  the  Duke, 
with  the  names  of  those  chosen,  was  forwarded  to  Sir 
John  Paston  by  the  18th  of  October  this  year,  1455, 

*  Baker  ;  Holinshed ;  Sandford  ;  Carte  ;  Kymer's  Fcedera  ;  Milles's  Cata- 
logue ;  Rot.  Pari. ;  Stow  ;  Sir  H.  Nicolas'  Proceedings  of  Privy  Council ; 
Paston  Letters ;  Hallam  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Howel ;  Daniel  and  Trussel ; 
Wethamstede  ;  Lingard. 


12  MAEGABET   OF  AXJOU. 

by  the  Earl  of  Oxford.  This  noble  Earl  had  ever 
been  faithfully  a  Lancastrian,  but  he  had  just  married 
the  daughter  and  heir  of  Sir  John  Howard,  knight, 
and  the  lady's  possessions  were  at  Winch,  in  Nor- 
folk, from  which  place  the  above  letter  was  dated. 
The  Earl  had  joined  the  party  of  the  Duke  of  York 
(who  had  not  yet  advanced  his  claims  to  the  crown), 
and  he,  therefore,  resolved  to  second  his  intentions. 
When  he  became,  however,  acquainted  with  the 
Duke's  ambition  and  treasonable  purpose,  Oxford 
reverted  to  his  former  allegiance/'' 
1455.  During   this    season,    when    the    Yorkists    openly 

Latere ;  triumphed,  they  ventured  even  to  accuse  some  of  the 
Hoiinshed.  friends  of  the  House  of  Lancaster  with  being  guilty 
of  numerous  outrages  and  offences.  They  openly 
charged  Lord  Scales,  Sir  Thomas  Todenham,  Sir 
Miles  Stapylton,  and  John  Heydon,  of  being  confede- 
rate together  and  causing  riots,  so  that,  but  for  the 
care  and  loyalty  of  the  Yorkists,  much  evil  would 
have  arisen  amongst  the  liege  subjects  of  the  King 
during  their  late  stay  at  Norwich. 

The  Duke  of  York  and  his  party  contrived  to  put 
aside  from  the  Council  all  those  "  whom  the  King 
"  loved  or  the  Queen  favoured,"  and  substituted 
others  more  disposed  to  their  own  views.  All  public 
offices  were  supplied  in  like  manner,  until  the  three 
Richards  (York,  Salisbury,  and  Warwick),  like  the 
famed  triumvirate  of  old,  governed  all  things  according 
to  their  own  will  and  pleasure.  Some  writers  affirm 
that  it  was  in  order  to  exercise  their  despotic  rule,  and 
to  be  able  to  deprive  King  Henry  of  his  kingdom,  or 
his  life,  when  they  pleased,  that  they  removed  his 
former  counsellors  and  substituted  others.  However 
this  might  be,  justice  was  duly  administered  and  no 
bribery  allowed ;  the  only  complaint  was  made  by  the 

*  Paston  Letters. 


MARGARET   OF  ANJOTJ.  13 

Abbot  of  Westminster,  on  account  of  the  removal  from 
the  sanctuary  of  Westminster  of  John  Holland,  Duke 
of  Exeter,  whom  they  had  dismissed  to  the  Castle  of 
Pomfret.  They  also  released  from  sanctuary  Sir 
William  Oldhall,  a  follower  of  Wickliff.® 

The  meek  Henry  listened  to  the  various  arguments 
of  the  Yorkists  in  excuse  for  their  proceedings.  He 
affected  to  believe  them,  and  even  acquitted  them  of 
disloyalty,  pardoned  their  offences,  and  received  from 
his  peers  their  renewed  oaths  of  fealty. 

These  lords,  however,  upon  the  same  clay  that  they 
had  assured  their  captive  monarch  of  their  allegiance, 
quarrelled  amongst  themselves.  Some  high  words 
passed  between  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  Lord  Crom- 
well in  the  King's  presence,  each  seeking  to  excuse 
his  own  conduct  relative  to  the  battle  of  St.  Alban's  ;  at 
length,  on  Warwick  accusing  Lord  Cromwell  of  being 
the  first  instigator  of  the  late  rebellion,  so  much  anger 
was  excited,  that,  fearing  some  danger  to  himself, 
Cromwell  made  an  appeal  to  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury, 
who,  for  his  protection,  lodged  him  in  the  Hospital  of 
St.  James's,  beside  the  Mews.f 

The  spirit  of  contention  was  spreading  through  the  li' 
metropolis ;  civil  commotions  disturbed  the  peace  of 
the  city.  The  lawless  inhabitants  of  St.  Martin's 
exhibited  at  this  time  more  boldness  and  audacity  than 
they  had  done  before.  In  a  body  they  issued  forth  on 
one  occasion,  and  assaulted  and  wounded  several  of 
the  citizens,  and  then  withdrew  into  the  Sanctuary. 
The  Mayor  and  Aldermen,  heading  the  citizens,  forced 
open  the  gates  of  St.  Martin's,  and  secured  the  ring- 
leaders. The  Dean  complained  of  breach  of  privilege  ; 
and  the  King  sent  for  the  Mayor  to  come  to  him,  in 

*  Pol.  Vergil ;   Baker  ;   Holinshed  ;    Sandford  ;   Pastor.  Letters  ;   Stow  ; 
Rymer  ;  Lingard. 
f  Stow  ;  Rot.  Pari. ;  Carte  ;  Paston  Letters ;  Lingard. 


14  MAEGAEET   OP   ANJOTJ. 

Hertfordshire  ;  but  more  respect  was  afterwards  shown 
to  the  citizens,  who  detained  their  prisoners  until  a 
further  investigation  of  the  affair.  Another  serious 
affray  occurred  in  the  following  year,  between  the 
citizens  and  the  foreigners  residing  in  London,  when 
the  men  of  the  Sanctuary  joined  in  the  plunder  of  the 
unfortunate  strangers.0 

It  would  be  difficult  to  exhibit  faithfully  the  con- 
vulsed and  agitated  state  of  society  in  England  during 
this  brief  season,  the  Protectorate  of  York. 

After  the  battle  of  St.  Alban's  continual  quarrels 
arose  between  the  two  parties,  the  first  being  that 
between  Warwick  and  Cromwell  before  the  King. 
From  this  time  the  Yorkists,  ever  apprehensive  of 
some  danger  to  themselves,  wore  armour  in  the 
streets,  and  carried  offensive  weapons  in  their  barges. 
It  was  in  vain  that  the  King  forbade  this  hostile 
array.  The  fierce  spirit  of  the  two  factions  was  so 
easily  excited,  that  even  upon  an  idle  rumour  they 
drew  their  swords,  and  were  ready  to  shed  each 
other's  blood.  Gradually  the  same  state  of  public 
feeling  and  excitement  spread  throughout  the  king- 
dom, and  lawlessness  and  anarchy  became  general. 
The  nobles,  thirsting  for  each  other's  possessions,  and 
setting  no  bounds  to  their  ambition  or  to  their  private 
pique,  seemed  to  be  no  longer  amenable  to  justice  or 
to  the  laws.  The  age  of  barbarism  appeared  to  have 
returned. 

The  remote  parts  of  England  were  no  less  troubled 
with  frequent  riots  and  depredations ;  and  in  the  west, 
the  ancient  feucl  of  Courtnev,  Earl  of  Devonshire,  and 
William,  Lord  Bonville  of  Shute,  still  threatened  to 
involve  in  its  pitiless  fury  even  the  innocent,  as  victims 
1455.  of  party  rage.  The  affray  between  these  two  noble- 
PaJstonie(  '  men,  which  caused  great  consternation,  occurred  upon 

*  Paston  Letters. 


Letters. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  15 

Cliftheath,  near  Exeter.0  The  occasion  of  their 
quarrel  was  but  trivial ;  some  say  a  clog,  others  a 
couple  of  hounds ;  but  no  mediation  of  friends  could 
appease  the  wrath  of  these  noblemen,  until  a  single 
combat  had  ensued  at  Cliftheath,  and  ultimately  many 
were  slain,  or  wounded,  on  both  sides.  Lord  Bonville 
was  victorious,  and  soon  after  came  to  Exeter  to  take 
shelter,  when  the  citizens  threw  open  their  gates  to 
receive  him,  at  which  the  Earl  of  Devonshire  took 
such  displeasure,  thinking  that  it  was  done  out  of  dis- 
respect to  himself,  that  he  constantly,  from  that  time, 
endeavoured  to  be  revenged,  j" 

It  is  a  painful  task  for  the  truthful  historian  to  nar- 
rate the  instances  of  summary  vengeance  too  often 
taken  by  the  turbulent  leaders  of  factions.  A  melan- 
choly record  exhibits  one  of  the  results  of  this  feud. 

When  the  variance  between  Lord  Bonville  and 
the  Earl  of  Devonshire  had  continued  many  days,  and, 
as  the  chronicler  adds,  "  much  debate  was  like  to  grow 
"  thereby,"  on  the  23rd  of  October,  at  night,  the  son 
of  the  Earl  of  Devonshire  came,  accompanied  by  sixty 
"  men-at-arms,"  to  Radford's  Place,  in  Devonshire. 
Nicholas  Radford,  who  was  an  eminent  lawyer,  lived 
at  Poghill,  near  Kyrton.  This  infirm  old  man,  an 
adherent  of  Bonville,  was  prevailed  upon  by  some 
stratagem  to  open  his  gates  to  this  party,  who  plundered 
his  residence,  and  after  various  kinds  of  ill-treatment, 
barbarously  murdered  him.  This  conduct,  directed  by 
the  son  and  heir  of  the  Earl  of  Devonshire,  shows  the 
lawless  violence  of  the  times.J 

These  outrages  demanded  the  prompt  attention  of 

*  Some  date  this  affray  in  1453.  W.  of  Worcester  tells  us  that  Bonville 
was  besieged  in  Taunton  Castle  by  this  earl,  and  that  the  Duke  of  York, 
with  Lord  Moleyns,  William  Herbert,  and  others  took  them  by  surprise,  after 
which  Bonville  joined  the  Yorkists. 

f  Holinshed  ;  Izaacke's  Exeter  ;  Worthies  of  Devon. 

%  Paston  Letters  ;  Carte. 


16  MAEGAEET    OF   AXJOU. 

the  "Protector,"  who  repaired  immediately  to  the 
West,  to  put  an  end  to  the  tumults  and  appease  the 
two  irascible  noblemen,  and  to  terminate  their  quarrel. 
In  all  these  his  endeavours  at  pacification  the  Duke 
of  York  was  successful,  but  his  absence  from  the 
metropolis  greatly  favoured  the  party  of  the  Lancas- 
trians, which  was  now  beginning  to  recover  some  of 
its  former  influence. 

The  activity  of  Queen  Margaret,  when  not  engaged 
in  warfare,  is  very  remarkable.  She  was  always  inde- 
fatigable in  visiting  the  places  where  she  hoped  to  find 
succour,  or  in  forming  acquaintance  with  such  persons 
H55.  as  were  likely  to  assist  her  cause.  In  her  progress 
this  year,  the  Queen  honoured  the  city  of  Chester0  with 
her  presence ;  she  was  accompanied  by  many  lords 
and  ladies,  and  was  graciously  received  and  welcomed 
by  the  mayor  and  the  citizens. | 
1455.  It  was  on  the  25th  of  November  of  this  year  that 

Chester.*  George  Neville,  the  second  son  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury, 
was  elected  and  consecrated  Bishop  of  Chester,  being, 
at  that  time,  not  quite  twenty  years  of  age.  Five  years 
afterwards  he  was  made  Lord  Chancellor.  J 

The  beauty  and  wit  of  Queen  Margaret,  aided  by 
her  intellectual  qualities,  rendered  her  condescensions 
agreeable  to  all  classes  of  her  subjects  to  whom  she 
made  herself  known.  She  was  fond  of  learning,  and 
acquainted  with  all  those  accomplishments  which  in 
her  age  were  deemed  desirable  for  a  woman  to  possess ; 
and  these,  doubtless,  contributed  to  endear  her  to  the 
King,  her  husband,  and  gave  her  such  great  influence 
over  his  mind,  which  influence,  we  are  told,  was 
unbounded. 

Henry  the  Sixth,  himself  a  learned  prince,  found  in 

*  Some  writers  say  that  this  progress  of  Queen  Margaret  was  in  14.53. 
+  Holinshed  ;   Annals  of  Chester  ;    Harl.   MSS. ;    Lysons'  Mag.  Brit.  ; 
Heningay's  Hist,  of  Chester. 
i.  Izaacke's  Chester. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  17 

his  beloved  consort  an  agreeable  companion,  and  one 
who  could  assist  and  participate  in  his  favourite  studies. 
It  may  therefore  be  presumed  that  their  frequent  pro- 
gresses through  the  country  were  peculiarly  pleasing 
to  King  Henry,  and  no  less  gratifying  to  the  Queen, 
had  not  the  anxiety  she  had  begun  to  feel  for  the  safety 
of  her  crown,  served  to  counterbalance  her  enjoyments. 
The  style  and  manner  in  which  King  Henry  addresses 
the  Queen,  and  their  confidence,  which  appears  to  have 
been  mutual,  is  pleasing  to  dwell  upon.  The  King 
writes,  concerning  the  woods  of  Kenilworth  (included 
with  others  in  the  dowry  of  Margaret),  and  which  were 
entirely  under  her  control,  "Right  dere  and  right 
"  entirely  best  beloved  wyf,  we  grete  you  hertly.  And 
"  forasmoche  as  We,  of  oure  grace  especiall,  have 
"  granted  unto  John  Barham  X  oks  for  tymbre,  to  be 
"  taken  in  your  outwods  of  Kenelworth,  of  our  yefte,  We 
"  therefore  desire  and  praye  you,  that  ye  wol  see  that 
"  the  said  John  may  have  c^lyverance  of  the  said  oks, 
"  after  th'  'entent  of  oure  saide  grante,  etc.,  etc. 
"  Yeven,  etc.,  the  yere  of  oure  reign,  xxvii.  (1449). 

"To  our  right  dere  wyf  the  Queen."0 

Queen  Margaret  went  to  visit  her  favourite  city  of     145* 
Coventry  in  1455,  accompanied  by  King  Henry  and 
her  little  son.     She  arrived  there  on  the  Feast  of  the 
exaltation  of  the  Holy  Cross ;  and  many  curious  and 
quaint  pageants  were  exhibited  at  her  reception. 

At  the  gate  she  was  addressed  by  Isaiah  and  Jere- 
miah, as  Empress  and  Queen  ;  and  they  also  congratu- 
lated her  on  the  birth  of  her  son.  Also,  at  the  church 
gate,  King  Edward  the  Confessor,  St.  John  the  Evan- 
gelist, and  St.  Margaret,  each  addressed  the  Queen 
and  Prince  in  verse  ;  and  these  lines,  from  their  singu- 
larity, have  been  deemed  worthy  of  recording.  They 
run  thus : — 

*  Letters  of  Queen  Margaret  of  Anjou,  edited  by  Cecil  Monroe. 
vol.  ir.  c 


Lvsms. 


18  MARGAKET    OF    AXJOTJ. 

(St.  Echcard.)     "  Model  of  mekenes,  dame  Margarete,  princess  most  excellent, 
1 '  I,  King  Edward,  welknowe  you  with  affection  cordial, 
' '  Testefying  to  your  higlines  mekely  myne  intent 
"  For  tlie  wele  of  the  King  and  you,  liertily  pray  I  shall 
' '  And  for  prince  Edward  my  gostly  chylde,  who  I  love  principal, 
' '  Praying  the,  John  Evangelist,  my  help  therin  to  be 
"  On  that  condition  right  humbly  I  give  this  ring  to  thee." 

(John  Evangelist.)     "  Holy  Edward,  crowned  king,  brother  in  verginity, 
' "  My  power  plainly  I  will  prefer  thy  will  to  amplefy, 
1 '  Most  excellent  princes  of  wymen  mortal,  your  bedeman  will  I  be. 
'  •'  I  know  your  life  so  virtuous  that  God  is  pleased  thereby 
' '  The  birth  of  you  unto  this  reme  shall  cause  great  melody  : 
1 '  The  vertuous  voice  of  prince  Edward  shall  dayly  well  encrease, 
"  St.  Edward  his  godfader,  and  I  shall  pray  therefore  doubtlese." 

(St.  Margaret)     "  Most  notable  princes  of  wymen  earthle,  Dame  Margarete,  the 
chefe  myrth  of  this  empyi*e, 
"  Ye  be  hertely  welcome  to  this  cyte. 
' '  To  the  plesure  of  your  highnesse  I  will  set  my  desyre  ; 
"  Both  nature  and  gentleness  doth  me  require, 
' '  Sith  we  be  both  of  one  name,  to  shew  you  kindness  ; 
"  Wherefore  by  my  power  ye  shall  have  no  distress. 
' '  I  shall  pray  to  the  Prince  that  is  endlese, 
' '  To  sucour  you  with  solas  of  his  high  grace  ; 
"  He  will  here  my  petition,  this  is  doubtlesse, 
' '  For  I  wrought  all  my  life  that,  his  will  wase, 
' '  Therefore  lacly,  when  you  be  in  any  dreadful  case, 
' '  Call  on  me  boldly  therefore  I  pray  you, 
"  And  trust  in  me  feythfully,  I  will  do  that  may  pay  you."  * 

There  was  also  a  pageant  of  the  nine  worthies, 
in  which  "  Hector  welcomed  her  tenderly,"  and  at  the 
cross  were  "  divers  angels." 

Joshua  promised  to  fight  for  her  as  "  knvghte  for 
"  hys  ladye,"  and  David  eulogized  her  many  virtues. 
The  conduit  was  "arraied"  "  with  as  many  vergyns 
"  as  might  stande  thereon,"  and  a  a  grete  dragon, 
"  breathing  flames,  and  St.  Margaret  killing  him  "  (as 
in  her  legend),  at  the  same  time  assuring  her  namesake 
"quean  that,  both  nature  and  gentilness  bound  her 
"  to  do  all  kindness  to  Margaret  of  Anjou." 

The  city  of  Coventry  was  at  this  time  well  worthy 
of  royal  notice.     In  the  ancient  records  it  is  called  the 

*  Warton's  Eng.  Poetiy. 


MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  19 

"  Prince's  Chamber,"  °  and  it  was  chosen  to  be  one  of 
the  first  visited  by  the  infant  Edward.  The  notice  of 
its  fair  sovereign  also  obtained  for  this  city  the  appella- 
tion of  the  "  Queen's  Chamber,"  and  that  it  was  particu- 
larly favoured  by  Queen  Margaret  is  evident,  from  its 
being  likewise  styled  the  "secret  harbour,"  or  "bower" 
of  that  Queen. 

When  Henry  VI.  came  to  Coventry  in  1451,  he 
constituted  this  city  with  the  contiguous  district  into  a 
separate  county,  independent  of  the  county  of  War- 
wick. He  also  conferred  many  favours  on  Coventry 
at  that  time.  He  created  the  first  sheriff,  and  pre- 
sented a  gown  of  cloth  of  gold  to  St.  Michael's  church, 
where  he  attended  mass.  Coventry  was  the  resort  of 
devotees,  and  had  numerous  splendid  religious  build- 
ings, and  its  massive  embattled  walls  were  in  high 
state  of  preservation.  Its  merchants,  too,  were 
spirited  and  enterprising,  as  well  as  rich  and  generous. 
The  citizens  of  Coventry  zealously  supported  King 
Henry  in  all  the  contests  between  the  two  Houses  of 
York  and  Lancaster,  and  vainly  did  King  Edward  IV. 
seek  to  win  over  that  city,  when  he  came  in  1465,  and 
kept  festival  there.  He  could  not  shake  the  fidelity 
of  the  inhabitants  to  their  beloved  monarch. 

The  most  beautiful  buildings  of  Coventry  were 
•erected  during  the  reign  of  Henry  VI.,  and  of  these 
the  body  of  St.  Michael's  Church  and  St.  Mary's  Hall 
are  the  most  remarkable.  Within  the  hall  of  St. 
Mary's  were  portrayed,  on  the  splendid  tapestry  with 
which  it  was  adorned,  the  portraits  of  King  Henry 
and  his  consort,  each  with  their  attendants  ;  and  as 
the  tapestry  was  made,  and  affixed  there,  during  the 

*  London  was  then  called  the  "  King's  Chamber,"  or  "  Camera  Regia,"  a 
title,  Camden  tells  us,  it  obtained  soon  after  the  Conquest.  Lydgate,  writing 
of  London,  says,  "  The  King's  Chambre  of  custom,  men  the  calle." 

c  2 


20  MARGARET    OF   ASTJOTJ. 

lifetime  of  these   sovereigns,  the  portraits  may  be  re- 
garded as  authentic. 
H56.  The  chief  purpose  of  the  Queen  s  visit  to  Coventry 

appears  to  have  been  to  remove  and  guard  the  King 
from  the  machinations  of  the  Yorkists.0  Queen  Mar- 
garet also  vent  to  Bristol,  in  1456,  with  many  of  the 
nobility,  and  was  received  there  with  much  honour  and 
well  entertained. | 

In  this  year  she  likewise  revisited  Chester,  and  by 
her  courtesy  and  regal  hospitality,  gained  the  hearts  of 
the  people  of  that  city,  i  While  the  Queen  was  at 
Chester  King  Henry  remained  at  Shene,  having  as  his 
only  companion  his  half-brother  the  Earl  of  Pembroke, 
whilst  the  Earl  of  Richmond,  his  other  brother,  and 
Griffith  were  engaged  in  war  in  Wales.§ 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  was  at  Warwick  about  this 
time,  and  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  at  Writtle.  The 
Earl  of  Salisbury,  who  was  Chancellor  and  Treasurer, 
was  the  only  lord  who  was  staying  in  London  on  the 
dav  of  the  commencement  of  the  great  Council.  As 
for  the  Duke  of  York,  though  Calais  and  Guisnes  were 
threatened  with  siege,  and  many  fleets  upon  the  seas ; 
though  Kentish  men  were  again  rebellious  and  "much 
in  doing "  amongst  them ;  yet,  says  the  writer  of 
these  "novelties,"  "my  Lord  of  York  is  still  at 
"  Sandall,  and  waiteth  on  the  Queen,  and  she  upon 
"  him."  Their  mutual  suspicion  made  them  watch 
each  other's  movements. 

The  Duke  of  York,  after  having  established  his 
authority  as  Protector,  made  no  further  attempts  to 

*  Hall;  Lond.  Chron.:  Pennant;  Fabyan ;  Henry  ;  Smith's  Costume  of 
Brit. ;  Encyclopaedia  Britannica. 

f  Seyer's  Memoirs  of  Bristol. 

i.  Heningay's  Chester. 

§  The  Earl  of  Richmond  died  in  November  of  145G.  He  had  married, 
about  the  year  14.">5,  Lady  Margaret  Beaufort,  daughter  of  theDuke  of  Somer- 
set, and  their  son  was  but  an  infant  at  his  father's  death.  He  afterwards 
conquered  Richard  III.  and  succeeded  to  the  English  throne. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  21 

advance  himself,  but  gave  himself  up  to  a  life  of 
apparent  security  and  indifference,  which  surprised 
even  his  enemies  ;  and  whilst  he  permitted  the  King 
and  Queen  to  remain  at  liberty,  he  vainly  imagined 
that  they  could  not  deprive  him  of  the  Protectorate. 

Thinking  it  too  dangerous  to  lay  open  claims  to  a 
crown  which,  for  fifty-six  years  had  been  worn  by 
the  Lancastrians,  he  contentedly  awaited  a  more 
favourable  season  for  the  consummation  of  his  am- 
bitious projects ;  meanwhile,  seeking  to  secure  the 
favour  of  the  people,  as  the  only  certain  means  for 
its  attainment.  By  a  show  of  equity  and  moderation, 
the  Duke  sought  to  win  the  affections  of  the  people, 
and  to  undermine  the  Queen's  credit ;  yet  the  irresolu- 
tion which  he  manifested  at  the  same  time,  served  to 
balance  the  power  between  the  two  parties  ;  for,  while 
it  restrained  him  from  openly  asserting  his  claims  to 
the  crown,  at  so  favourable  a  juncture,  it  no  less  per- 
mitted the  Queen  to  preserve  her  influence  by  means 
of  her  superior  energy  and  firmness  of  character. 

Queen  Margaret  easily  penetrated  the  design  of  her 
adversary,  and  was  not  slow  in  exerting  herself  to 
disappoint  it.  Her  lofty  and  enterprising  spirit  was 
not  discouraged  by  difficulty  or  danger,  and  she  sought 
every  opportunity  to  oppose  the  pretensions  of  the 
Duke.  Displeased  with  the  late  proceedings,  the 
Queen  endeavoured  to  excite  a  spirit  of  resistance  in 
the  Lords  of  her  party,  representing  to  Humphry 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  that  these  traitors  had  slain  his 
son  at  St.  Alban's,  and  to  Hemy,  Duke  of  Somerset, 
who  had  succeeded  his  father  in  the  dukedom,  that  it 
was  these  rebels  who  had  also  killed  his  father.  Both 
these  noblemen  were  attached  to  their  King,  and 
grieved  at  his  adverse  situation ;  and  they  reminded 
the  Queen  of  the  indignity  done  to  her  by  the  Yorkists, 
in  depriving  her  husband,  King  Henry  of  all  authority, 


22  MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU. 

while  they  ruled  themselves  with  despotic  power ;  thus 
they  sought  to  rouse  her  to  opposition.  Most  of  the 
Lancastrian  Lords,  being  well  aware  of  the  intentions 
of  the  Duke  of  York,  which  only  waited  a  fitting  time 
for  execution,  were  eager  to  oppose  his  attempts  at 
the  crown,  and  had  resolved  to  take  some  steps 
against  the  usurper.  Some  writers  say  that  the 
Dukes  of  Somerset  and  Buckingham,  with  other 
Lords,  first  went  to  Queen  Margaret  secretly,  and  ac- 
quainted her  with  their  determination,  representing  to 
her  that  the  Duke  of  York  sought  to  deceive  the 
King,  and  even,  unawares,  to  kill  him ;  and  they  urged 
her  timely  exertions  to  prevent  these  evil  conse- 
quences, and  required  her  to  remove  King  Henry 
from  these  wicked  counsellors.  Upon  this  admoni- 
tion, Queen  Margaret,  who  was  much  affected,  and 
alarmed  for  her  own  and  her  husband's  safety,  seized 
the  opportunity,  not  many  days  after,  to  prevail  upon 
the  King,  under  pretence  of  seeking  a  more  whole- 
some residence,  to  repair  to  Coventry. 

This  city  was  ever  devoted  to  the  interests  of  Queen 
Margaret ;  and  afforded  her  a  haven  of  refuge  in  all 
the  political  storms  which  threatened  to  destroy  her 
peace,  or  her  life.  It  was  in  this  city  that  King 
Henry,  perceiving  his  imminent  peril  at  this  time,  as- 
sembled his  friends  and  adherents,  and  took  measures 
for  his  future  safety.  After  mature  deliberation  it  was 
resolved  that  the  Duke  of  York  should  be  deprived  of 
his  office  as  "  Protector,"  and  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  of 
his,  as  Chancellor.  By  command  of  the  Queen  a 
Council  was  called  for  this  purpose,  to  assemble  at 
Greenwich.* 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  Queen  would 
suffer  the  Duke  of  York  to  retain  very  long  his  office, 

*  Holinsked  ;   Sandford  ;    Baker  ;    Stow  ;    Milles's  Catalogue  ;    Rapin  ; 
Pol.  Vergil ;  Lingard;  Hume. 


MARGARET  OF  ANJOU.  23 

which  gave  him  such  great  influence  in  the  kingdom; 
and  she  soon  found  a  pretext  for  his  removal  in  the 
restoration   of  the  King's   health.     During  a  tempo- 
rary absence  of  the  Duke,  Queen  Margaret  caused  the      1456. 
King  to  appear  in  Council,   and  there,   after  stating  Hume; 
that,  by  the  grace   of  God,  he  had  been  restored  to  ^^d: 
health,  and  found  himself  again  able  to  undertake  the 
government  of  the  kingdom,  he  demanded  the  Duke 
of  York's  resignation. 

The  members  of  Parliament  who  were  present 
readily  agreed  to  the  dismissal  of  the  Duke,  either 
considering  this  demand  was  reasonable,  or  being 
secretly  won  over  by  the  royalists.* 

The  Duke  of  York  was  accordingly  deprived  of  his 
office  on  the  25th  of  February,  1456,  and  the  Earl  of 
Salisbury  displaced.  These  noblemen,  as  well  as  the 
Earl  of  Warwick,  were  summoned  to  appear  before 
the  Council,  at  Greenwich,  but  they  did  not  obey  the 
command,  affirming  "  that  no  power  could  call  them 
ic  to  account."  t  The  unconcern  of  the  Duke  had 
arisen  from  the  opinion  of  his  security  in  his  office  of 
"  Protector : '  he  was  therefore  thunderstruck  on 
finding  himself  so  suddenly,  and  unexpectedly,  re- 
moved from  his  dignity ;  but,  conscious  that  the 
power  which  had  effected  it  was  too  strong  to  be 
overcome,  he  smothered  his  resentment,  and  appeared 
to  acquiesce  in  the  new  arrangement.  His  friends 
followed  his  example ;  and,  under  the  plea,  that  they 
had  no  employment  at  Court,  they  all,  soon^afterwards, 
withdrew  into  Yorkshire.  Here  frequent  conferences 
were  held  by  Salisbury  and  Warwick  with  the  Duke  of 
York ;  and  Queen  Margaret,  fearing  some  treason, 
resolved  to  break   their  confederacy. J      Queen  Mar- 

*  Stow  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Fabyan  ;  Eapin  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard;  Henry  ; 
Nicolas' s  Acts  of  Privy  Council.      f  Sanclford  ;  Baker  ;  Lingard  ;  Fabyan. 

%  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Hume  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  Holinshed  ;  Sir  H. 
Nicolas's  Proceedings  of  Council. 


24  MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

garet  called  to  the  royal  Council  the  Dukes  of  Buck- 
ingham and  Somerset,  and  Thomas  Bouchiere,  on  the 
11th  of  October,  resigned  the  Chancellorship  to  Wayn- 
fleet,  his  personal  friend.  The  gentle  character  of 
Henry  YI.  had  preserved  him  many  friends,  who  were 
unwilling  to  see  him  deprived  of  his  authority.  The 
sudden  change,  however,  from  the  administration  of 
the  Yorkists  to  that  of  Queen  Margaret,  who  governed 
again  entirely  according  to  her  own  will  and  pleasure, 
occasioned  some  commotions  in  London,  where  the 
majority  favoured  the  Duke  of  York.  So  powerful, 
indeed,  was  this  faction,  tnat  the  Queen  could  not  pro- 
ceed against  the  Duke  in  that  city,  and  even  judged 
the  person  of  the  King  unsafe  in  the  capital. 
1456.  Some  disturbances  had  arisen  there  on  15th  May, 

Letter*.  between  the  citizens  and  some  merchants  of  Lombardy, 
which  she  suspected  had  been  raised  by  the  Yorkists. 
It  is  indeed  probable  that  the  leaders  of  this  party 
took  some  share  in  these  turmoils,  of  which  many  false 
reports  were  circulated ;  viz.,  that  Lord  Beaumont 
was  slain,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  much  hurt,  that  1,000 
men  were  killed,  and  six  score  knights  and  esquires 
wounded.  Two  of  the  Lombards  were  hanged,  and 
peace  was  restored. 

The  Kino-  was  at  this  time  still  at  Shene  *  and  the 


*  It  has  been  said  that  no  trace  can  be  found  of  Henry  VI.  having  been 
at  Shene  ;  the  following  letter,  however,  shows  that  both  King  Henry  and 
Queen  Margaret  did  resort  thither,  at  any  rate  for  hunting  : — 
"  By  the  Quene, 

"  Trusty  and  welbeloved,  for  as  moche  as  we  suppose  that  in 
"  short  tyme,  we  shall  come  right  negh  unto  my  lord's  manoir  of  Shene,  we 
"  desire  and  praye  you  hertly  that  ye  will  kepe  ayeinst  one  resortinge 
"  thedre,  for  our  disporte  and  recreation,  two  or  iii  of  the  gretest  bukkes  in 
"  my  lord's  pare  there,  saving  alwayes  my  lord's  owne  commandment  there 
"  in  his  presence.  As  we  trust,  etc.  To  my  lord's  squier  and  ours,  J.  B., 
"  Keper  of  Shene  Parke,  or  his  depute  there. " 

There  is  no  means  of  fixing  the  date  of  this  letter. — Letters  of  Queen 
Margaret,  edited  by  Cecil  Monro. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  25 

Queen  and  Prince  at  Tutbury,  in  Staffordshire,  or,  as 
most  of  the  historians  say,  at  Coventry.* 

In  this  year  there    appears  to  have  been  a  little      1457. 
respite  from  domestic  feuds,  but  the  alarm  and  mis-  RaPhi.' 
trust  was  still  general,  and  these  were  doubtless  aug- 
mented by  the  frequent  incursions  of  foreign  enemies. 

A  party  of  Bretons  first  landed  on  the  coasts,  and 
committed  some  depredations,  but  was  repulsed. 
Then,  the  French,  taking  advantage  of  the  divisions 
among  the  English  nobility,  made  an  attempt  at  Fulney, 
or  Foy,t  m  Cornwall,  and  plundered  this  town  and 
some  others.  This  expedition  was  conducted  by 
William,  Lord  Poinyers.  Another,  and  a  more  con- 
siderable ^invasion,  on  the  part  of  the  French,  was 
headed  by  Pierre  de  Breze,  whose  forces  amounted  to 
1,500  men,  but  after  doing  some  injury  at  Sandwich, 
they  were  compelled  to  depart.^ 

The  French  historians  have  furnished  us  with  very 
minute  details  of  this  descent  upon  Sandwich,  which 
they  considered  reflected  much  glory  on  their  country- 
men. They  inform  us,  that  the  chief  originator  of  this 
enterprise  was  the  Queen  of  England.  It  may  not  be 
uninteresting  to  trace  these  details  ;  for,  in  so  doing,  we 
become  acquainted  with  the  source  of  this  movement, 
the  Queen's  motives,  and  the  great  power  of  the  Duke  of 
York,  at  this  early  commencement  of  the  civil  contest. § 

It  was  during  the  King's  inability  to  govern,  owing 
to  his  indisposition,  that  the  Duke  of  York  obtained 
supreme  authority,  in  the  year  1454 ;  when,  taking 
advantage  of  his  high  position,  he  showed  great  favour 
to  the  family  of  Douglas,  in  opposition  to  the  Scottish 
monarch  James  II.,  who,  in  conjunction  with  France, 
maintained  the  interests  of  Henry  VI. 

*  Stow  ;  Holinshed  ;  Rapin. 

t  Fowey. 

J  Monstrelet. 

§  Baker  ;  Howel ;  Stow ;  London  Chron. ;  Monstrelet  ;  Paston  Letters. 


26 


MAKGARET  OF  ANJOU. 


1457. 
Pinkerton. 


The  Earl  of  Douglas,  in  rebellion  with  his  own 
sovereign,  sought  the  protection  and  allegiance  of  the 
King  of  England.*  By  the  Yorkists  he  was  freely 
admitted  to  the  titles  of  an  English  subject,  and  a 
pension  granted  him  for  his  services  until  he  should 
recover  his  estates,  of  which  King  James  had  deprived 
him.  This  monarch  was  enraged  at  the  reception  of 
Douglas  in  this  country  ;  and,  entering  the  northern 
counties,  ravaged  Northumberland  with  fire  and  sword, 
and  levelled  many  castles  with  the  ground. 

Hearing  of  the  recovery  of  King  Henry,  in  1455, 
that  monarch  intended  to  dismiss  an  embassy  to 
England,  but  when  the  battle  of  St.  Alban's  restored 
the  power  of  the  Yorkists,  he  abandoned  his  purpose. 
No  sooner,  however,  did  the  Lancastrians  resume  their 
authority,  than  the  Scots  negotiated  a  truce  with  this 
country,  which  was  signed  at  Coventry  in  1457,  to  be 
continued  until  July,  1459.  | 

Queen  Margaret  on  her  part  must  have  been  anxious 
to  form  close  ties  with  Scotland,  and  by  every  possible 
means  to  counteract  the  growing  power  of  that  party, 
whose  rebellious  spirit  even  threatened  to  desolate  the 
kingdom.  It  is  evident  from  the  preceding  circum- 
stances how  much  the  Duke  of  York  must  have  incensed 
the  Queen  and  her  party  by  his  astonishing  boldness, 
in  giving  shelter  to  the  Scottish  chief,  and  by  this  act, 
exciting  a  warfare  with  the  sister-kingdom,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  efforts  of  the  royalists  to  preserve  peace. 
We  are  told  that  Queen  Margaret,  perceiving  the  force 
of  the  tide  against  her,  thought  to  make  a  diversion  in 
her  own  favour,  by  means  of  a  descent  of  the  French 
on  the  English  coast,  hoping  by  their  assistance  to 
injure,  if  not  to  destroy,  the  faction  of  York 4 

*  Douglas  continued  in  this  allegiance  until  the  reign  of  Richard  III. 

f  Pinkerton. 

J  Daniel's  Hist,  of  France  ;  Monstrelet. 


MARGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ.  27 

To  accomplish  her  purpose,  the  Queen  interposed 
the  influence  of  her  father,  Rene  of  Anjou,  and  her 
uncle  the  Count  of  Maine,  who  together  incited  the 
King  of  France  to  this  enterprise.  It  was  confided  to 
Pierre  de  Breze,  the  Seneschal  of  Normandy,  who  was 
accompanied  by  the  bailiff  of  Evreux,  and  many  other 
lords  and  men-at-arms. 

They  sailed  with  a  fleet  equipped  at  Honfleur,  con- 
sisting of  4000  soldiers.  They  set  out  on  the  20th  of 
August,  and  were  driven  into  Nantes  by  stress  of 
weather ;  thus  they  did  not  reach  the  coast  of  England 
until  the  28th  of  August,  of  this  year  1457.  De  Breze  Daniel;' 
landed  two  leagues  from  Sandwich,  and  dividing  his  Monstrelet- 
troops  into  three  bodies,  each  having  a  brave  leader, 
he  commanded  them  to  attack  the  town  on  the  land 
side,  while  he  endeavoured  to  force  the  place  by  the 
port. 

The  English  were  totally  unprepared  for  this 
assault.  There  were  in  this  port  three  vessels  of  war, 
of  the  largest  size,  and  several  smaller  ones,  filled  with 
troops,  who  resolved  to  fight  desperately.  A  herald  was 
sent  to  them  by  De  Breze,  to  inform  them  that  if  they 
fired  a  single  cannon,  or  drew  a  bow,  they  should  have 
no  quarter ;  but  that,  if  they  ceased  from  hostilities,  he 
would  allow  them  to  quit  their  vessels  uninjured. 
These  conditions  were  accepted.  The  Seneschal  made 
his  descent  with  great  order  and  vigour ;  and  the  port 
was  taken  by  Pierre  de  Louvaine.  The  resistance  was 
greater  on  the  land  side,  and  many  were  slain  ;  but 
the  French,  sword  in  hand,  entered  the  town ;  and 
about  the  same  time  that  the  port  was  taken,  a  fierce 
and  bloody  combat  ensued,  the  English  defending 
their  town  with  great  courage  ;  but  at  last  they  yielded, 
and  the  invaders  hoisted  their  banners  on  the  gates, 
under  which  they  formed  themselves  in  battle  array, 
and  for  ten  hours  the  bailiff  of  Evreux  with  some  troops 


28  MARGAKET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

guarded  the  city  without,  while  the  town  was  pillaged 
by  those  who  had  entered  it. 

The  Seneschal  upon  this  occasion  justified  the  renown 
he  had  acquired.  He  forbade  his  followers,  under  pain 
of  death,  to  touch  the  effects  of  the  churches,  to  set 
fire  to  the  houses,  to  attempt  the  honour  of  the  women, 
or  to  kill  any  one  in  cold  blood,  all  which  commands 
were  strictly  obeyed.  A  moderation,  so  unusual  in 
those  times,  obtained  for  this  general  the  commenda- 
tions, even  of  his  enemies.  The  English  hastened  from 
all  parts  in  great  numbers  to  the  aid  of  the  town,  and 
skirmishes  were  kept  up  for  six  hours  ;  many  were 
slain  on  both  sides,  but  at  last  the  French  made  a 
retreat.  They  effected  this  with  much  order,  carrying 
off  considerable  booty  and  many  prisoners,  who  were 
afterwards  ransomed.  In  this  attack  300  of  the  English 
were  killed,  but  only  thirty  of  the  French  troops,  whose 
numbers  amounted,  according  to  Monstrelet,  to  between 
1600  and  1800°  combatants. 

Besides  the  Seneschal,  all  who  shared  in  this  enter- 
prise gained  great  renown  by  it,  and  as  a  reward  for 
their  valour,  twenty  of  them  were  honoured  with 
knighthood. 

This  expedition  produced,  in  part,  the  effect  which 
the  Queen  had  expected.  To  guard  their  coasts,  the 
English  removed  from  the  frontiers  of  Scotland,  but 
the  terror  of  the  arms  of  France  was  not  enough  to 
reunite  the  twopowerful  factions  of  York  and  Lancaster,  f 
1457.  Richard  Neville,  Earl  of  Salisbury,  on  the  2nd  of 

Liters.  April,  in  1457,  had  the  great  seal  delivered  to  him. 
Robert  Neville,  Bishop  of  Durham,  died  this  year,  who 
was  a  son  of  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland  :  he  had  filled 
this  office  nineteen  years.  Laurence  Booth  was  then 
consecrated  on  the  15th  of  September,  and  filled  his 

*  Other  writers  say  1500. 

f  Daniel ;  Carte  ;  Monstrelet  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Davies's  Eng.  Chron. 


Hume. 


MAKGABET  OF  ANJOU.  29 

place  as  Bishop  of  Durham.  He  afterwards  became 
Lord  Chancellor.  He  built  the  gates  of  the  College  at 
Auckland  at  his  own  expense,  and  wras,  twenty  years 
later,  translated  to  York.0 

Several  authors  relate,  that  in  this  year,  or  in  the  „  145,7- 

,  .  Davies  s 

beginning  of  1458,  the  Earl  of  Devonshire  was  put  chron. 
to  death  in  the  Abbey  of  Abingdon  by  means  of 
poison.  He  was  at  that  time  with  Queen  Margaret, 
and  his  life,  it  is  said,  was  sacrificed  to  appease  the 
malice  between  the  young  lords  (whose  fathers  were 
slain  at  St.  Alban's),  and  those  who  adhered  to  the 
Duke  of  York.f 

Perceiving  the  small  respect  paid  to  her  party  by  1457. 
the  Londoners,  Queen  Margaret  persuaded  the  King  Lmgard; 
to  make  a  progress  into  Warwickshire,  under  pretence 
of  benefiting  his  health,  and  affording  him  recreation. 
The  King  set  out,  amusing  himself  with  hunting  and 
hawking  by  the  wray,  and  the  Queen  was  apparently 
occupied  with  nothing  but  these  pastimes.  Amidst 
these  sports,  however,  and  while  they  stayed  at 
Coventry,  Margaret  did  not  forget  her  projects  for  dis- 
placing and  getting  rid  of  her  enemies.  She  dismissed 
kind  letters  to  the  Duke  of  York  and  his  friends,  who 
had  retired  into  the  north,  requiring  their  immediate 
presence  at  the  court,  then  held  at  Coventry,  to  consult 
on  a  matter  of  great  importance. 

In  giving  this  invitation  to  the  rebellious  lords,  the 
Queen  has  been  accused  of  having  formed  some  design 
against  them ;  and  that,  finding  herself  at  the  head  of 
a  feeble  government,  totally  unable  to  take  any 
vigorous  measures  by  which  to  restore  tranquillity  to 
the  kingdom,  she  allowed  her  fears,  or  her  hatred,  to 
prevail  over  the  nobler  feelings  of  her  nature,  and 
sought  to  get  rid  of  her  enemies  by  treacherous  means. 

*  Paston  Letters  ;  Antiquities  of  Durham  ;  Carter's  Cambridge, 
f  Holinshed  ;  Stow  ;  Davies's  Eng.  Chron. 


30  MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

To  effect  this  object,  she  is  said  to  have  removed  the 
King  to  Coventry,  where,  it  was  probable,  less  favour 
would  be  shown  to  the  rebellious  lords  than  in  the 
capital.*  It  may  be  alleged  as  some  excuse  for  this 
attempt,  if  indeed  this  charge  be  true  (for  it  has  not 
been  explained),  that  the  Duke  of  York  was  an  enemy 
the  more  dangerous,  inasmuch  as  his  designs  were  not 
openly  asserted ;  and  the  caution  with  which  he  pro- 
ceeded, colouring  his  actions  with  a  view  to  the  public 
good,  prevented  any  legal  steps  being  taken  against 
him.  He  had  indeed  become  a  formidable  adversary,  it 
being  impossible  to  prove  anything  against  him. 

His  intentions,  however,  though  disguised  from  the 
public,  could  not  be  so  easily  concealed  from  Queen 
Margaret,  who  was  so  deeply  interested  in  opposing 
him,  and  who  possessed  such  talents  and  penetration,  f 
The  Duke  of  York  was  aware  of  this  ;  and  it  argues 
much  in  the  Queen's  favour,  that  he  set  out  without 
any  apprehension  of  danger,  accompanied  by  his  two 
friends,  Salisbury  and  Warwick,  in  order  to  obey  her 
royal  commands  and  repair  to  Coventry. 

These  partisans  even  flattered  themselves  that  the 
King  had  at  last  discovered  the  mismanagement  of  his 
counsellors,  and  required  their  presence,  to  assist  him 
in  forming  new  arrangements  ;  but  they  were  quickly 
undeceived.  On  their  way  they  were  met  by  some 
secret  messengers,  who  assured  them  that  they  would 
be  unsafe  in  the  city  to  which  they  were  proceeding. 
This  intelligence  arrested  the  progress  of  these  lords, 
who  instantly  concerted  new  plans  ;  and  they  all  sepa- 
rated. The  Duke  of  York  retired  to  his  castle  of 
Wigmore,  in  Wales  ;  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  to  Middle- 
ham,  in  Yorkshire  ;  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  to  Calais, 

*  Holinshed  ;  Sandf ord  ;'  Stow  ;  Baker ;  Fabyan  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume ;  Daniel 
and  Trusse]. 

f  Rapin ;  Paston  Letters. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  31 

of  which  town  he  had  been  appointed  Governor  after 
the  battle  of  St.  Alban's.  The  Queen,  it  is  said,  was 
much  disappointed  at  having  failed  in  the  snare  she 
had  laid  for  her  enemies ;  but  she  was  consoled  in 
having  separated  them,  which,  for  a  time,  made  their 
power  less  dangerous.* 

The  Earl  of  Salisbury  afterwards  feigned  sickness,      1457, 
to  avoid  putting  himself  in  the  power  of  the  King  and 
Queen. 

The  peace  with  foreign  nations  had  been  restored, 
but  the  intestine  divisions  continued.  The  prejudice 
against  the  Queen  and  her  ministers  increased.  The 
young  Duke  of  Somerset  seemed  to  fill  the  same  posi- 
tion which  his  father  had  so  lately  occupied,  and  with 
it  shared  the  same  ill-will  of  the  nation ;  every  failure 
or  disappointment  being  attributed  to  the  misconduct 
of  the  ministers.")" 

Amongst  the  many  tumults  and  commotions  which 
occurred  throughout  the  land  was  a  great  affray  in  the 
north,  which  took  place  this  year,  1457,  between  Sir  U57- 
Thomas  Percy,  Lord  Egremond,  and  the  sons  of  the 
Earl  of  Salisbury,  in  which  many  were  wounded  and 
slain.  Lord  Egremond  was  taken,  and  sentenced  to  pay 
large  sums  of  money  to  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  and  mean- 
while was  committed  to  Newgate  ;  but  Lord  Egremond 
soon  after  escaped  with  his  brother,  Sir  Richard  Percy, 
out  of  this  prison  in  the  night  and  went  to  the  King. 
"  The  other  prisoners  took  the  leads  of  the  gate,  and 
"  defended  it  for  a  great  while  against  the  sheriffs  and 
"  all  their  officers,"  so  that  they  were  compelled  to 
call  in  more  aid  from  the  citizens  to  subdue  them, 
in  which  they  at  last  succeeded,  and  "  laid  them  in 
"  irons."J 

*  Holinshed  ;  Baker  ;   Hall ;    Sandford  ;    Stow  ;   Pol.  Vergil  ;  Fabyan  ; 
Rapin ;  Hume;  Lingard  ;  Henry;  Paston  Letters;  Daniel  and  Trussell. 
f  Rymer  ;  Holinshed  ;  Fabyan  ;  Pinkerton  ;  Rapin. 
%  Stow  ;  Fabyan  ;  Holinshed  ;  London  Chron. ;  Daniel  and  Trussel. 


32  MARGARET  OF  AXJOTJ. 

During  this  unhappy  period  the  spirit  of  rebellion 
had  prevailed  in  Ireland  no  less  than  in  England.  In 
this  reign  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  as  Lord  Lieutenant, 
was  first  employed  against  the  Earl  of  Desmond,  who 
affected  the  state  of  an  independent  prince  in  Ireland, 
and  prevailed  so  far  as  to  get  Ormond  removed  from 
office. 

John  Talbot,  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  succeeded  him, 
and  united  with  Desmond  in  accusing  the  late  Governor 
of  many  crimes  ;  but  the  King  refused  to  listen  to  these 
charges,  and  took  no  measures  against  the  Earl,  and 
hence,  it  is  believed,  arose  the  lasting  attachments  of 
the  Butler  family  to  the  House  of  Lancaster. 

The  effect,  however,  of  these  turbulent  and  unprin- 
cipled factions  was  that  the  spirit  of  party  prevailed, 
even  in  the  King's  Council  and  courts,  and  no  business 
was  allowed  free  progress  or  execution  in  law,  when  it 
touched  any  of  the  said  two  parties. 

One  of  the  most  violent  of  Ormond's  accusers  was 
Thomas  Eits-Thomas,  the  prior  of  Kilmainham,  who 
having  impeached  him  for  treason  the  Earl  appealed 
to  arms,  and  a  day  was  fixed  for  the  combat  which 
should  decide  their  quarrel.  Ormond  was  permitted 
to  remove  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Smithfield  "  for  his 
"  breathing  and  more  ease,"  and  in  order  to  prepare 
and  train  himself  for  the  fight,  while  the  pugnacious 
prior  was  engaged  in  this  interval  in  learning  "  certain 
"points  of  arms"  from  Philip  Treherne,  a  fishmonger 
of  London,  who  was  paid  by  the  King  for  giving  these 
instructions.  The  parties  met  on  the  ground  as 
appointed,  but,  at  the  moment  of  encounter,  the  King 
stopped  the  fight  and  took  the  quarrel  into  his  own 
hands — it  is  said  through  the  instance  of  Worthington.0 

At  this  period  the  doctrines  of  Wickliff  had  begun 
to  be  disseminated  in  England,  and  all,  whose  opinions 

*  Moore's  Ireland  ;  Stow. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  33 

favoured  the  Reformer,  were  subjected  to  controversy. 
The  persecutions  of  the  Lollards  in  the  previous  reign 
had  doubtless  originated  many  of  the  contests  and 
disagreements  in  the  times  of  Henry  VI.,  occasioned  by 
the  resentment  of  this  party  against  the  House  of 
Lancaster.  The  strife  produced  by  the  political  leaders 
in  the  kingdom  was  not  a  little  augmented  by  the  con- 
tentions in  the  Church,  as  if  adding  fuel  to  the  flame. 

A  new  doctrine  had  just  emanated  from  the  Papal 
See,  viz.,  that  the  Pope  teas  the  source  of  all  power,  to 
whom  all  Bishops  were  subordinate,  even  as  his  dele- 
gates ;  and,  at  a  time  when  the  English  clergy  were 
seeking  to  maintain  the  liberty  of  the  Church,  one  of  the 
Bishops,  more  talented  and  more  vain  than  the  others, 
became  a  strenuous  advocate  and  supporter  of  the 
Pope.  This  secular  doctor  of  divinity  had  laboured 
many  years  to  translate  the  Holy  Scriptures  into 
English,  and  was  accused  of  having  passed  the  bounds 
of  Christian  belief  in  certain  articles,  and  of  dissent 
from  the  established  creed.  These  opinions,  which 
were  deemed  heretical,  Reginald  Peacock  °  came  for- 
ward to  maintain,  and  with  much  display  of  learning 
and  eloquence  he  preached  at  St.  Paul's  Cross,  in 
1447,  in  support  of  the  decision  of  His  Holiness.  In 
the  year  1458  the  ostentatious  prelate  was  compelled  1458- 
to  abjure,  at  St.  Paul's  Cross,  before  which  his  books 
were  burnt,  and  he  was  sentenced  to  confinement  for 
life.  He  was  deprived  of  his  bishopric,  and  a  pension 
assigned  him  to  live  upon  in  an  abbey. f 

Reginald  Peacock,  Bishop  of  Chichester,  is  described 
as  being  of  an  ardent  temperament,  a  logical  mind, 
and  a  powerful  imagination.    He  looked  with  contempt 

*  A  Welshman  by  birth,  Reginald  Peacock  became  a  Fellow  of  Oriel 
College,  Oxford,  in  1417.  He  was  a  student  of  divinity,  and  distinguished 
for  his  talents.  He  was  appointed  to  the  See  of  Asaph  in  1444,  and  conse- 
crated by  Archbishop  Stafford. 

t  Holinshed  ;  Lond.  Chron. ;  Baker  ;  Dr.  Hook's  Archbishops  ;   Stow. 

VOL.  II.  d 


34  MARGARET   OF   AHJOTT. 

on  the  intellectual  abilities  of  others,  and  liked  to  per- 
plex them,  sometimes  speaking  ironically,  sometimes  in 
earnest.  Such  a  character  might  advance  false  doc- 
trine, and  he  was  proclaimed  a  heretic.  He  had  at  one 
time  been  befriended  by  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  who 
was  ever  temperate  in  his  line  of  conduct  towards  those 
who  professed  the  doctrines  of  Wickliffe.  The  opinions 
of  Peacock,  and  his  vanity  and  sarcasm,  soon  raised 
him  many  enemies :  all  classes  condemned  him.  By 
exalting  the  Pope,  and  thus  disregarding  the  esta- 
blished laws  of  the  land,  he  raised  such  indignation 
amongst  the  clergy,  that  he  was  summoned  before  the 
Primate  to  have  his  writings  investigated ;  but  Arch- 
bishop Stafford,  having  himself  yielded  to  the  new 
doctrine  of  papal  supremacy,  allowed  Peacock  to  escape 
censure  at  this  time.  Bouchiere,  however,  afterwards 
acted  with  great  severity  towards  him.  He  caused 
him  to  appear  before  him,  William  Waynflete  being 
present  and  other  bishops  and  prelates,  at  Lambeth, 
where  they  condemned  his  writings  as  heretical.  We 
are  told  that  this  was  a  "  party  movement  to  deprive 
"  the  Lancastrians  of  a  spirited  writer."  One  charge 
against  him  was  that  he  sought  to  affect  a  change  in 
the  religion  of  England,  by  the  introduction  of  Popery, 
or  Ultramontanism.  Even  more  than  this  was  inferred, 
from  a  letter  addressed  by  Peacock  to  the  Mayor  of 
London,  viz.,  that  his  design  was  not  only  to  excite  the 
people  to  a  change  of  faith,  but  to  raise  an  insurrec- 
tion. Thus  it  became  a  political  offence,  and  he  was 
again  cited  to  appear  before  a  Council  at  Westminster, 
at  which  King  Henry  was  present.  This  was  towards 
the  close  of  the  year  1457,  when  such  hostility  was 
shown  towards  him,  that  he  was  compelled  to  with- 
draw before  the  temporal  Bishops  could  proceed  with 
their  business.  This  was  a  full  council  and  the 
Yorkists  were  powerful,  and  an  attack  on  the  unfor- 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOTJ.  35 

tunate  prelate  had  been  previously  arranged.  Certain 
doctors  of  divinity  arrived,  who  demanded  of  the  Arch- 
bishop copies  of  the  works  of  the  Bishop  of  Chichester, 
in  order  to  examine  them.  Finally,  being  required  to 
abjure,  or  to  suffer  the  punishment  of  a  heretic,  Peacock 
decided  on  the  former.  The  court  adjourned  until  the 
next  day,  when  doubtless  some  political  feeling  swelled 
the  tide  of  inveterate  anger  which  rose  against  this 
talented  and  apparently  good  man.  On  the  3rd  of 
December  the  Archbishop,  his  assessors,  and  the 
twenty-four  divines,  were  again  sitting  in  Lambeth 
Chapel.  The  Bishop  of  Chichester  wras  summoned, 
and  repaired  thither  to  abjure,  in  a  positive  form,  the 
condemned  conclusions.  The  court  again  "  adjourned 
:;  to  meet  on  the  following  day,  when  a  solemn  assem- 
"  bly  was  to  be  held  at  St.  Paul's." 

"  Here  the  Primate  attended,  his  cross  borne  before 

'  him,  and  he  appeared,  accompanied  by  the  Bishops 

"  of  London,  of  Durham,  and  of  Chichester.     An  im- 

"  mense  crowd  surrounded  the  Cathedral.     From  the 

"  great  west  door  the  bishops,  in  full  pontificals,  were 

'  seen  to  come  forth ;   one  by  one  each   silently  and 

"  sadly  took  the  seat  assigned  to  him  at  St.  Paul's 

"  Cross.     Before  the  cross  a  fire  blazed.     When  the 

'''  Archbishop  was  seated,  he  turned  a  silent  look  tc- 

"  wards  the  Bishop  of  Chichester.     Peacock  was  seen 

'  ■  the   next   moment  prostrate  at  the  Primate's  feet. 

"  His  voice    could  not   be  distinctly  heard ;    but  his 

,;  attitude  notified  to  the  spectators  that  he  was  making 

'  his  public  recantation.    The  Primate  was  motionless. 

'  Peacock  rose  from  the  ground  and  stood  before  the 

'  pyre.      One  by  one  his  books  were  brought  forth, 

'  the  labour  of  years,  containing  some  of  the  most 

'  powerful  writings  of  the  day  ;  eleven  quarto  volumes 

and  three  folio  volumes  were  handed  by  him  to  the 

T>    2 


a. 


36  MAEGABET    OF    AXJOU. 

"  public  executioner,  whose  ruthless  hands  committed 
"  them  to  the  flames. 

"  The  only  consolation  was  that  they  had  been 
"  transcribed,  and  that  transcriptions  of  them  might 
"  be  hereafter  produced.  But  the  ascending  flames 
"  ignited  the  passions  of  the  surrounding  multitude. 
"  The  assembled  people  were  inflamed  into  fury  against 
"  the  man  who  exalted  the  Pope  above  the  Church, 
"  and  denounced  the  statutes,  by  which  papal  aggres- 
"  sions  had  been  restrained.  The  bishops,  the  lords, 
c:  the  commons,  the  people  all  condemned  Peacock. 
"  The  infuriated  mob  rushed  towards  the  unfortunate 
"  prelate,  and  sought  to  hurl  him  into  the  flames  which 
"  were  consuming  his  books.  The  Archbishop  and 
"  the  civil  authorities  interfered  to  preserve  order. 
"  Peacock  trembled,  and,  while  looking  on  the  martyr- 
*''  dom  of  his  books,  he  was  heard  to  say,  'My  pride 
"  'and  presumption  have  brought  upon  me  these  trou- 
"  'bles  and  reproaches.'  " 

The  Primate  was  still  unsatisfied.  Peacock  was 
deprived  of  his  See  of  Chichester,  and  sent  a  prisoner 
first  to  Cambridge,  then  to  Maidstone. 

Finding  that  his  moral  degradation  did  not  appease 
his  enemies,  Peacock  resolved  to  resist  them.  He 
appealed  to  the  Pope,  in  whose  cause  he  had 
suffered ;  and  was  responded  to  by  His  Holiness. 
"  Forth  came  fulminating  from  Rome  three  bulls, 
,:  directed  against  the  Primate  of  England,  in  vindica- 
t:  tion  of  the  Bishop  of  Chichester."  Bouchiere  re- 
fused these  bulls ;  and,  in  spite  of  the  Pope,  Peacock 
was  degraded,  and  another  appointed  his  successor, 
while  he  was  placed  in  stricter  confinement ;°  and  sub- 
sequently he  ended  his  life  in  prison. 

*  He  was  placed  in  a  secret  chamber  with  one  attendant,  and  "  allowed 
**  no  books,  but  a  breviary,  a  mass  book,  a  psalter,  a  legend,  and  a  bible  ; 
"  nothing  to  write  with,  no  stuff  to  write  upon."  What  a  condition  of  re- 
straint for  such  an  intellectual  man  ! 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ.  37 

The  severities  exercised  over  his  unfortunate  pri- 
soner exhibit  in  no  favourable  light  the  character  of 
the  offended  Primate.  His  zeal  for  the  Church  seems 
to  have  made  him  forgetful  of  mercy  and  Christian 
charity.0 

The  device  of  Queen  Margaret  had  separated  the  H  ^^d 
Yorkists,  but  they  still  contrived  to  keep  up  a 
correspondence,  and  were  no  less  united  in  their 
views  than  before.  While  the  Duke  sought  to  in- 
gratiate himself  with  the  people,  he  well  knew  that 
it  was  no  easy  matter  to  wrest  the  crown  from  a 
monarch  who  had  so  long  held  it  by  hereditary  right ; 
and  neither  party  had  so  decided  a  superiority  as  to  be 
sure  of  victory  should  they  have  recourse  to  arms.f 
An  attempt  was  made  at  this  time,  by  Queen  Mar- 
garet, to  effect  a  reconciliation  between  the  two 
parties.  She  perceived  the  advantage  which  had 
been  taken  of  their  dissensions  by  the  foreign  powers, 
and  that  the  blame  of  every  unfortunate  measure  fell 
upon  her,  or  her  ministers,  of  which  the  Duke  of  York 
availed  himself.  Margaret,  therefore,  adopted  the 
wise  policy  of  composing  their  grievances,  and  of 
restoring  unanimity  amongst  the  nobility ;  and  this 
was  the  more  expedient,  since  the  late  untoward 
events  appeared  to  favour  the  Duke  of  York's 
projects. 

The  task  of  restoring  peace  and  unanimity  to  two 
powerful  factions  was  found  by  no  means  easy  ;  and 
the  ingenuity  of  the  Queen  was  called  forth  in  pro- 
curing their  obedience  to  her  wishes.  This  was 
evinced  by  the  summons  being  sent  in  the  name  of 
the  King.  Queen  Margaret's  former  commands  having 
failed  to  draw  together  the  rebel  chiefs,  an  express 
invitation   was,    by  her   means,    dismissed   from   the 

*  Birch's  Illus.  Persons  of  Great  Brit. ;  Dr.  Hook's  Archbishops, 
t  Rapin  ;  Holinshed. 


38  3IAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

King  to  the  Duke  of  York,  requiring  him  and  all  his 
friends  to  repair  to  London ;  angl  it  was  expected  that 
these  commands  would  be  readily  obeyed,  the  King 
being  much  beloved  for  his  pure  and  innocent  life,  and 
his  uprightness. 
tj.  2^8-  Some  historians  say  that  the  Kins:,  ignorant  of,  or 

stow.  being  displeased  at,  the  proceedings  of  Queen  Mar- 
garet at  Coventry,  "  as  contrary  to  his  good  inten- 
"  tion/'  upon  his  return  to  London  called  a  Council ; 
and,  after  representing  the  miserable  condition  to 
which  the  kingdom  was  reduced  by  intestine  division, 
which  had  induced  the  Scots  and  the  French  to  insult 
them,  and  to  commit  devastations  on  the  borders, 
he  spoke  of  the  necessity  of  a  reconciliation,  and 
offered  willingly  to  pardon  and  forget  the  injuries 
which  he  had  himself  received.  It  is  added,  that  the 
Queen  and  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  each  made  a 
similar  offer  to  the  Duke  of  York,  at  the  instances  of 
the  King.0  It  seems  improbable  that  King  Henry 
took  so  active  a  part,  yet  if,  influenced  by  his  strong 
aversion  to  the  shedding  of  blood,  he  really  did  by  his 
persuasions  effect  this  reconciliation,  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  Queen  was  previously  disposed  to 
unanimity,  and  equally  sincere  in  her  endeavours  to 
promote  it. 

The  letter  of  Henry,  in  his  own  handwriting, 
addressed  to  the  Duke  of  York,  after  requiring  his 
presence,  and  that  of  his  friends,  solemnly  engaged 
that  no  injury  should  be  offered  them,  and  contained 
assurances  that  the  King  was  perfectly  sincere  in  his 
purpose  of  reconciliation. 

Finding  no  plausible  objection  to  make  against  this 
invitation,  it  was  resolved  by  the  Duke  of  York  and 
his  adherents  to  accept  it ;    they  were,  however,  still 

*  Biondi  ;  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Stow  ;  Rapin  ;   Henry ; 
Ecliard  Hist.  Eng\ ;  Daniel  and  Trussel. 


e. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  39 

jealous  of  Queen  Margaret,  who,  on  her  part,  retained 
some  mistrust  of  her  enemies.  Amidst  these  mutual 
suspicions  it  is  not  improbable,  that  each  party  hoped 
to  obtain  some  advantage  by  the  meeting,  and  it  is 
even  more  likelv  still,  that  neither  in  their  hearts 
resolved  upon  giving  up  entirely  their  former  purposes.0 
The  Duke  of  York  might,  doubtless,  be  induced,  by 
the  moderation  of  character  for  which  he  was  so 
remarkable,  or  by  that  timidity  which  withheld  him 
from  seizin o-  on  the  crown  when  it  wTas  within  his 
reach,  to  agree  to  this  reconciliation.  The  Queen 
meanwhile  wras  too  penetrating  to  expect  that  the 
Duke  would  suddenly,  or  tamely  give  up  his  claims, 
yet  might  hope  that  kindness  and  conciliatory 
measures  would  delay  the  execution  of  his  projects, 
until  she  might,  by  some  fortunate  circumstances, 
have  recovered  her  popularity  with  the  people. 

To  remove  the  possibility  of  any  apprehensions,  it 
was  mutually  agreed  that  the  parties  should  come  to 
the  capital,  with  a  certain  number  of  their  armed 
retainers  ;  and  the  King  even  granted  permission  to 
the  Earl  of  Warwick  to  bring  with  him  from  Calais 
eighty  foreigners,  in  addition  to  his  English  fol- 
lowers.! 

After  all  these  preparatory  arrangements,  the  Duke      H58. 
of  York   came  to  London  on  the  26th  of  January,  Poi.Vergii; 
1458,  attended  by  400  of  his  adherents,;):  and  lodged  c^ron*- 
in  his  own  residence,  Baynard's  Castle,§  still  doubt-  ^aker; 
ing  the  faith  of  the  Queen.     The  Earl  of  Salisbury  Letters; 
arrived  on  the  15th  of  January,  bringing  with  him  Rapin;  ' 

Hume. 

*  Baker ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Holinshed ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin. 

f  Paston  Letters  ;  Rapin  ;  Pennant's  London. 

J  Another  writer  tells  us  that  the  Duke  of  York  came  to  London  with 
only  his  own  household,  amounting  to  140  horsemen. 

§  Baynard's  Castle  had  belonged  to  Humphrey,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  who 
rebuilt  it.  Upon  his  death,  Henry  VI.  granted  it  to  Richard,  Duke  of 
York. 


40 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 


500  horsemen,  and  lodged  in  his  own  house,  called  the 
"  Herbour."  ° 

The  Duke  of  Somerset,  who  arrived  on  the  last  day 
of  January,  had  200  horse.  Another  writer  says 
that  Somerset  and  the  Duke  of  Exeter,  who  had 
been  lately  released,  came  with  300  men,  and  lodged 
without  Temple  Bar.  The  Earl  of  Northumberland, 
Lord  Egremont,  and  Lord  Clifford  came  with  1,500 
men,  and  lodged  in  Holborn.  The  Earl  of  Warwick, 
who  arrived  a  month  later,  brought  with  him  GOO 
men,  in  red  jackets,  with  white  ragged  staves,  em- 
broidered behind  and  before.  These  lodged  at  Grey 
Friars. |  The  delay  in  the  arrival  of  this  earl  was 
only  caused  by  contrary  winds ;  and  we  learn,  from 
the  Paston  Letters,  that  the  Duke  of  Exeter  enter- 
tained great  displeasure  "  that  my  Lord  of  Warwick 
"  occupieth  his  office,  and  taketh  the  charge  of  the 
"  keeping  of  the  sea  upon  him." 

The  Duke  of  Buckingham  also  came,  and  with  him 
his  grandson  Henry,  Earl  of  Stafford.  They  entered 
the  capital  in  the  train  of  the  King  and  Queen,  who, 
with  a  great  retinue,  arrived  in  London  on  the  17th 
day  of  March.  On  entering  the  metropolis,  they 
fixed  their  residence  at  the  Bishop's  palace,  near  St. 
Paul's,  which  at  this  period  was  surrounded  by  stone 
walls,  afterwards  hidden  by  dwelling-houses.  It  should 
be  remarked  also  that  this  royal  abode,  chosen 
for  this  brief  and  momentous  season,  was  situated 
at  an  equal  distance  from  both  the  factions. 
When  the  Lancastrians,  as  well  as  the  Yorkists, 
had  assembled  in  London,  the  greatest  precautions 
were  taken  to  prevent  any  disorders  ;   and  as  these 

*  Other  writers  say,  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  had  but  400  horse,  and  four- 
score knights  and  esquires.  By  some  it  is  asserted  that  the  Queen  and  her 
eon  remained  at  Berkhampstead  until  the  conference  was  ended. 

+  Pennant  says  that  Warwick  and  his  followers  lodged  in  Warwick 
Lane. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  41 


would  doubtless  have  arisen,  had  they  occupied  the 
same  quarters,  care  was  taken  that  they  should  lodge 
in  different  parts  of  the  city  ;  and  it  was  further  con-  U5S- 
sidered  requisite,  for  the  maintenance  of  order,  that 
the  Lord  Mayor,  Sir  Godfrey  Boleyn,0  should  ride 
round  the  city  every  night,  with  a  competent  number 
of  his  trainbands,  which  amounted  to  10,000  men.")" 
To  what  an  extent  must  the  general  suspicion  have 
prevailed  !  Besides  all  this,  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Alder- 
men kept  a  standing  watch  in  arms  day  and  night. 
The  Lords  who  lodged  within  the  city  held  a  daily 
council  at  Blackfriars,^  while  those  without,  met  in 
the  Chapter  House,  at  Westminster.  The  resolves 
of  the  Yorkists,  were  communicated  to  the  Royalists 
by  the  Primate,  and  other  prelates  ;  and  the  proceed- 
ings of  each  day,  were  in  the  evening  laid  before  the 
King,  who,  as  umpire  between  the  two  parties,  pro- 
nounced his  award.  Mediators  were  unanimously 
chosen,  and  finally  a  reconciliation  was  effected,  on  the 
3rd  of  April ;  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and 
others  of  the  clergy,  having  used  the  utmost  diligence 
and  activity  to  promote  it. 

Many  arrangements  were  entered  into  by  the  op- 
posing parties.  The  Earl  of  Warwick  agreed  to  give 
to  Lord  Clifford  1,000  marks,  "  in  good,  and  sufficient 
"  assignment  of  debts." 

Lord  Egremont,  and  his  brother  Richard  Percy  (the 
sons  of  the  Countess  of  Westmoreland),  who,  for 
certain  trespasses  and  transgressions,  had  been  con- 
demned, at  the  sessions  of  York,  to  pay  to  the  Earl  of 
Salisbury  8,000  marks,  to  his  son  Thomas  Neville 
1,000  marks,   and  to  the  said  Thomas  and  his  wife 

*  This  Sir  Godfrey  (or  Jeffrey)  Bollen  or  Boleyn  was  the  great-grand- 
father of  Queen  Anne  Boleyn,  second  wife  of  Henry  the  Eighth. 

f  Baker  says  the  number  of  the  trainbands  was  500 ;  Lingard  says  5000  ; 
Stow  2000. 

X  Stow  tells  us  that  these  meetings  were  held  in  Warwick  Lane. 


42  MABGAEET   OF  ANJOU. 

2,000 ;  also  to  John  Neville,  another  son  of  the 
earl,  800  marks,  were  released  from  the  payment  of 
these  sums,  and  from  the  custody  in  which  thev  had 
been  held  by  the  late  sheriffs  of  London  ;  being,  how- 
ever, bound  over  to  keep  the  peace  towards  the  Earl 
and  his  family. 

The  Duke  of  York  and  the  Earls  of  Salisbury  and 
Warwick  consented  to  bestow  a  yearly  rent  of  £45  on 
the  monastery  of  St.  Alban's,  for  suffrages,  obits  to  be 
kept  up,  and  alms  to  be  employed,  for  the  souls  of  the 
late  Duke  of  Somerset,  the  Earl  of  Northumberland, 
Lord  Clifford,  and  others,  slain  in  the  battle  of  St. 
Alban's ;  and  it  was  determined,  that  both  those  who 
were  dead,  and  those  who  had  caused  their  death, 
should  be  reputed  faithful  subjects.  The  Duke  of 
York  also  agreed  to  zixe  to  the  Duchess  of  Somerset, 
and  Henry  her  son,  the  sum  of  5,000  marks,  which 
were  due  to  him  from  the  King,  for  his  services  in 
Ireland. 

At  length  all  parties  evinced  their  perfect  satisfac- 
tion.    Thev  mutually  agreed  that,   setting  aside  their 

J  J  CJ  O 

several  animosities,  they  would  live  together  in  unity 
and  obedience  to  their  sovereign,  and  that,  to  obviate 
complaints,  the  Duke  of  York,  the  Earls  of  Salisbury 
and  Warwick,  as  well  as  several  others  of  their 
party,  should  take  their  seats  in  the  Cabinet.  All 
these  articles  being  agreed  upon,  they  were  after- 
wards ratified  under  the  Great  Seal  of  England,  and 
a  public  thanksgiving  was  appointed  for  the  5th  of 
April,  in  token  of  the  universal  joy  at  this  reconcilia- 
tion. 

Accordingly,  on  that  day  the  King,  Queen,  and  all 
the  Lords,  went  in  a  solemn  procession  to  St.  Paul's. 
In  proof  of  their  amity,  one  of  each  party  walked 
hand  in  hand,  proceeding  in  couples  after  each  other. 
Before    the    King  walked    Henry  Beaufort,  Duke  of 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOTJ. 


43 


Somerset,  and  Richard  Neville,  Earl  of  Salisbury  ;  next 
came  John  Holland,  Duke  of  Exeter,  and  Richard 
Neville,  Earl  of  Warwick  ;  after  King  Henry  followed 
the  Duke  of  York,  leading  the  Queen  by  the  hand, 
who  showed,  by  her  great  complacency,  that  she  was 
at  least  sincere  in  her  desire  to  please.* 

To  the  people  this  was  a  spectacle  promising  future 
peace  and  harmony  ;  but  these  external  forms  could 
not  avail  to  eradicate  the  passions  of  ambition  and 
revenge  which  secretly  influenced  the  two  factions ; 
and  this  important  convention  of  the  nobles  of  the  land, 
Avas  indeed,  but  a  prelude  to  civil  broils,  and  ceaseless 
warfare. 

The  following  lines  from  the  pen  of  Lydgate,  com- 
memorate this  reconciliation  between  the  Lords  of  the 
Yorkist  faction  and  the  King  and  his  adherents  : — 

1  When  Charyte  ys  chosen  -with  stats  to  stonde, 

'  Stedfast  and  styll,  with  oute  distaunce, 

'  Then  wreth  may  be  exilid  out  of  thys  londc, 

'  And  God  oure  gide  to  have  governaunce  ; 

'  Wysdom  and  welthe  with  all  plesaunce, 

'  May  rightfulle  reigne,  and  prosperite, 

'  For  love  hath  underleyde  wrethfull  vengeaunce, 

'  Reioyse  Englond  the  Lords  accordid  bee. 

'  Reioyse  and  thonke  God,  and  sorw  no  more, 

'  For  now  shal  encresc  thi  consolacone  ; 

'  Our  enemes  quake  for  drede  ful  sore, 

1  That  pees  ys  made  that  was  divisione, 

'  Whiche  ys  to  them  grete  confusione, 

'  And  to  us  joy  and  felicite  ; 

'  God  hold  them  longe  in  every  seasone, 

'  That  Englond  may  reioyce,  the  concord  and  unite. 

1  Now  ys  sorw  with  shame  fled  yn  to  Fraunce, 

'  As  a  felon  that  hath  forsworne  thys  lond  ; 

'  Love  hath  put  owte  malicius  governaunce, 

'  In  every  place  both  fre  and  bonde  ; 

'  In  Yorke,  in  Somersett,  as  ye  undyr  stonde, 

'  In  Warwikke  also  ys  love  and  charite, 

'  In  Salisbury  eke,  and  yn  Northumberlond 

'  That  every  man  may  reioyce  the  concord  and  unite. 


*  Holinshed  ;  Hall ;  Baker  ;  Fabyan  ;  Stow  ;  Sandford  ;  London  Chron. ; 
Pol.  Vergil ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Howel  ;  Pennant's  London  ;  Rapin. 


44 


MAEGAKET   OF   ANJOU. 


Egremond,  and  Clyfford,  and  other  forseyd, 

Ben  sett  yn  the  same  opynyone  ; 

In  every  quarter  love  i£  thus  leide, 

Grace  and  wisdome  hath  the  doniinacione, 

Awoke  vv-elth,  and  walk  in  thys  regione, 

Rewnde  abowte  in  towne  and  cite, 

And  thonke  them  that  brought  it  to  thys  conclusion  ; 

Reioyse  Englond  the  concord  and  unite. 

At  Poules  in  London,  with  grete  renowne, 
On  oure  Lady  day,  the  pes  was  wrought ; 
The  King,  the  quene,  with  Lords  many  one, 
To  worshyppe  that  virgine  as  they  oght, 
"Went  a  prosession,  and  sparyd  right  noght, 
In  sight  of  alle  the  comonialty  ; 
In  tokyn  that  love  was  in  hart  and  thoght ; 
Reioice  Englond,  the  concord  and  unite. 

There  was  by  twene  them  lovely  countenance, 
Whyche  was  grete  joy  to  alle  that  there  were, 
That  long  tyme  hadd  ben  in  variaunce, 
As  frynds  for  ever  they  went  yn  fere, 
They  went  togedre,  and  made  good  chere  ; 
0  Fraunce  and  Bretagne,  repent  shall  ye, 
For  the  bergeyne  shall  ye  bye  fulle  dere  ; 
Reioice  Englond  the  concord  and  unite. 

Our  sovereyn  lord  the  kynge,  God  kepe  alway, 
The  quene  and  bisshope  of  Canterbury 
And  other  that  have  labored  to  thys  love  day, 
Grod  preserve  them  we  pray  hertly  ; 
And  London  for  they  fulle  diligently  ; 
Kept  the  pees  in  trobull  and  in  adversite  ; 
To  brynge  yn  rest  they  labored  ful  treuly  ; 
Reioice  Englond  the  peas  and  unite. 

Off  thre  things,  y  preys  thy  worshypfull  citee  : 

The  first,  of  trewe  feythe  that  they  owe  to  the  kyng  ; 

The  secounde,  of  love  of  eache  comonialte  ; 

The  thyrde,  of  good  rule  evermore  kepyng  ; 

The  whyche  God  inayntene  ever  long  durynge, 

And  save  the  maire  and  all  the  hole  citee, 

And  that  ys  amys  brynge  to  amendyng, 

That  Englond  may  reioice  the  pees  and  unite."  * 


1458. 
Stow ; 
Fabyan. 


In  Whitsun  week  following,  tlie  Duke  of  Somerset, 
Sir  Anthony  Rivers,  and  four  others,  kept  jousts  before 
the  Queen,  in  the  Tower  of  London,  against  three  of 


*  Cottonian  MS.  ;  Lydgate. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  45 

the  Queen's  esquires  and  others.     In  like  manner  they 
jousted  at  Greenwich  the  Sunday  following.* 

After  all  the    fair   appearances  of   confidence  and 
friendship  on  the  part  of  both  Yorkists   and  Lancas- 
trians, the  former  soon  began  to  evince  their  mistrust    - 
of  the  Royalists,  and  under  various  pretences,  withdrew 
from  court. 

The  Duke  of  York  and  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  re- 
paired to  York,  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  wTent  over  to 
Calais.  An  accidental  quarrel  arose  beween  the  ships 
which  bore  this  Earl  and  his  followers  to  Calais,  and 
some  vessels  belonging  to  Genoa  and  Lubeck ;  the 
latter  carried  their  complaints  to  the  King,  and  Henry  ? 
having  appointed  commissioners  to  inquire  into  the 
affair,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  was  compelled  to  return  to 
London,  to  answer  to  the  charge. f  During  the  Earl's 
stay  in  this  city  another  quarrel  arose,  equally  trivial 
in  its  commencement,  but  far  more  important  in  its 
results.  The  Earl  had  gone  to  the  Council-chamber, 
and  while  detained  there  one  of  his  people  fell  out 
with  a  servant  belonging  to  the  King,  and  wounded 
him  ;  upon  which  his  comrades,  to  revenge  the  offence, 
seized  upon  whatever  weapons  were  at  hand,  but  the 
aggressor  escaped,  and  they  vented  their  fury  on  the 
rest  of  the  Duke's  followers. 

Another  affray  happened  in  April  this  year,  be- 
tween the  inhabitants  of  Fleet  Street  and  the  men 
of  Court,  in  which  the  Queen's  attorney  lost  his  life. 
The  governors  of  the  courts  of  law,  and  many  others, 
were  upon  this  imprisoned  by  the  King's  orders.^ 

The  Queen's  Chamberlain,  Sir  Thomas  Shernborne, 
died  on  the  3rd  of  February  in  this  year.     He  had      1458, 
married  Jamina  de  Cherneys,  a  French  woman,  and 
one  of  Queen  Margaret's  maids  of  honour. 

*  Stow  ;  Fabyan  ;  Holinshed. 

+  Baker  ;  Holinshed  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Hall ;  Lingard.        %  Holinshed. 


4G  :makgaket  op  anjotj. 

Sir  Thomas  was  buried  at  Shernborne,  in  Norfolk, 
in  the  family  sepulchre.  The  inscription  on  his  tomb 
(now  effaced)  was  as  follows  : — 

"  Thome  Sherneborne  camerar.  d'neMargarete  regine 
"  Anglie,  et  Jamine  uxor  ejus  quo  da  domicellarie 
11  ejusd1  regine.'1'  * 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  was  also  assaulted  in  his 
way  from  the  Council  to  his  barge  upon  the  Thames ; 
and  he  narrowly  escaped  the  fury  of  the  populace, 
several  of  his  train  being  killed  in  this  affray.  Shortly 
after  the  Earl  was  informed  that  the  King,  or,  as  some 
say,  the  Queen,  had  issued  orders  for  his  arrest,  and 
confinement  in  the  Tower.  Had  he  been  taken,  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  would  probably  have  lost  his  life; 
but  he  contrived  to  elude  those  who  had  been  sent  to 
apprehend  him.  He  was  persuaded  that  this  tumult 
had  been  raised  by  the  Queen's  contrivance,  who,  as 
he  thought,  wished  to  get  rid  of  him  without  being  con- 
cerned in  the  affair;  and  he  resolved  to  be  revenged  of 
this  affront.  The  Earl  repaired  instantly  to  Warwick, 
to  his  father,  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  and  they  together 
proceeded  into  Yorkshire,  to  the  Duke  of  York,  to  con- 
sult with  him  as  to  the  measures  to  be  adopted.")" 

It  was  thus  that  an  accidental  affray  drew  upon  this 
unfortunate  Queen  all  the  burden  of  this  Earl's  resent- 
ment ;  and  it  seems  even  more  than  probable  that  she 
was  altogether  ignorant  of  the  affair.  It  is,  besides, 
not  unlikely  that  the  Court,  having  noticed  that  the 
Earl  of  Warwick's  men  had  raised  a  tumult,  had 
suddenly  issued  an  order  for  the  apprehension  of  their 
leader.  The  circumstances  by  no  means  lead  to  a 
conviction  that  Margaret  had  any  share  in  the  attack 
on  this  high-spirited  lord,  but  only  prove  the  danger 

*  Gough's  Sepulchral  Monuments. 

f  Holinshcd  :    Hall ;    Sandford  ;   Baker  ;    Pol.  Vergil  ;    Rapin  ;    Hume  ; 
Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  Daniel. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  47 

of  want  of  confidence  between  a  sovereign  and  her 
subjects.  The  haughty  Warwick,  having  once  enter- 
tained a  deep-rooted  mistrust  of  his  royal  mistress,  no 
promises — no  compliance,  could  afterwards  eradicate 
it ;  on  the  contrary,  every  accidental  circumstance  was 
construed  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Queen.* 

When  the  Duke  of  York  and  his  friends  consulted 
together,  they  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
late  reconciliation  was  designed  to  ensnare  them,  in 
order  that  they  might  be  more  easily  dispatched  when 
they  were  separated,  by  some  secret  means,  which 
would  not  excite  suspicion.  Indignant  at  the  offence 
which  they  considered  had  been  offered  them,  they 
spoke  of  it  in!  sharp  and  bitter  terms,  saying,  that  "  it 
"  was  nothing  less  than  the  deceit  and  fury  of  a 
"  woman  (meaning  the  Queen),  who,  thinking  she 
"  might  do  whatever  she  pleased,  sought  to  torment 
a  and  utterly  destroy  all  the  nobility  of  the  land."  It 
is  probable,  that  these  lords  did  not  regret  being 
furnished  with  a  pretext  for  having  again  recourse  to 
arms  ;  and  declaring  that  they  could  no  longer  depend 
upon  the  assurances  of  the  Court,  they  immediately 
prepared  for  war.  The  Earl  of  Warwick  once  more 
evinced  his  suspicion  in  the  haste  with  which  he  em- 
barked for  Calais,  fearing  that  this  place  would  be 
seized  by  the  Royalists. f 

Resolved  upon  demanding  satisfaction  of  the  King 
for  the  affront  offered  to  his  son,  the  Earl  of  Salisbury 
set  out  from  Middleham  Castle  with  a  sufficient  escort 
to  defend  his  person.  While  passing  through  Lan- 
cashire, either  towards  Coleshill,  in  Warwickshire, 
where  King  Henry  was,  or  being  in  quest  of  the 
Duke  of  York,   who,   after  his  return  from    Ireland, 

*  Even  Rapin,  who  is  always  severe  against  Queen  Margaret,  acknow- 
ledges that  it  is  difficult  to  decide  if  this  were  the  act  of  the  Queen,  or 
merely  accidental. 

f  Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Holinshed. 


48  MARGARET    OF   ANJOU. 

was  staying  at  Ludlow,  in  Shropshire  (for  it  is  doubt- 
ful which  was  his  object),  news  was  brought  him  that 
the  Queen,  while  at  Eccleshall,  in  Staffordshire,  had 
commanded  Lord  Audley  to  collect  all  the  forces  of 
that  county,  and  of  the  adjoining  ones  of  Salop  and 
Chester,  to  oppose  the  Yorkists.  This  information 
arrested  the  progress  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  and  he 
determined  to  strengthen  his  party,  before  he  en- 
countered the  Royalists.  He  raised  a  new  army  in 
AVales,  and  his  forces  were  augmented  to  4,000  or 
5,000  men  by  the  time  he  had  arrived  at  Bloreheath, 
in  Staffordshire. 

Queen  Margaret  had  at  this  time  the  advice  and 
assistance  of  the  Dukes  of  Somerset  and  Buckingham, 
and  she  had  also  kept  a  vigilant  eye  on  her  own 
affairs.  It  was  her  opinion  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
had  excited  this  new  rebellion,  purposely  to  establish 
the  Duke  of  York  upon  the  throne. 

In  appointing  Lord  Audley  to  the  command  of  the 
forces,  which  she  ordered  to  advance  against  the  in- 
surgents, the  Queen  was  led  to  make  this  choice 
because  this  lord  had  most  influence  in  the  county 
through  which  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  had  to  pass. 
Queen  Margaret  also  suspected  that  the  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury, in  seeking  a  conference  with  the  King,  had  no 
good  intention  towards  his  sovereign  or  herself,  and 
therefore  commissioned  Lord  Audley  to  apprehend 
him,  should  it  be  in  his  power.* 

The  activity  of  the  Queen,  previous  to  the  engage- 
ment at  Bloreheath,  was  remarkable.  After  issuing 
her  commands  to  Lord  Audley  to  raise  a  new  army  in 
the  King's  name,  she  proceeded  next  to  exert  her 
personal  influence  in  rousing  the  energy  of  her  adhe- 

*  Sanclford  ;  Hall ;  Holinshed  ;  Stow  ;  Fabyan  ;  Baker  ;  Wethamstede  : 
Rot.  Pari. ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Pennant  ;  Hume  ;  Henry  ; 
Lins-ard :  Daniel. 


MAKGAKET   OF   ANJOU.  49 

rents.  Her  amiable  manners,  and  artful  and  insinuating 
address,  soon  gained  the  affections  of  the  people. 

Margaret  next  went  on  a  progress  with  the  King, 
probably  to  awaken  the  public  sympathy  for  him,  and 
their  zeal  in  his  cause,  through  Warwick,  Stafford,  and 
Chester ;  but  in  the  first  of  these  counties  was  less 
successful  than  in  the  others,  owing  to  the  surprising 
influence  which  the  Earl  of  Warwick  maintained  there. 
The  magnificence  in  which  this  nobleman  lived,  added 
to  his  extreme  gallantry,  and  the  boldness  and  energy 
which  he  exhibited  in  his  actions,  gained  him  the  hearts 
of  all  who  approached  him.  He  was  besides  extremely 
generous  and  hospitable,  and  the  openness  and  sincerity 
of  his  character  secured  the  friendship  of  those  who 
surrounded  him.  His  words  were  regarded  by  them 
as  truth  itself,  and  his  gifts  were  no  less  certain  proofs 
of  his  sincerity.  At  his  table  no  less  than  30,000 
persons  were  daily  maintained  in  his  numerous  castles 
and  manors  in  England ;  and  those  who  entered  his 
service  were  more  devoted  to  him  than  to  their  sove- 
reign, or  to  the  laws  of  their  country.  Stow  tells  us, 
that  at  his  palace  in  Warwick  Lane,  London,  "  where 
"  he  '  kept  house,'  six  oxen  were  consumed  at  every 
"  breakfast ;  that  every  tavern  was  full  of  his  meat ;  and 
11  every  guest  was  allowed  to  carry  off  as  much  roasted 
u  or  boiled  as  he  could  bear  upon  his  long  dagger."  * 

To  counteract  the  influence  of  this  powerful  lord  was 
Queen  Margaret's  chief  care,  and  to  win,  by  her  kind- 
ness and  condescension,  all  the  nobility  and  gentry  of 
these  midland  counties.  In  her  progress  through 
Cheshire  she  was  highly  successful,  and  ingratiated 
herself  everywhere,  persuading  the  lords  to  espouse  her 
cause.  The  more  effectually  to  attach  the  lords  and 
gentry  to  her,  the  Queen  "kept  open  house"  amongst 
them,  and  commanded  the  young  Prince,  her  son,  to 

*  Stow  ;  Pennant ;  Baker  ;  Barante  ;  Hume  :  Lingard. 

VOL.   II.  B 


oO  MARGARET  OF    ANJOTJ. 

distribute  a  profusion  of  collars  of  white  embroidered 
swans  to  the  commander  of  her  forces,  Lord  Audley, 
and  to  all  the  gentry  of  Cheshire,  to  be  worn  by  them 
in  token  of  their  attachment  to  herself,  the  King,  and 
her  son. 

These  white  swans,  the  badge  of  the  young  Edward, 
were  borne  by  all  who  fought  for  the  Lancastrians  in 
the   memorable  battle  which    ensued   at    Bloreheath. 
Similar  badges  were  also  sent  by  the  Queen  to  many 
others  of  her  adherents  in  different  parts  of  England  ; 
for  she  had  hopes  that  she  might  be  able  to  unite  a 
party   strong  and  powerful  enough  to   overcome  her 
enemies.*     The  two    armies   met   on    a  plain  called 
Bloreheath,  near  Drayton,  in  Staffordshire,  on  the  23rd 
Baker59'      °^  September,   1459.     Lord  Audley,  in  obedience  to 
Hoiinsiied ;  the  Queen's  commands,  had  drawn  together  his  forces 
Lingard;      with    the    utmost   expedition.      These    amounted    to 
pm'         10,000  men,  twice  the  number  of  the  forces   of  the 
Earl ;  but  the  latter,  far  from  being  intimidated,  re- 
solved to  obtain  by  stratagem  a  victory  which  he  could 
not  hope  to  win  by  force. 

Lord  Audley  having  encamped  on  the  banks  of  a 
small  river,  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  stationed  his  army 
on  the  opposite  side,  apparently  to  guard  the  pass  and 
to  prevent  an  attack.  He  then  suddenly  withdrew  in 
the  night,  so  ordering  his  march  that,  when  daylight 
appeared,  the  rear  of  his  army  only  could  be  discovered 
by  the  Royalists.  This  seemingly  hasty  retreat  roused 
the  ardour  of  the  King's  forces,  and  these,  thinking 
they  had  but  to  pursue  an  army  already  taking  flight, 
began  to  pass  the  river  in  great  disorder ;  but,  before 
they  had  accomplished  their  purpose  of  gaining  the 
opposite  bank,  even  while  some  were  just  landed,  others 

*  Hoiinsiied  ;  Srow  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Pennant ;  Lysons'  Cheshire ; 
3Iagna  Britannia  ;  Baudier  ;  Lingard :  Ormerod's  Chester ;  Fabyan  ;  Daniel  : 
Heningay's  Hist,  of  Chester  ;  Kennet's  Hist,  of  Eng. 


MARGARET    OP    ANJOU.  51 

still  in  the  water,  and  the  rest  preparing  to  pass  it, 
the  Earl  of  Salisbury  suddenly  turned  back,  and  fell 
upon   them.      So   sudden   and   unexpected   was  this 
movement,  that  the  Lancastrians  had  scarcely  time  to 
draw  up  for  battle.     An  obstinate  fight  was  main- 
tained for  four  or  five  hours,  during  which  the  Royalists 
were  supported  by  fresh  supplies  continually  crossing 
the  river ;   but  the  confusion,   inevitable  in  a  battle 
fought  in  such  a  manner,  occasioned  their  defeat.    The 
loss  of  the  Lancastrians  was  estimated  at  2,400  men. 
Lord  Audley  and  all  the  principal  officers  were  slain. 
Amongst  those  enumerated  were  Sir  Thomas  Dutton, 
Sir  John  Done,  Sir  Hugh  Venables,  Sir  Richard  Moli- 
neux,  Sir  William  Troutbeck,  Sir  John  Legh,  of  Booths, 
and  Sir  John  Egerton,  who  were  all  left  dead  on  the 
field  of  battle.*    Dudley,  and  many  knights  were  made 
prisoners,    amongst   whom   were    Sir   John   and    Sh 
Thomas  Neville,  knights,  two  sons  of  the  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury,")" and  Sir  Thomas  Harrington,  Raufe  Rokesby, 
Thomas  Ashton,   Robert  Evereux,   and   others,  who 
were  all  sent  to  Chester,  jj.  §     The  extent  to  which  party 
animosity  had  reached  at  the  period  of  this  fatal  battle 
has  been  strongly  depicted  in  the  words  of  the  poet, 
who  thus  describes  the  death  of  these  brave  men,  each 
having  fallen  by  the  hand  of  a  relative  : — 

"  There  Dutton,  Dutton  kills  ;  a  Done  doth  kill  a  Done  ; 
' '  A  Booth  a  Booth  ;  and  Leigh  by  Leigh  is  overthrown, 
"  A  Venables  against  a  Venables  doth  stand, 
"  And  Troutbeck  fighteth  with  a  Troutbeck  hand  to  hand  : 


*  To  these  should  be  added  that  of  Sir  Robert  Booth  of  Denham,  whose 
monumental  brass  fixes  his  decease  on  this  day. 

f  These  two  sons  of  Salisbury  were  travelling-  with  Sir  Thomas  Harrington 
into  the  North,  but  were  taken.  A  message  from  the  "  March  "  men  caused 
them  to  be  set  free. 

J  They  were  released  from  their  prison  in  the  castle  of  Chester  by  order 
of  the  King,  and  delivered  by  Sir  John  Mainwaring  to  Lord  Stanley. 

§  Hall ;  Sandf  ord  ;  Holinshed  ;  Baker  ;  Fabyan  :  Drayton's  Poly-olbion  ; 
Toplis  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Stow  ;  Mag.  Britannia  ;  Pennant  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ; 
Henry  ;  Daniel ;  Lingard ;  Ormerod's  Chester  ;  Chron.  Lond. ;  Heningay'a 
Chester  ;  Kennet's  Hist,  of  England. 

e  2 


52  MARGABET    OF    AXJOU. 

"  Then  Molineux  doth  make  a  Molineux  to  die  ; 

"  And  Egerton  the  strength  of  Egerton  doth  try. 

"  Oh  Cheshire !  wast  thou  mad  of  thine  own  native  gore, 

' '  So  much  until  this  day  thou  never  shedd'st  before ! 

"  Above  two  thousand  men  upon  the  earth  were  thrown, 

"  Of  whom  the  greater  part  were  naturally  thine  t 

During  the  battle  of  Blorelieatli  Queen  Margaret 
remained  at  Eccleshall,  in  Staffordshire,  where,  from 
the  tower  of  the  church  in  that  town,  she  beheld  this 
fierce  encounter,  so  fatal  to  the  Lancastrian  cause.* 
The  King  was  staying  at  Coleshill.  The  quarrel 
between  the  two  parties,  at  first  confined  to  the  higher 
classes,  now  began  to  occasion  division  and  strife  in 
almost  everv  family  in  the  kingdom  :  it  found  its  way 
into  the  recesses  of  the  convents,  and  even  into  the 
cottages  of  the  poor.  One  party  called  the  Duke  of 
York  a  traitor,  who  was  only  spared  through  the 
clemencv  of  the  Kino- ;  the  other  party,  taking  the 
side  of  the  rebels,  considered  their  chief  had  been 
injured,  and,  with  his  associates  trampled  under  foot 
by  the  Court  minions,  and  compelled  to  unsheath  the 
sword  for  self-preservation,  f 

The  unfortunate,  yet  faithful  and  high-spirited  con- 
sort of  King  Henry,  finding  that  she  had  failed  in  her 
purpose  of  apprehending  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  and 
that  the  battle  was  lost  by  her  party,  was  yet  not 
wanting  in  expedients,  although  disappointed,  and 
thrown  more  than  ever  upon  her  own  resources.  Being 
convinced  that  nothing  but  superiority  of  numbers 
could  avail  her,  she  caused  to  be  assembled  a  large 
army.  These  forces  met  at  Coventrv,  where  the  Kino; 
joined  them,  but  would  fain  have  been  excused  from 
ao'ain  having  recourse  to  arms.i     He  would  gladly 

*  A  great  stone  was  placed  on  the  spot  where  the  commander,  Lord 
Audler,  fell. 

t  Wethamstede  ;  Cont.  Croyland  ;  Lingard  :  Holinshed. 
X  Stow  ;  Holinshed  ;  Pennant ;  Rapin. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  53 

have  quelled  the  rebellion  by  means  of  a  treaty,  but 
the  Queen,  undaunted  by  the  late  failure,  resolved  to 
oppose  the  Duke  of  York  to  the  utmost  of  her  power 
in  the  field,  as  she  had  before  done  in  the  Cabinet. 

After  the  defeat  at  Bloreheath,  the' Royalists,  whose 
ardour  was  unabated,  pressed  onward  to  Ludlow,  and 
in  their  way  experienced  many  difficulties  from  the 
inclemency  of  the  season,  the  bad  roads,  and  want  of 
accommodation ;  to  which  hardships  King  Henry  sub- 
mitted with  cheerfulness,  halting  only  on  Sundays. 
He  often  spent  his  nights  in  the  open  fields ;  but  the 
life  of  a  soldier  was  far  from  agreeable  to  this  monarch, 
who  on  all  occasions  advocated  peace. 

Queen  Margaret  was  at  this  time  most  earnestly 
bent  on  the  subjugation  of  the  Yorkists.  Some  histo- 
rians assure  us  that  the  Queen,  being  convinced  that  it 
was  in  vain  for  her  to  attempt  to  persuade  the  King 
her  husband  to  second  or  approve  her  measures ;  (he, 
either  through  the  feebleness  of  his  understanding, 
or  his  pacific  disposition,  becoming  unmanageable,) 
being  disappointed  in  her  projects  for  want  of  his 
concurrence,  resolved  at  last  to  endeavour  to  place 
her  son  on  the  throne,  seeking  to  prevail  on  King  J459 
Henry  to  resign  it  in  his  favour.  She  had  even  en- 
gaged some  lords  to  aid  her  in  this  attempt,  and  these 
noblemen  actually  moved  the  King  to  abdicate,  but 
could  not  succeed  in  obtaining  his  consent.* 

The  sagacity  of  the  Queen  enabled  her  to  perceive 
that  the  Duke  of  York  aimed  at  the  crown  ;  and,  being 
persuaded  of  this,  she  earnestly  sought  to  arouse  the 
King  to  a  sense  of  the  danger  he  incurred  from  the 
pretensions  of  so  formidable  a  rival.  She  reminded 
him  of  the  preparations  which  were  then  making  b}^ 
the  Duke,  showing  the  necessity  for  action,  as  by  his 
delay  the  Duke  always  became  the  aggressor.     She 

*  Stow  ;  Baudier  ;  Fabyan. 


Fabyan. 


54  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOTJ. 

conjured  him,  then,  to. march  with  the  utmost  expedi- 
tion, and  by  a  prompt  and  courageous  attack  to  displace 
and  confound  the  insurgents.  * 

The  arguments  of  Queen  Margaret,  although  they 
induced  the  King  to  set  out  in  quest  of  the  rebels,  did 
not  prevail  on  him  to  assault  them,  until  he  had  first 
made  use  of  every  pacific  means  to  recall  them  to 
their  allegiance. 

The  royal  army  consisted  of  60,000  men,  headed  by 
the  Dukes  of  Somerset  and  Exeter.  They  marched  in 
the  direction  of  Wales,  but  stopped  short  at  Worcester, 
when  King  Henry  dismissed  Richard  Beauchamp, 
Bishop  of  Salisbury,  to  the  rebels,  who  had  encamped 
at  Ludlow,  with  an  offer  of  pardon,  upon  condition  of 
their  laying  down  their  arms  within  six  days,  j" 

The  Earl  of  Salisbury,  after  his  victory  at  Bloreheath, 
had  proceeded  into  Wales,  where  the  Duke  of  York 
was  employed  in  levying  troops.  These  noblemen 
held  a  long  conference.  They  perceived  that  the  King 
and  Queen  had  penetrated  their  design,  and  it  was 
therefore  no  longer  of  use  to  dissemble.  They  resolved 
to  make  one  more  desperate  effort  to  accomplish  their 
purpose,  or  to  lose  their  lives  in  the  attempt.  Uniting 
all  their  forces,  they  redoubled  their  exertions  to 
assemble  a  large  army,  and  dismissed  a  summons  to 
the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  speedily  joined  them,  bring- 
ing with  him  a  part  of  his  garrison  from  Calais,  under 
the  command  of  Sir  John  Blount  and  Sir  Andrew 
Trollop,  who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  wars  in 
France.;);  To  the  proposal  of  King  Henry  the  York- 
ists only  replied  by  alleging  that  they  could  not  rely 
on  promises,  which  were  evidently  meant  to  ensnare 

*  Baudier. 

f  Holinshed  ;     Hall ;     Sandford  ;    Baker  ;    Stow ;    Green's  Worcester  ; 
Bapin. 
t  Pennant  says  that  Salisbury  j  oined  the  Duke  at  Ludlow. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  55 

them,  as  had  been  seen  in  the  late  ^attempt  on  the  Earl 
of  Warwick;  and  that  there  was  no  trusting  to  the 
King's  word,  as  long  as  the  Queen  had  such  predomi- 
nant power ;  but  that  they  were  willing  to  submit  to 
their  sovereign,  if  he  could  devise  means  to  ensure  their 
safety.  * 

Upon  receiving  this  answer,  the  King  commanded 
his  forces  to  advance,  with  ^design  to  give  them 
battle ;  he  then  obtained  from  the  rebels  a  most 
submissive  letter,  beseeching  him  to  remember  that 
they  had  been  compelled  to  adopt  defensive  measures, 
to  protect  themselves  from  their  enemies  ;  that  it  was 
evident  they  entertained  no  treasonable  designs  from 
their  remaining  in  a  distant  part  of  the  kingdom,  where 
they  had  attempted  nothing  ;  that  they  wished  only  to 
obtain  redress  for  the  grievances  of  the  people,  which 
had  been  occasioned  by  the  faults  of  the  ministers. 
Finally,  they  prayed  the  King  to  consider  them  as 
loyal  subjects,  and  receive  them  again  into  his 
favour.  | 

This  address  failed  in  its  object.  The  Royalists, 
inspired  with  a  contemptible  opinion  of  the  enemy's 
courage,  from  the  humble  manner  in  which  they 
wrote,  approached  within  half  a  mile  of  their  camp, 
resolved  to  come  to  an  engagement  on  the  following 
day.  The  King's  proclamation  was  meanwhile  dis- 
persed amongst  the  enemy,  offering  pardon  to  all  who 
would  lay  down  their  arms  ;  and  this  had  a  powerful 
effect.  The  troops  of  the  Duke,  thinking  the  King's 
pardon  was  offered  on  account  of  the  superior  numbers 
of  the  forces  of  the  Royalists,  lost  no  time  in  abandon- 
ing the  apparently  weaker  side.  Sir  Andrew  Trollop, 
and  those  who  had  accompanied  him  from  Calais,  who 

*  Hall ;  Holinshed  ;  Baker  ;  Stow ;  Sanclford  ;  Rot.  Pari. ;  Wetharnstede  ; 
Pol.  Vergil ;  Pennant  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  Green's  Wor- 
cester. 

f  Stow ;  Holinshed  ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Phillips's  Shrewsbury. 


56 


MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 


1459. 
Holinshed 
Hume  ; 
Henry  ; 
Bnrdy's 
Ireland  ; 
Lin^ard. 


had  long  served  the  King  with  fidelity,  but  had  been 
deceived  by  the  fair  speeches  of  their  employers,  now, 
for  the  first  time,  discovered  the  treasonable  intentions 
of  the  Duke  of  York,  who,  to  keep  up  the  spirits  of 
his  men,  had  spread  a  report  that  King  Henry  died 
the  day  before,  and  even  commanded  mass  to  be 
chaunted  for  the  repose  of  his  soul. 

This  report  reached  the  King,  who,  to  refute  it, 
immediately  appeared  in  the  midst  of  his  troops,  and 
harangued  them  with  a  martial  air,  and  greater  spirit 
and  energy  than  he  was  ever  known  to  exhibit  on  any 
other  occasion. 

This  much  gratified  the  Lancastrian  lords  and 
soldiers,  and  all  who  were  eager  to  show  their  loyalty 
to  their  sovereign.  The  falsehood  of  the  Duke  of 
York  being  thus  made  apparent,  Sir  Andrew  Trollop 
and  his  followers  went  over,  in  the  night,  to  the  King, 
and  thus  threw  the  Yorkists  into  the  utmost  confusion. 
Consternation  and  distrust  spread  through  the  camp, 
and  the  defection  became  so  general,  that  the  con- 
federate lords,  in  great  alarm,  lest  they  should  fall 
into  the  King's  hands,  fled  precipitately  into  the  heart 
of  AYales.  The  Duke  of  York  proceeded  thence,  with 
his  son,  the  Earl  of  Rutland,  to  Ireland.  The  Earl  of 
March,  the  eldest  son  of  the  Duke  of  York,  and  the 
Earls  of  Salisbury  and  Warwick,  proceeded  into 
Devonshire,  where,  assisted  by  John  Denham,  Esq., 
they  escaped  from  Exmouth  to  Guernsey,  and  thence 
to  Calais.  The  remainder  of  the  army  submitted  to 
the  King's  mercy ;  and  all  received  a  pardon,  except  a 
few,  who  were  executed  as  a  public  example.0 

This  bloodless  victory  was  highly  satisfactory  to  the 
merciful  monarch  ;  and  the  next  day  Kino-  Henry  con- 
yoked  a  Parliament  to  meet  at  Coventry.     After  the 


*  Baker  :  Sandford  ;  Hall ;  Holinshed  ;  Stow ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Moore's  Ire- 
land ;  Lond.  Chron. :  Rapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Fabvan  ;  Hume  ;  Henry  ;  Daniel. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  51 

flight  of  his  enemies,  the  King  proceeded  by  long 
journeys  into  Wales,  hoping  to  overtake  the  Duke  of 
York  ;  but  the  latter  eluded  his  pursuers.  The  King- 
then  returned  to  Ludlow,  from  whence  he  dismissed 
his  army,  having  first  spoiled  the  Castle  of  Ludlow, 
and  sent  the  Duchess  of  York,  with  two  of  her 
younger  sons,  to  be  kept  in  ward  with  the  Duchess  of 
Buckingham,  her  sister.  The  town  of  Ludlow,  be- 
longing to  the  Duke  of  York,  was  spoiled  to  the  bare 
walls. 

While  staying  at  Ludlow,  the  King  decided  some 
old  controversies,  and  received  under  his  protection 
the  people  of  those  parts,  who  flocked  around  him, 
rejoicing  in  his  success.  Here  also  King  Henry 
appointed  some  noblemen  of  approved  loyalty  to 
govern  and  defend  the  counties  of  Durham  and 
York. 

All  the  adherents  of  the  House  of  York  were  ill- 
treated  and  plundered  throughout  the  kingdom,  which 
only  served  to  inflame  the  animosity  of  the  two  parties. 
Those  who  had  served  the  King  were  recompensed  with 
the  estates  and  spoils  of  the  insurgents,  according  to 
their  respective  services  and  condition.  Amongst 
these,  Thomas  de  Roos  was  rewarded  for  his  loyalty  1459. 
with  an  annuity  of  £40  per  annum,  out  of  the  for- 
feited estate  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury.0 

From  the  time  of  the  dispersion  of  the  Yorkists, 
near  Ludlow,  the  King  regained  his  due  authority; 
and  the  Lancastrians  only  were  employed  in  public 
affairs,  which  were  so  conducted  until  the  following 
summer.  During  this  period  the  King,  by  the  advice 
of  his  lords,  caused  the  Yorkists  to  be  proclaimed 
traitors,  and  treated  with  great  severity. 

*  Lingard  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Hall ;  Stow ;  Baker  ;  Holinshed  ;  Paston 
Letters  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Baudier ;  Phillips's  Shrewsbury ; 
Fabyan. 


58  MAEGxlEET   OF   ANJOU. 

1459.  A  Parliament  was  held  in  the  Chapter  House  of  the 

Pasted       Priory  at  Coventry,  in  1459,  which  was  subsequently 

Letters.       called  by  the  Yorkists,  the  "  Parliamentum  diaboli- 

"  cum"  on  account  of  the  numerous  attainders  passed 

against  this  party.* 

These  attainders,  while  they  marked  [the  spirit  of 
the  times,  were  both  unwise  and  impolitic,  as  was  the 
conduct  of  Queen  Margaret  afterwards,  in  her  attempts 
to  exterminate  the  party  opposed  to  her.  By  this 
conduct  the  Duke  of  York  was  almost  left  without  the 
choice  of  remaining  as  a  subject  with  impunity. 

Queen  Margaret  seems  to  have  relied  on  the  fidelity 
of  the  people  of  Coventry,  and  in  all  the  seasons  of 
her  greatest  alarm  and  anxiety  she  fled  there.  Her 
influence  in  this  city  was  very  great  at  the  time  the 
memorable  Parliament  alluded  to  was  held  there. 
The  Queen's  enemies  styled  this  place  her  "  secret 
"  arbour,"  and  tell  us  the  members  were  wholly 
devoted  to  her  interests ;  and  they  subsequently 
charged  her  with  having  procured  their  election  by 
illegal  power. 

The  proceedings  of  this  Parliament  were  marked  by 
great  severity,  and  formed  a  precedent  to  the  House  of 
York  in  their  after-conduct.  In  the  list  of  attainders 
in  this  Parliament  we  find,  not  only  the  Duke  of  York 
and  his  chief  friends,  but  also  his  adherents,  and  some 
also  amongst  them  who  afterwards  joined  the  Lan- 
castrian cause.  They  were  all  declared  guilty  of  high 
treason,  and  their  heirs  disinherited  to  the  sixth 
degree,!  and  their  estates  confiscated.;): 

*  Pol.  Vergil ;    Pennant ;    Stow  ;    Baudier  ;    Paston  Letters  ;    Phillips's 
Shrewsbury;  Daniel. 

f  Stow  and  others  say  to  the  ninth  degree. 

\  A  list  of  persons  attainted  in  this  Parliament  : — 
Jasper,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  half  brother  to  Henry  VI. 
Cicely,  daughter  of  Ealph  Neville,  Earl  of  Westmoreland. 
George  Neville,  sixth  son  of  Eichard,  Earl  of  Salisbury,  and  brother  of  the 

Earl  of  Warwick,  afterwards  the  Archbishop  of  York. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  59 

When  King  Henry  was  called  upon  to  sign  these 
acts  of  attainder,  such  was  his  anxiety  for,  and  love  of, 
mercy,  that  he  caused  a  proviso  to  be  added,  by  which 
he  was  enabled,  at  any  time,  and  without  the  authority 
of  Parliament,  to  pardon  these  noblemen,  and  to  re- 
establish them  in  their  former  estates  and  dignities, 
should  they  sincerely  implore  his  forgiveness  and 
favour  ;  nor  would  he  give  his  consent  to  the  con- 
fiscation of  the  property  of  the  Lord  Powis,  and  two 
others,  who  had  craved  his  mercy  the  morning  after 
their  leaders  had  fled.°|  What  the  poet  said  of  Csesar, 
might  with  justice  be  applied  to  King  Henry  ;  viz., 
"  that  he  was  slow  to  punish,  and  sad  when  he  was 
"  constrained  to  be  severe," — 


"  Est  piger  ad  poenas  princeps,  ad  praemia  velox  ; 
"  Cuique  dolet,  quoties  cogitur  esse  f  erox."  £ 


Richard,  Duke  of  York,  after  being  betrayed  and     1459 


defeated,  was  driven  to  take  refuge  in  Ireland ;  where 
he  was  not,  however,  received  as  a  fugitive,  but  as 
a  chief,  or  Governor,  owing  to  his  former  conduct  in 
that  country.  The  Duke  was  now  even  joyfully  wel- 
comed by  the  Irish.  They  not  only  treated  him  with 
great  respect,   but  voluntarily  offered  him  their  ser- 

Lord  Grey  of  Ruthin,  afterwards  Earl  of  Kent. 

The  Duke  of  York.  Sir  Thomas  Parre. 

The  Earl  of  March.  Sir  John  Conyers. 

The  Earl  of  Rutland.  Sir  John  Wenlock. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick.  Sir  William  Oldhall. 

The  Earl  of  Salisbury.  Edward  Bouchier,  Esq. 

The  Lord  Powis.  Thomas  Vaugh'n. 

Lord  Clynton-.  Thomas  Colte. 

The  Countess  of  Saer.  Thomas  Clay. 

Sir  Thomas  Nevylle.  John  Denham. 

Sir  John  Nevylle.  Thomas  Thoryng. 

Sir  Thomas  Harryngton.  John  Oter. 

*  The  Bishop  of  Exeter  and  Lord  Grey  of  Ruthin  submitting  themselves 
obtained  the  King's  favour. 

+  Holinshed  ;  Stow  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Encyclopedia  Bri- 
tannica  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  Phillips's  Shrewsbury. 
X  Ovid, 


Burdy. 


60  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

vices,  to  live  or  die  for  him,  as  if  he  were  their  lawful 
sovereign,  and  they  his  faithful  subjects.  While  the 
Duke  had  been  in  England,  a  period  of  eight  years, 
a  succession  of  deputies  had  been  appointed  by  him  to 
rule  in  Ireland.  At  the  time  of  his  return,  Thomas, 
Earl  of  Kildare,  was  deputy,  and  the  prevailing  party 
was  the  Geraldines,  by  whom  the  safety  of  the  Duke, 
and  of  his  colleagues,  was  provided  for.  Such  Acts 
of  Parliament  were  also  passed  as  almost  declared  the 
colony  independent  of  the  English  Crown. 

It  was  in  vain  that  they  were  opposed  by  the  Earl 
of  Ormond,  who  earnestly  maintained  the  King's 
cause ;  so  much  so,  that  some  of  the  agents  of  this 
earl  were  executed  for  attempting  an  arrest  on  the 
royal  warrant,  as  violators  of  the  acts  of  the  party  of 
the  Geraldines.* 

The  friends  of  the  Duke  of  York,  who  had  fled  to 
Calais  for  refuge,  were  welcomed  there  by  Lord 
Fauconbridge.  All  the  Yorkists  who  assembled  at 
this  place  consulted  together,  each  proposing  some 
fresh  expedient  to  effect  their  purpose,  and  they  were 
none  of  them  deficient  in  courage  or  inclination."]" 

At  this  very  time,  when  the  Irish  were  exhibiting 
all  the  warmth  of  affection  for  the  Duke  of  York,  he 
was  formally  attainted  in  the  Parliament  at  Coventry, 
and  all  his  adherents  proclaimed  rebels  and  traitors.^ 

The  attention  of  the  English  Government  was  at 

this  period  directed  to  a  new  object.     Somerset  had, 

1459.      by  the   Queen's  means,  been  appointed  Governor  of 

Sowf;w      Calais,  the  King  giving  him  a  grant  of  it  previous 

cester;       to  the  late  engagement.     He  was  dismissed  with  some 

Letters.       troops  to  take  possession  of  the  town  ;  but,  upon  his 

approach,  the    garrison  fired  on  him,  and   prevented 

his  landing.     He  was  thus  compelled  to  withdraw  to 

*  Stow ;  Hall ;  Holinshed ;  Leland  ;  Burdy's  Ireland  ;  Moore's  Ireland, 
f  Holinshed ;  Stow.  $  Leland. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  61 

Guisnes,  whence  he  made  frequent  sallies,  but  was 
unable  to  recover  that  town,  which  was  strongly  for- 
tified ;  and  in  one  of  his  conflicts,  on  St.  George's 
day,  he  lost  many  of  his  followers,  at  a  place  called 
Newnham  Brigge.° 

When  informed  of  the  difficulty  which  Somerset 
experienced  in  effecting  his  object,  the  Queen  equipped 
a  fleet  to  bear  him  succours,  under  the  command  of 
the  Earl  of  Rivers  and  his  son. 

Another  account  is,  that  the  Queen  was  so  incensed 
at  the  opposition  the  Duke  met  with,  that,  in  a  great 
passion,  she  gave  orders  to  prepare  all  the  King's 
ships  lying  at  Sandwich,  to  render  him  assistance. 
These,  while  they  awaited  a  favourable  opportunity  to 
set  sail,  were  surprised  by  Sir  John  Denham,  a  friend 
of  the  Earl  of  March,  who,  with  some  troops,  had 
been  dismissed  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  These  forces, 
arriving  at  Sandwich  by  daybreak,  Lord  Rivers  and 
his  son,  Sir  Antony,  and  most  of  his  officers,  were 
surprised  in  their  beds,  and  taken  prisoners  ;  and  the 
rest  were  won  over  by  Sir  John  Denham,  who  finally 
departed  with  the  King's  vessels  to  Calais,  taking  with 
him  also  Lord  Rivers,  his  son,  and  officers.  These 
ships  were  employed  by  Warwick  to  carry  him  over 
to  Ireland,  and  there  he  desired  to  consult  the  Duke  of 
York  as  to  the  means  they  should  adopt  for  their  own 
defence.  When  Lord  Rivers  was  brought  before  the 
lords  at  Calais,  "  there  were  eight  score  torches,  and 
"  there  my  Lord  of  Salisbury  rated  him,  calling  him 
"  knave's  son,  that  he  should  be  so  rude  to  call  him, 
"  and  these  other  lords,  traitors,  for,"  he  said,  "  they 
"  should  be  found  the  King's  true  liege  men,  when  he 
"  should  be  found  a  traitor."  Lord  Rivers  was  also 
"  rated  ''  by  my  Lords  Warwick  and  March  ;  but  this 

*  Holinshed  ;  Hall ;  Sandford ;  Stow  ;  Baker  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  W.  of  Wor- 
cester ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Bapin ;  Lingard  ;  Daniel. 


62 


MABGABET   OF  ANJOU. 


1459. 
W.  of  Wor- 
cester. 


was  a  show  of  great  moderation  on  the  part  of  these 
Yorkists,  who,  according  to  the  cruel  customs  in  these 
civil  wars,  might  have  ordered  their  prisoner  for  im- 
mediate execution. 

After  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  conference  with  the 
Duke  of  York,  he  returned  to  Calais.  He  met  in 
his  passage  the  new  Admiral,  the  Duke  of  Exeter, 
who  did  not  dare  to  arrest  the  Earl's  progress,  and 
Warwick  reached  Calais  in  safety.  He  brought  with 
him  his  mother,  the  Countess  of  Salisbury,  who, 
through  fear,  had  fled  to  Ireland.*  The  Duke  of 
Somerset  about  this  time  returned  from  Guisnes, 
500  men  having  been  sent  over  to  reconduct  him  to 
England. 
1459.  Sir    Simon  Montford   was  appointed  to  guard  the 

w.  of  Wor-  Cinque  Ports,  having^some  ships  under  his  command, 
to  prevent  the  approach  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick ;  but 
all  these  precautions  were  unavailing.  The  Earl  sur- 
prised Sir  Simon  before  his  vessels  were  ready,  and 
having  ransacked  the  town  of  Sandwich,  he  carried 
off  Sir  Simon  and  his  officers  to  Calais,  where  they 
say  the  Earl  of  March,  to  revenge  those  who  had 
suffered  in  his  father's  cause,  had  twelve  of  them 
beheaded. 
1459  In  February  this   year,    1459,   nine   persons  were 

w.  of  Wor-  apprehended  hi  the  metropolis  who  were  Yorkists, 
one  of  them  a  lawyer,  named  Roger  Neville,  the  rest 
tradesmen  of  the  city  of  London.  They  were  drawn, 
hanged,  and  beheaded ;  the  offence  for  which  they 
suffered  being,  that  they  were  desirous  of  approaching 
Calais  to  aid  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  f 

A  conspiracy  was   also    discovered,   the    object  of 
which  was  to  besiege   the  Tower  of   London.      The 

*  Baker  ;  Holinshed  ;  Hall  ;  Fabyan  ;  Stow  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;   Rapin  ; 
Psston  Letters  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Lingard  ;  Daniel, 
f  Baker  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Leland  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Daniel. 


MAKGAKET   OF  ANJOU.  63 

Duke  of  Exeter  was  implicated,  and  five  of  his  family, 
and  also  Thomas  Brount,  knight,  of  Kent.  They 
were  all   tried   in  July  this  year,  1459,  at  Guildhall,      1459- 

J  J         '  '  W.  of  Wor- 

and  convicted,  and  were  then  drawn  to   Tyburn  and  cester. 
beheaded  ;  also,  soon  afterwards,  another  person,  named 
John  Archer,  who  was  engaged  in  the  same  plot.* 

It  had  been  anticipated  by  the  Queen  and  her 
ministers,  that  the  interview  between  the  Duke  of 
York  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  would  be  productive 
of  a  new  rebellion ;  consequently,  a  Council  was  held 
on  the  subject,  wherein  it  was  determined  that  a  dili- 
gent search  should  be  made  throughout  the  kingdom 
for  all  the  friends  and  adherents  of  the  Duke  of  York, 
and  that  such  of  them  as  should  be  found  faithful  to 
him,  and  most  capable  of  rendering  him  assistance, 
should  be  executed.  James  Butler,")"  Earl  of  Wilt- 
shire, Lord  Scales,  and  others,  were  employed  in  the 
office  of  discovering  those  who  had  sided  with  the 
Yorkists,  and  they  were  authorised  to  punish  the 
offenders  according  to  law. 

These  severities,  however,  had  a  different  effect  from 
that  which  had  been  anticipated.  The  general  dis- 
content increased,  and  scarcely  had  these  two  lords 
begun  to  execute  their  commission,  having  condemned 
to  death  a  few  persons  in  some  towns  where  the 
Duke's  cause  had  been  boldly  espoused,  than  the  in- 
habitants of  Kent  flew  to  arms,  and  the  people,  who 
had  before  eagerly  flocked  to  the  standard  of  Cade  (an 
adventurer,  with  a  feigned  title),  now  exhibited  great 
zeal  and  excitement  in  favour  of  one  they  called  the 
rightful  heir,  and  true  descendant  of  the  House  of 
York4 

*  W.  of  Worcester. 

f  James  Butler  was  the  son  of  the  Earl  of  Orrnond,  and  was  created  Earl 
of  Wiltshire  by  Henry  VI.  during  his  father's  lifetime.  He  had  been  ten 
years  Deputy  of  Ireland,  and  became  Lord  High  Treasurer  of  England. 

J  Stow  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Henry  ;  Rapin. 


64  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

1459.  In  1459,  Pope  Pius  II.  sent  into  England  a  Legate, 
with  a  view  to  assist  in  the  reconciliation  of  the  rival 
parties  of  York  and  Lancaster  ;  and  also  to  prevail  on 
King  Henry  VI.  to  join  the  forces  of  this  nation  in 
a  crusade.  The  Legate  employed  on  this  occasion 
was  Francesco  de  Copini,  Bishop  of  Teramo,  who,  far 
from  executing  the  purposes  of  his  mission,  fostered 
the  dissensions  of  the  rival  parties,  when  he  should 
have  composed  them ;  he  joined  the  army  of  the 
Yorkists,  and  even  proceeded  to  excommunicate  the 
adherents  of  the  Lancastrians. 

This  is  stated  by  the  Pope  himself.  Copini  had 
arrived  at  Calais,  when  he  received  a  letter  from  the 
leaders  of  the  Yorkist  party,  Richard,  Earl  of  Warwick, 
who  was  Captain  of  Calais,  Edward,  Earl  of  March, 
Richard,  Earl  of  Salisbury,  and  William  Neville,  Lord 
Fauconbridge.  The  letter  was  dated  from  Calais, 
and  had  the  seals,  as  well  as  the  signs-manual,  of  all 
these  persons  attached  to  it. 

They  offered  to  Copini  a  vessel,  to  go  speedily  and 
urge  upon  King  Henry  the  "  honour  and  integrity  of 
"  the  intentions  of  these  lords,  both  to  him  and  to 
"  the  country,  confirmed  by  oath."  They  alluded  to 
their  having  obtained  possession  of  the  King's  fleet, 
which  they  hadjseized  upon  previously  at  Sandwich. 

Copini  much  [incensed  the  Pope  by  the  perversion 
of  his  mission,  and  by  the  enormous  bribes,  in  plate 
and  money,  which  he  had  received.  He  was  recalled 
by  him,  and  put  into  prison,  in  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo. 

The  Legate  made  a  full  confession  of  his  guilt. 
He  was  deprived  of  his  bishopric,  and  changed  his 
name  from  Francesco  to  Ignatius.  Afterwards  he 
became  a  monk  in  the  Benedictine  monastery  of  St. 
Paul,  at  Rome,  and  died  in  obscurity. 

The  Yorkist  Jords  showed  their  sense  of  obligation 
to  Copini  by  granting  him  the  sum  of  £100  annually, 


MARGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ.  65 

payable  from  the  ports  of  Southampton  ;  and  this  was 
granted  until  such  time  as  he  should  obtain  prefer- 
ment in  the  church.* 

The  impolitic  scheme  of  Queen  Margaret,  for  the 
extirpation  of  the  Yorkists,  had  raised  universal  alarm 
in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  Kent. 

Their  strong  attachment  to  the  Duke  of  York  had 
been  often  manifested ;  and  perceiving  the  method 
adopted  in  other  counties,  for  the  destruction  of  his 
party,  they  could  but  anticipate  that  their  own  ruin 
would  follow.  With  this  impression  they  made  a 
timely  appeal  to  the  Lords  at  Calais,  inviting  them 
to  make  a  descent  on  the  coast  of  Kent,  promising  to 
join  them,  and  risk  their  lives  and  fortunes  in  their 
cause.  It  may  well  be  imagined  that  this  offer  was 
far  from  displeasing  to  the  lords  who  received  it ; 
but,  being  unwilling  to  engage  too  hastily  in  this 
enterprise,  they  dismissed  Lord  Fauconbridge  to  as- 
certain the  real  disposition  of  the  people.")" 

When  Lord  Fauconbridge  arrived  at  Sandwich  he 
found  the  inhabitants  throughout  Kent  were  sincere 
in  their  professions  to'the  Lords  at  Calais,  and  earnestly 
desired  to  support  the  pretensions  of  the  Yorkists. 
He  sent  immediately  this  intelligence  to  Calais,  adding 
that  nothing  but  the  utmost  despatch  could  save  this 
county  from  the  ruin  which  appeared  inevitable  ;  and 
that  if  prompt  assistance  be  rendered  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Kent,  those  of.  other  counties  might  be  en- 
couraged to  join  them.J 

The  Lords  of  Calais  could  no  longer  hesitate  ;  but 
previous  to  engaging  in  their  new  projects,  they  con- 
veyed information  of  them  to  the  Duke  of  York,  in 
Ireland,  and  caused  a  public  protestation  to  be  made 
throughout  Kent  and  the  adjoining  counties,   to  the 

*  Ellis's  Letters.  f  Stow ;  Baker  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Daniel. 

%  Stow  ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard. 

VOL.    II.  F 


CG  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

effect  that  their  only  motive  for  taking  up  arms  was  to 
free  the  poor  from  oppression,  and  to  preserve  their 
rights  and  privileges.  They  further  added,  that  they 
doubted  not  that  all  worthy  Englishmen  would  unite 
their  efforts  for  so  noble  an  enterprise.  The  Earls  of 
Wiltshire  and  Shrewsbury  and  Lord  Beaumont  were 
charged  by  them  with  misguiding  the  King.  They 
asserted,  that  the  King  of  France  had  been  written  to,  to 
besiege  Calais  ;  and  that  the  people  of  Ireland  had  been 
commanded  to  expel  the  English.  Finally,  that  the 
Yorkists  were  loyal  subjects,  which  it  was  their  in- 
tention soon  to  make  manifest. 
1460.  This  declaration  had   so  great  an  effect  over  the 

London  minds  of  the  people,  that  when  the  Earls  of  Salisbury, 
chron.j  Warwick,  and  March  reached  Sandwich,  bringing  with 
them  1500  men,  they  found  there  already  assembled 
an  army  of  400  *  strong,  under  the  command  of  Lord 
Cobham.  f  With  this  additional  army  the  Yorkists 
began  their  march  towards  London,  and  before  they 
arrived  at  the  metropolis  their  numbers  were  increased 
to  25,000  or,  according  to  some  writers,  40,000  men. 
Bouchier,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (who  was  in- 
debted for  his  exaltation  to  that  See  to  the  Duke  of 
York),  joined  their  party,  as  did  the  Bishops  of  Lincoln 
and  London,  and  many  barons.  Also,  the  Pope's 
Legate  had  joined  them.  Besides  these,  William  Grey, 
Bishop  of  Ely,  and  George  Neville,  Bishop  of  Exeter, 
brother  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  declared  for  them, 
and  with  some  armed  men  met  the  warlike  leaders 
with  their  army  at  Southwark,  and  conducted  them 
to  the  city  by  London  Bridge ;  J  when  they  reached 

*  Lingard  says  600. 

|  Stow  ;  Hall  ;  London  Chron. ;  Leland  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Allen's  York  ; 
Rapin ;  Henry  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  Daniel. 

J  One  historian  tells  us  that  in  this  approach  to  the  city,  thirteen  of  the 
strongest  of  the  Bishop's  armed  men  were  suffocated,  having  fallen  on  the 
bad  roads,  and  being  unable  to  rise  through  the  weight  of  their  armour,  and 
the  concourse  of  people. 


MAKGAKET   OF  ANJOU.  C7 

tlie  capital  the  gates  were  thrown  open  to  receive 
thern. 

They  entered  the  city  on  the  2nd  of  July,  1460.  It  1460. 
appears  that  resistance  was  vain,  for  London  was  at 
that  time  "  kept  without  watch,  and  nothing  furnished 
"  like  a  town  of  war,  and  therefore  of  necessity  open 
"to  the  first  assailants."  They  all  proceeded  to  St. 
Paul's,  and  there,  in  the  presence  of  the  prelates  who 
had  espoused  their  cause,  the  Yorkists  swore  that  they 
intended  nothing  contrary  to  the  continuance  of  King 
Henry's  authority.* 

*  Pol.  Vergil ;  Sandford ;  Baker :  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Lingard  ;  Maitland's 
London. 


F  2 


CHAPTER   II. 

(Queen  Margaret.) 

' '  Oft  have  I  heard  that  grief  softens 
"  The  mind, 

"  And  makes  it  fearftd  and  degenerate  ; 
"  Think  therefore  on  revenge,  and  cease  to  weep." 

Shakespeare. 
(Queen  Margaret.) 

'*  What  are  you  made  of  ?  you'll  not  fight 
"Nor  fly: 

"  Now  is  it  manhood,  wisdom  and  defence 
"  To  give  the  enemy  way  ;  and  to  secure  us 
**  By  what  we  can,  which  can  no  more  but  fly  ? 

[Alarm  afar  of. 
**  If  you  be  ta'en,  we  then  should  see  the  bottom 
11  Of  all  our  fortunes  ;  but  if  we  haply  'scape, 
"  As  well  we  may,  if  not  through  your  neglect, 
"  We  shall  to  London  get,  where  you  are  lord, 
"  And  where  the  breach  now  in  our  fortunes  made 
"  May  readily  be  stopped." — Shakespeare. 

The  King  and  Queen  at  Coventry — Margaret's  activity — She  raises  a  new 
army — Edward,  Earl  of  March,  opposes  her — The  battle  of  Northampton 
— Buckingham  and  others  slain — The  Queen  escapes  to  Durham — 
Respect  paid  to  the  King — Parliament  meets — York's  pretensions  dis- 
cussed— The  Duke  of  York  appointed  successor  to  King  Henry — A 
procession  to  St.  Paul's — York  becomes  absolute — He  attempts  to 
ensnare  the  Queen— Margaret  robbed  near  Chester — She  goes  to  "Wales 
and  Scotland — Affairs  in  Scotland — The  Queen  returns  to  the  North 
of  England — She  raises  an  army  in  Yorkshire,  and  is  joined  by  the 
northern  barons — Promises  of  plunder — The  Queen  goes  southward 
with  an  army  of  20,000 — The  Duke  of  York  advances  to  meet  her,  and 
withdraws  to  Wakefield — Queen  Margaret  harangues  her  troops — 
Battle  of  WTakefield  Green— Death  of  the  Duke  of  York,  and  of  his 
son — Earl  of  Salisbury  beheaded — The  Queen  advances  towards  Lon- 
don— Battle  of  Mortimer's  Cross— Owen  Tudor  beheaded — Warwick 
leads  another  army  against  the  Queen — Battle  of  Bernard's  Heath — 
Interview  of  the  King,  Queen,  and  Prince  Edward— Lord  Bonville  and 
Sir  Thomas  Kiriel  beheaded — The  plunder  of  St.  Alban's — The  Queen 
applies  to  the  Lord  Mayor  for  provisions,  and  is  refused— The  Earl  of 
March  advances  to  London,  and  Queen  Margaret  retires  to  the  North — 
The  Earl  of  March  enters  London,  and  is  proclaimed  King. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  69 

Queen  Margaret,  who  was  at  Coventry,  found 
herself  a  second  time  excluded  from  the  capital,  where 
she  had  vainly  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  entrance  of 
the  rebels,  by  sending  thither  a  considerable  force, 
under  the  command  of  Lord  Scales.  So  general  was 
the  disaffection  in  this  city,  that,  even  previous  to  the 
entrance  of  the  insurgents,  the  Mayor  had  shut  the 
gates  upon  Lord  Scales,  who,  thus  repulsed,  threw 
himself  into  the  Tower,  and  threatened  to  destroy  the 
city  with  his  cannon,  should  the  enemy  be  allowed  to 
enter.  The  citizens,  however,  were  not  intimidated  by 
this  menace,  and  boldly  permitted  the  Yorkists  to 
establish  themselves  in  the  capital.* 

The  King  and  Queen  were  meanwhile  collecting 
forces  at  Coventry  with  the  utmost  expedition.  The 
Duke  of  Somerset,  who  had  returned  to  England,  and 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  took  the  command  of  this 
army,  an  office  chiefly  nominal,  for  Queen  Margaret 
was  herself  in  reality  the  general.  No  step  could  be 
taken,  no  measure  adopted,  but  with  her  concurrence  ; 
and,  although  the  King  was  present  also  in  person,  the 
Queen  was  the  only  real  commander. f  Eagerly  did 
Margaret  desire  to  come  to  an  engagement,  which  her 
ardent  mind  inclined  her  to  expect  would  decide  the 
contest.  How  vain  were  these  expectations !  How 
unlike  the  judgment  of  riper  years !  At  this  time 
Margaret  could  not  have  been  more  than  thirty-one 
years  of  age,  when  her  masculine  understanding  and 
her  courage  led  her  to  brave  the  fortunes  of  war,  and 
even  death  itself,  in  her  earnestness  to  recover  by  force 
of  arms,  that  which  by  policy  she  could  not  preserve, 
viz.,  the  peaceable  possession  of  the  throne. 

The  Queen  would  not  listen  to  any  parley ;  and  the 

*  Baker  ;  Hall ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Maitland's  London. 
f  Sandford  ;    Hall  ;    Baker  ;    Pol.  Vergil  ;    Rapin  ;    Hume  ;    Lingard  ; 
Female  Worthie3. 


TO  MAEGAEBT   OF   ANJOU. 

King,  intent  on  his  devotions,  did  not  even  receive 
the  messengers  sent  by  the  enemy  to  seek  an  accom-- 
modation  ;  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  also  refused  to 
admit  them,  even  upon  a  second  and  a  third  ap- 
plication. * 

The  Earl  of  March,  a  youth  of  about  twenty  years 
of  age,  set  out  from  London,  with  25,000  men,  to  oppose 
the  Queen,  who,  as  he  had  heard,  was  on  her  way  to 
the  metropolis ;  and  he  hoped  to  come  to  an  engage- 
ment with  her  before  she  could  collect  a  larger  army. 
The  Earl  was  accompanied  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
and  Lord  Cobham,  as  lieutenants,  whilst  the  Earl  of 
Salisbury  remained  in  the  city  with  a  great  part  of  his 
forces.  Lord  Scales,  taking  advantage  of  the  departure 
of  these  noblemen,  caused  his  cannon  to  play  against 
the  city,  and  effected  some  mischief ;  but  the  vigilance 
of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  in  stopping  his  supplies,  occa- 
sioned him  great  distress. f 

Upon  approaching  the  army  of  the  Eoyalists,  en- 
camped near  Northampton,  the  Earls  of  March  and 
Warwick  had  dismissed  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury  with 
proposals  of  accommodation.  These  offers,  as  we  have 
seen,  were  not  made  known  to  the  King ;  but  the 
Court,  esteeming  them  as  mere  j^rofessions,  refused  to 
listen  to  them,  and  both  armies  prepared  for  battle. 

The  Queen,  in  her  eagerness  to  decide  the  quarrel 
by  an  engagement,  had  crossed  a  little  river  called 
Nen,  or  Nyne,  which  lay  behind  the  plain  upon  which 
she  had  encamped,  making  haste  to  effect  this  passage 
lest  the  Yorkists  should  take  advantage  of  it  to  avoid 
a  battle  :  this  circumstance  was  ultimately  of  great 
disadvantage  to  her.  j 

The  memorable  battle  of  Northampton  was  fought 

*  Baudier  ;  Female  Worthies  ;  Stow ;  Wethamstede. 

f  Baker  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Henry  ;  Rapin. 

%  Sandford  ;  Stow ;  Baudier  ;  Pennant ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Pol.  Vergil. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  71 

t 

on  the  19th  of  July  *  1460. t     The  Dukes  of  Somerset      ueo. 

Baker • 

and  Buckingham  having  the  command  of  the  royal  Sandford; 
forces,  the  Queen  withdrew  to  a  distance,  to  watch  the  p^ton' 
encounter,  and  to  issue  her  orders  as  circumstances  Letters; 

.  .  Stow; 

should  require.     In  the  army  of  the  Yorkists  the  right  Pennant ; 
wing  was  commanded  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  the  Henry'; 
left  by  Lord  Cobham,  and  the  Earl  of  March  fought  in  i^lSi. 
the  centre.     The  King  only  remained  inactive  on  this 
eventful  day,   which  seemed  to  promise  to   establish 
him  on  the  throne,  or  to  dispossess  him  of  it  for  ever. 
Eetiring  to  his  tent,  within  the  precincts  of  the  camp, 
he  there  patiently  awaited   the  issue   of  the  battle. 
Such  respect  had  the  pacific  character  of  King  Henry 
obtained  for  him  amongst  the  Yorkists,  that  the  lords 
of  this  party  had  proclaimed  throughout  their  army, 
that  great  care  should  be  taken  not  to  injure  the  person 
of  their  sovereign.     They  also  ordered  that  the  com- 
mon soldiers  should  be  spared,  and  their  leaders  only 
sacrificed  to  their  vengeance. 

The  engagement,  which  was  commenced  by  the 
Yorkists,  lasted  two,  or,  as  some  say,  five  hours,  with 
great  fury  and  equal  obstinacy  on  both  sides,  until  Lord 
Grey,  of  Ruthin,  who  had  headed  part  of  the  King's 
forces,  suddenly  deserted  to  the  enemy.  The  Royalists, 
discouraged  by  this  unexpected  event,  and  fearing  that 
others  would  follow  this  example,  began  to  give  way, 
and  were  finally  routed  with  considerable  loss.  In 
their  flight  they  were  impeded  by  the  river  Nen,  which 
occasioned  a  greater  slaughter,  besides  that  many  were 
drowned  in  attempting  to  repass  it.  Amongst  the 
slain  were  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  the  Lords  Beau- 
mont and  Egremont,  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  (son  of 

*  Toplis  says  on  the  10th  of  July ;  also  Allen's  Hist,  of  York. 

f  Some  tell  us  that  the  Bishop  of  Hereford,  a  white  friar  and  the  King's 
confessor,  encouraged  the  Lancastrians  to  fight ;  and  for  this  he  was  after- 
wards committed  to  the  castle  of  Warwick,  where  he  long  remained  a 
prisoner. 


72  MAEGABET    OF    ANJOU. 

the  great  Lord  Talbot,  killed  in  the  French  war),  and 
many  others  of  high  rank  and  merit.  There  were 
10,000  men  killed  in  this  battle.*  The  slaughter  was 
chiefly  of  the  nobility,  and  many  prisoners  were  taken. f 

Lord  Beaumont  was  the  first  nobleman  who  bore 
in  England  the  title  of  viscount,  with  which  King 
Henry  had  distinguished  him,  in  1439,  and  he  had 
ever  proved  his  faithful  adherent.  The  Duke  of 
Buckingham  had  also  been  firm  in  the  interests  of  his 
royal  master.  In  1454  he  had  prepared  the  "  Stafford 
"knots,"  to  distinguish  his  party;  in  1455,  at  St. 
Alban's,  he  had  been  wounded  while  fighting  by  the 
King's  side,  and  in  that  encounter  he  had  lost  his  eldest 
son,  Lord  Stafford.  For  a  short  time,  in  1456,  how- 
ever, he  joined  the  Yorkists,  being  offended  by  the 
Queen's  removal  of  his  two  relatives  from  the  offices 
of  Chancellor  and  Treasurer  ;  but  he  soon  returned  to 
the  Lancastrian  side,  and  joined  the  royal  standard  at 
Northampton,  where  he  lost  his  life.  His  remains 
were  interred  in  the  church  of  Grey  Friars,  at 
Northampton.:); 

The  unfortunate  issue  of  the  battle  of  Northampton 
may  be  attributed  to  the  treachery  of  Lord  Grey  of 
Ruthin,  of  whom  we  are  assured  that  he  was  tempted 
to  betray  the  trust  reposed  in  him,  through  his  love  of 
lucre,  which  led  him  to  negotiate,  previous  to  this 
battle,  with  the  Earl  of  March,  who  promised  him  the 
estates  of  Ampethill  (belonging  to  Lord  Fanhope,  a 
partisan  of  King  Henry,  and  to  which  Lord  Grey  pre- 
tended a  title),  on  condition  that  he  would  desert  the 

*  Stow  tells  us,  that  "  on  the  day  of  this  battle,  there  was  so  great  a  rain 

"  that  the  King's  ordnance  of  guns  might  not  be  shot." 

•f*  Hall  says  "  10,000  talle  Englishmen  and  their  King  were  taken." 

%  Paston  Letters  ;   Stow  ;   Hall  ;   Toplis  ;  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Pennant ; 

Lingard  ;  Milles's  Catalogue ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Lond.  Chron. ; 

Hume  ;  Henry ;  Fabyan  ;  Rapin  ;  Morant ;  Magna  Britannica  ;  Phillips's 

Shrewsbury  ;  Bridge's  Northampton  ;  Allen's  York. 


MARGAKET   OF   ANJOU.  73 

Lancastrians  with  his  followers,  a  strong  body  of 
Welshmen.  This  account  appears  more  credible,  when 
we  consider  the  mercenary  disposition  of  Lord  Grey, 
as  exhibited  in  the  Paston  Letters.  This  Lord,  who 
carefully  regarded  his  own  interests,  survived  through 
four  stormy  reigns,  and  contrived  to  preserve  his 
property  with  the  favour  of  King  Edward  IV., 
Richard  III.,  and  Henry  VII.* 

Alas !  for  the  unfortunate  Queen,  thus  suddenly 
deprived  of  her  once  loyal  adherent !  yet  many  others 
supported  her  cause,  and  sought  to  retrieve  the  mis- 
fortune by  a  vigorous  resistance,  until,  driven  back, 
and  discomfited,  on  the  edge  of  a  stream,  swollen  by 
the  heavy  rains,  they  had  no  escape  from  the  flood,  or 
the  sword,  but  to  end  the  contest  by  a  precipitate 
flight.  The  bodies  of  those  who  were  slain  were 
buried  in  the  hospital  of  St.  John,  or  in  the  church  of 
the  convent,  called  the  Abbey  de  la  Pre,  in  the  town 
of  Northampton. 

The  Queen,  the  young  Prince,  and  the  Duke  of 
Somerset,  with  others  who  had  escaped  the  battle, 
rode  away  with  the  utmost  expedition  into  Yorkshire, 
and  thence  to  Durham  ;  they  were,  indeed,  in  the 
utmost  alarm,  lest  they  should  fall  into  the  hands  of 
their  enemies.  They  still  had  hopes  that  they  should 
be  able  to  augment  their  forces,  or  to  escape  into 
Scotland,  until  a  more  favourable  season  for  renewing 
the  war.f 

The  King  fell  again  into  the  power  of  the  Yorkists, 
from  whom,  however,  he  received  all  the  homage  due 
to  his  rank,  and  even  as  much  respect  as  he  could 
have  demanded  in  his  most  prosperous  circumstances. 
This  monarch,  we  are  assured,  if  insensible  to  his 
change  of  fortune,   received   some  consolation  in  his 

♦         *  Dugdale  ;  Paston  Letters. 

f  Baker  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Rapin. 


74  1CAB0ABET   OF  ANJOU. 

reverses  from  the  deference  shown  him.  He 
seemed  born  to  a  life  of  calamity,  and  he  must  have 
deeply  felt  the  loss  of  his  steady  friends,  experienced 
generals,  and  near  relatives,  who,  one  by  one,  fell  in 
this  ruthless  warfare.  He  had,  at  this  time,  to  regret 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  the  proudest  of  England's 
lords,  who  had  been  granted  the  precedence  of  all 
other  dukes,  those  excepted  of  the  blood-royal.  He 
had  been  advanced  to  his  dukedom  by  the  Kino:  him- 
self,  and  was  by  blood  allied  to  this  monarch.  Far 
different  were  his  fortunes  to  those  of  Lord  Grey  of 
Eu thin.  His  grandson,  the  only  heir  to  his  estates, 
being  but  four  years  of  as;e,  became  a  ward  to  the 
King,  and  was  consigned,  along  with  Humphrey,  his 
brother,  to  the  care  of  Anne,  Duchess  of  Exeter, 
with  an  allowance  of  500  marks  annually  for  their 
maintenance. 

The  victorious  lords  conducted  King  Henry,  in  a 
kind  of  procession  to  Northampton,  soon  after  the 
battle,  and  there  stayed  until  he  came  to  London, 
which  city  he  entered  on  the  16th  of  August  following, 
attended  by  a  o-reat  manv  of  the  Yorkists,  who  had  so 
lately  been  in  arms  against  him.  These  lords,  with 
triumph,  conducted  their  submissive  monarch  through 
the  capital,  and  lodged  him  in  the  Bishop's  palace. 
From  this  time  until  the  meeting  of  Parliament,  which 
was  called  in  the  name  of  the  King  to  meet  at  West- 
minster on  the  7th  of  October,  (for  the  acknowledged 
object  of  healing  the  dissensions  of  the  two  parties), 
the  Yorkists  continued  to  pay  their  court  assiduously 
to  their  meek  and  passive  King.  In  all  public  affairs, 
meanwhile,  they  took  upon  themselves  to  act  in  the 
King's  name,  and  they  prevailed  upon  Henry  to  sign 
whatever  orders  were  agreeable  to  their  own  interests.* 

*  Baker ;  Toplis ;  Hall ;  Lond.  Chron. ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Hume  t  Stow  : 
Pol.  Vergil ;  Lingard  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry ;  Bridge's  Northampton. 


MARGAEET   OF  ANJOTJ.  75 

William  Waynfleet,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  had  been 
appointed  High  Chancellor  in  1456,   in  the  room  of 
Thomas   Bouchier,   Archbishop    of   Canterbury,    who 
had  held  this  office  under  the  Yorkists.     This  Bishop 
was  a  learned   and   zealous  prelate,  eminent  for  his 
piety,  amiability  of  temper,  and  his  great  compassion 
towards  the  poor.    These  distinguishing  characteristics 
marked  him  as  one  of  those  beloved  of  the  saintly 
monarch,  who  delighted  in  rest  and  peace  and  holy 
converse.    With  such  a  companion  as  this  King  Henry 
passed  his  time ;  and  we  find  that  even  when  com- 
pelled to  approach  the  battle-field,  and  listen  to  the 
din  of  war,  previous  to  the  encounter  at  Northampton, 
this    Bishop  was  with  his   beloved  sovereign.*     The 
object  of  this  prelate  was  to  resign  his  chancellorship ; 
not   that  he  was  less  firm  in  his  attachment  to  his 
royal  master's  interests,  but  that  this  had  been  im- 
puted to  him  by  Pope  Pius  II.     To  free  him  from  this 
charge, .  the  King  addressed  a  letter  to  his  Holiness, 
wherein  he  speaks  of  the  bishop's  services  to  him  in 
the  administration,  and  adds,  that  such  had  been  his 
conduct  as  should  preserve  his  character  from  censure.")" 
It  was  on  the  7th  of  July,  1460,  that  Waynfleet  made 
this  resignation  to  the  King,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Bishops  of  Hereford  and  Durham,  and  others,  in  King 
Henry's  tent,  then  pitched  in  a  field  called  "  Harding- 
"  stone  Field,"    near   the   Abbey    of  St.  Mary    "  cle 
1  Pratis,"  not  far  from  Northampton.     This  great  seal 
of  silver  was,   by  the  King's  orders,   deposited  in  a 
chest,  in  his  tent,  the  key  of  it  being  delivered  to  him. 

The  Yorkists,  having  again  recovered  their  authority,  H60 
through  their  success  at  Northampton,  now  furiously  Baker; 
assaulted  the  Tower  of  London,  which  was  besieged  PastoiT 

Letters. 

*  Birch's  Illust.  Persons  of  Great  Britain. 

f  Edward  IV.,  when  established  on  the  throne,  treated  Waynfleet  with 
consideration,  notwithstanding  his  attachment  to  King-  Henry  VI. 


76  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

by  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  Lord  Cobliam,  and  Sir  John 
Wenlock.  This  fortress  had  been  held  by  the  Lords 
Scales  and  Hungerford,  having  with  them  also  the 
High  Sheriff  of  Kent,  and  John  Dalamara  of  the 
county  of  Berks,  and  others  ;  but  all  their  loyalty  was 
unavailing — they  were  compelled  to  surrender  to  their 
besiegers.  This  they  did,  but  conditionally,  that  they 
should  depart  free — a  privilege,  however,  which  was 
not  accorded  them  by  the  new  Governor,  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  ;  for  it  appears  that  Lord  Scales,  attempting 
to  escape  from  the  Tower,  in  order  to  reach  the 
Sanctuary  at  Westminster,  and  having,  as  described 
by  the  chronicler,  "  explored  the  Thames  by  night,  in 
"  disguised  apparel,  was  descried  by  a  woman,"  and 
was  killed  in  a  conflict  by  the  sailors  of  the  Earls  of 
Warwick  and  March,  beneath  the  wall  of  the  Bishop 
of  Winchester's  house,  on  the  banks  of  the  river.  He 
was  despoiled  of  his  clothes,  and  left  naked  for  many 
hours,  lying  on  the  earth  in  the  cemetery,  near  the 
porch  of  the  church  of  St.  Mary  of  Overy,  in  South- 
ward At  length,  on  the  same  day,  he  was  honour- 
ably interred  by  the  Earls  of  Warwick,  March,  and 
others.  Thomas  Lord  Scales  was  regarded  as  a  noble- 
man of  distinguished  worth  and  great  loyalty.  He  was 
sixty-two  years  of  age.* 

The  contest  between  the  two  parties  seemed  now  to 
have  terminated,  the  chief  of  the  Lancastrians  being 
killed,  or  imprisoned,  Queen  Margaret  and  her  son 
having  fled,  and  the  weak  King  Henry  being  at  the 
disposal  of  his  enemies  ;  but  torrents  of  blood  were  yet 
to  be  shed  before  this  fatal  quarrel  should  be  ended. 
This  was  owing  chiefly  to  the  political  timidity  of  the 
Duke  of  York,  and  the  courage  and  activity  of  the 
Queen.     George  Neville,   Bishop  of  Exeter,   was  ap- 

*  Stow ;   Baker  ;   Sandford  ;   W.  of  Worcester  ;   Paston  Letters  ;   Mait- 
land's  London. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ.  77 

pointed   Chancellor  on  the  25th  of  July,  and  Lord 
Bouchiere,  Treasurer. 

At  the  meeting  of  Parliament  on  the  7th  of  October,  HoJ^ed  ■ 
1460,  the  Dukes  of  Somerset  and  Exeter,  the  Earls  w.  ofWor- 
of  Northumberland  and  Devonshire,  as  well  as  others  Hume';  \ 
of  the  Lancastrian  party,  did  not  dare  to  appear.    Only    ai'm' 
the  Yorkists  were  present.      The    Earl  of  Warwick 
obtained  from  the  King  a  grant  of  the  government  of 
Calais,  and  the  Duke  of  Somerset  was  commanded  to 
give  up  to  him  that  of  Guisnes.     The  Duke  of  York 
and  his  friends,  viz.,  the  Earls  of  Salisbury  and  War- 
wick, Lords  Clifford  and  Clinton,  Sir  Thomas  Harring- 
ton, Sir  John  Wenlock,  and  others,  were  all  declared 
good  and  loyal  subjects.     Also,  in  this  Parliament,  all 
the  acts  were  repealed  which  had  been  passed  at  the 
last  meeting  at  Coventry.     The  King  was  obliged  to 
sanction  all  these  measures  with  his  authority,  and 
indeed  whatever  the  victors  required.     Almost  all  the 
archbishops,  bishops,  and  abbots  attended  during  this 
session.0 

The  victory  of  the  Yorkists  at  Northampton  had 
once  more  called  the  Duke  from  Ireland,  on  which 
occasion  the  attachment  of  his  adherents  was  eminently 
evinced  in  this  country.  They  flocked  around  him  in 
vast  numbers,  uttering  violent  professions  of  fidelity 
and  of  resolution.f 

The  friends  of  the  Duke  of  York  were  anxiously 
desiring  his  presence  in  London  to  direct  their  future 
proceedings.  Nor  did  the  Duke  fail  to  take  advantage 
of  this  turn  of  fortune  in  his  favour.  He  hastened  to 
London,  and  entered  the  capital  with  sound  of  trum- 
pets, an  armed  retinue  of  500  horsemen,  and  a  drawn 
sword  was  carried  before  him.  It  was  the  second  day 
of  the  meeting  of  Parliament  when  the  Duke  arrived. 

*  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Henry, 
f  Leland. 


76  MABGABET  OF  AXJOTJ. 

He  aliglited  from  his  horse  at  Westminster,  and  pro- 
ceeded directly  to  the  House  of  Lords,  placed  himself 
under  the  canopy  of  state,  and  with  his  hand  upon  the 
throne  stood  for  some  minutes,  as  if  expecting  to  be 
invited  to  take  the  seat.  During  this  period  of 
suspense  the  total  silence  of  the  house  sufficiently 
convinced  the  Duke  that  the  members  were  not  all 
favourable  to  his  purpose,  and  to  add  to  the  confusion 
he  evinced,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  advancing 
towards  him,  inquired  "  if  he  would  not  go  and  pay  his 
"respects  to  the  King?"  Upon  this  the  Duke 
coloured  deeply,  and  hastily  replying,  that  "  he  knew 
"  no  one  to  whom  he  owed  that  honour,"  withdrew 
instantly  to  his  own  house. 

The  Duke  perceived  that  it  was  quite  in  vain 
to  expect  to  be  solicited  to  receive  the  crown,  and 
resolved  to  throw  aside  the  mask  with  which  he 
had  hitherto  disguised  his  actions,  and  openly 
assert  his  claims.  Accordingly,  on  the  following 
morning,  he  sent  in  to  Parliament  a  written  state- 
ment of  the  grounds  whereon  he  rested  his  preten- 
sions, and  these  were  debated,  according  to  the 
several  abilities  and  dispositions  of  the  members,  with 
great  earnestness.* 

The  Duke  began  by  stating  that  he  derived  his 
descent  from  Henry  III.,  by  Lionel,  third  son  of 
Edward  III.,  Eichard  II.  having  resigned;  Henry, 
Earl  of  Derby,  who  was  the  son  of  John  of  Ghent,  the 
younger  brother  of  Lionel,  contrary  to  all  right,  inher- 
ited the  crowns  of  England  and  France  and  the  Lord- 
ship of  Ireland,  which  lawfully  belonged  to  Eoger 
Mortimer,  Earl  of  March,  great  grandson  to  the  said 
Lionel,  and  thence  by  right,  law,  and  custom  descended 
to  himself,   being  the  lineal  representative  of  Eoger 

*  Pol.  Vergil ;  Leland  ;  Baker ;  Allen's  York ;  ZMoore's  Ireland  ;  Hume  ; 
Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  London  Chron. ;  Fabvar. 


MAKGABET   OF    ANJOU.  79 

Mortimer.     The  following  day  the  Duke  required  an 
immediate  answer. 

It  was  the  first  time  that  the  Duke  of  York  had 
publicly  urged  his  claims  to  the  crown.  The  people 
were  not  yet  prepared  to  depose  their  beloved  monarch. 
His  inoffensive  character  had  attached  his  subjects  to 
him.  His  family  had  filled  the  throne  for  three  gene- 
rations. He  had  himself  reigned  thirty-nine  years. 
Most  of  the  Yorkists  had  received  their  honours,  and 
some  their  estates,  from  him.  The  Duke  of  York  had 
sworn  fealty  to  King  Henry  when  he  succeeded  to  the 
inheritance  of  the  Earl  of  March,  from  whom  he 
derived  his  claims ;  he  had  done  so  when  he  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  government  of  Normandy,  and  again' 
when  made  Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  When  he  became 
Protector  he  had  acknowledged  him  as  his  king ;  and 
he  had,  besides,  frequently  sworn  on  the  Sacrament  to 
be  faithful  to  him.  All  this  had  induced  many  of  his 
adherents  to  think  that  he  did  not,  in  reality,  aim  at 
the  crown ;  and  this  also  accounts  for  their  apathy 
upon  his  first  endeavours  to  attain  his  object,  and  for 
the  murmurs  of  the  people.  The  Lords  resolved  to 
wait  on  the  King  and  receive  his  commands. 

When  these  claims  were  made  known  to  the  King,  „  1460. 
he  replied,  "  My  father  was  king ;  his  father  was  also 
"  king.  I  have  worn  the  crown  forty  years  from  my 
"  cradle :  you  have  all  sworn  fealty  to  me  as  your 
"  sovereign,  and  your  fathers  have  done  the  like  to 
"  my  fathers.  How  then  can  my  right  be  disputed  ?  " 
To  this  he  added,  "  therefore  I  say  with  King  David, 
"  my  lot  is  fallen  in  a  fair  ground,  I  have  a  goodly 
"  heritage  :  my  help  is  from  the  Lord,  which  saveth 
"  the  upright  in  heart." 

It  must  be  remembered  that,  in  England,  there  was 
no  Salic  law,  by  which  females  were  excluded  from 
the  succession,  and  Richard  of  York  was  descended  by 


Lingard. 


80  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

the  female  line  from  the  second  son  of  Edward  III., 
while  King  Henry's  rights  and  those  of  his  father  and 
grandfather  came  only  from  the  third  son  ;  nevertheless 
the  crown  had  been  confirmed  by  Parliament  to  those 
Lancastrians  more  than  sixty  years,  and  the  Duke  was 
obliged  to  act  with  caution  in  gaining  to  his  interests 
the  members  of  that  body,  since  he  required  their 
assistance  to  carry  out  his  designs.0 

The  Parliament,  in  favour  of  Henry,  agreed  that 
his  grandfather,  Henry  IV.,  took  possession  of  the 
throne  without  opposition.  To  this  the  Duke's  friends 
replied,  that  the  Earl  of  March,  then  alive,  could  not 
without  danger  dispute  it  with  him,  but  that  his  silence 
ought  not  to  be  construed  into  consent.  Secondlv,  it 
was  said  that  Henry  IV.  obtained  the  crown  by 
consent  of  Parliament ;  but,  it  was  answered  for  the 
Duke,  that  he  was  not  disposed  to  act  without  that 
power,  but  that  Parliament,  having  once  deviated  from 
established  custom  in  favour  of  the  House  of  Lancaster, 
they  had  no  less  powerful  inducements  to  render  justice 
to  the  Duke  of  York.  Thus  much  was  said  respecting 
the  authority  of  Parliament  without  calling  it  in  ques- 
tion ;  as  it  was  intended  that  its  power  should  be 
instrumental  in  raising  the  Duke  of  York  to  the 
throne.  Thirdly,  Richard  II.  's  resignation  was  next 
brought  forward  by  the  Lancastrians.  Here  the 
Yorkists  expressed  a  doubt  as  to  the  power  of  a 
monarch  while  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  about  to 
depose  him,  to  determine  the  succession.  It  was  also 
denied  that  it  favoured  the  House  of  Lancaster,  or 
even  Henry  IV.  himself.  Fourthly,  it  was  asserted, 
that  the  Earl  of  Cambridge  having  been  put  to 
death  for  high  treason,  his  posterity  were  thus  ren- 
dered incapable  of  any  inheritance.     But,  in  reply,  it 

*  Lingard  ;  Wethamstede  ;   Rapin  ;  Howel's  Med.  Hist.  Angl. ;  Milles's 
Catalogue. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  81 

was  urged  that  the  Duke  of  York  had  been  acknow- 
ledged by  this  title,  as  well  as  that  of  Earl  of  March, 
not  only  by  the  King,  but  by  all  the  nation,  and  that 
he  had  also  been  restored  to  all  his  rights  and  honorary 
distinctions.  Fifthly,  it  was  argued  that  the  crown 
had  remained  in  the  Lancastrian  line  during  a  period 
of  forty  years.  The  Duke's  friends  reasoned  that  the 
crown  was  a  natural  right,  and  ought  not  to  be  set 
aside  by  any  positive  law.  Sixthly,  it  was  finally 
represented  for  the  King,  that  having,  during  a  reign 
of  thirty-eight  years,  led  so  harmless  and  pacific  a  life 
that  no  person  had  conceived  any  offence  against  him, 
it  would  be  cruel  to  deprive  him  of  the  crown.  This 
argument  had  great  influence  over  the  minds  of  the 
ministers,  so  much  were  they  prepossessed  in  favour 
of  the  King ;  but  the  Duke's  friends  again  replied, 
that  by  leaving  the  crown  to  Henry  no  kindness  was 
conferred  upon  him,  owing  to  his  inability  to  govern ; 
but  that  it  was  rather  bestowing  it  on  the  Queen  and  her 
ministers,  who  had  already  made  such  bad  use  of  their 
power ;  nor  did  they  deem  it  just,  that  the  nation  should 
suffer  for  the  sake  of  the  King,  or  an  injustice  be 
allowed  from  a  charitable  motive.  Though  all  this 
was  urged,  the  Council  came  to  the  decision,  that  the 
King  should  still  wear  the  crown  during  his  life,  but 
that  the  Duke  of  York  should  be  acknowledged  his 
successor. 

In  all  the  proceedings  of  these  Lords  their  attach- 
ment to  King  Henry  appears  to  have  been  great, 
for,  since  the  title  of  the  Duke  could  not  be  defeated, 
they  yet  refused  to  proceed  to  the  next  step,  namely, 
to  dethrone  their  monarch. 

An  act  of  Parliament  was  then  passed  to  this  effect, 
that  the  Duke  of  York,  notwithstanding  his  undoubted 
right  to  the  crown,  willingly  agreed  that  King  Henry 
should  enjoy  it  during    his    life,   and  would    readily 

VOL.  II.  G 


82  MABGABET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

swear  to  obey  him  as  bis  lawful  sovereign ;  but  that, 
should  this  agreement  be  in  any  way  broken  through 
by  the  King,  the  Duke  of  York,  or  his  heirs,  should 
immediately  succeed  to  the  throne  ;  that  the  Duke 
should  be  proclaimed  heir  apparent  and  protector  of 
the  King's  person,  lands,  and  dominions.  The  Duke 
and  his  two  sons,  the  Earls  of  March  and  Rutland, 
took  oath  not  to  molest  the  King,  and  to  support  him 
on  the  throne.  The  royal  assent  was  obtained  to 
this  bill,  which,  besides  declaring  the  Duke  of  York 
heir  apparent,  granted  to  him  and  his  sons  certain 
estates  on  that  account,  and  made  it  high  treason  for 
any  one  who  should  make  any  attempts  against  his 
person.* 

It  can  hardly  be  imagined  that  the  ambitious  views 
of  the  Duke  of  York  did  not  carry  him  beyond  this 
arrangement,  by  which  it  might  be  a  considerable  time, 
if,  indeed,  he  should  ever  be  able  to  attain  to  the  rank 
of  sovereignty ;  but  probably  the  very  extraordinary 
^moderation  of  Richard  Duke  of  York  disposed  him  to 
concede  a  point  which  he  foresaw  could  only  be  gained 
by  the  sword ;  and  he  adopted  a  line  of  conduct  very 
different  from  what  might  have  been  expected  from 
him,  considering  that  he  had  at  this  time  a  victorious 
army  to  support  his  title,  which  had  been  acknow- 
ledged to  be  just  in  the  Council ;  so  that  it  seemed 
but  a  little  more  effort  was  required  on  his  part  to 
secure  the  throne.  Some  persuasion  only  was  neces- 
sary for  him  to  get  the  crown  awarded  to  him  by 
Parliament,  it  being  the  custom  of  that  House  to  decide 
in  favour  of  the  stronger  party.  It  is  evident,  how- 
ever, that  its  members  were  not  overawed  by  thje 
Duke's  power,  but  felt  at  liberty  to  decide,  according 
to  their  unbiased  judgment ;  yet  it  is  the  more  sur- 

*  Baker  ;  Sandford  ;  Stow  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Leland  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Lond. 
Chron. ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  Fabyan. 


MARGARET    OF   ANJOTJ.  83 

prising  that  the  Duke  did  not  make  use  of  his  advan- 
tage, since  it  must  be  remembered  that,  being  older 
than  Henry,  he  could  hardly  expect  to  outlive  him. 

The  decision  of  Parliament  was  succeeded  by  a 
formal  procession  to  St.  Paul's,  where  the  King  ap- 
peared wearing  his  crown,  attended  by  the  Duke  of 
York,  as  heir  apparent.  This  happened  on  All  Saints' 
Day,  and  on  the  Saturday  following  Richard  Duke  of 
York  was  proclaimed,  with  sound  of  trumpet,  heir  ap- 
parent to  the  crown,  and  "  Protector"  of  the  realm.* 

The  agreement  into  which  King  Henry  had  entered 
was  highly  prejudicial  to  his  family ;  especially  to  the 
young  prince,  his  son ;  yet  this  monarch  made  no 
effort  to  alter  the  situation  of  affairs,  but  quietly  sub- 
mitted the  management  of  public  business  to  the  care 
of  the  Duke  of  York  and  his  party,  with  whose 
arrangements  he  appeared  contented,  while  he  was 
consoled  under  this  species  of  servitude  by  occupying 
himself  wholly  in  religious  exercises,  f 

Two  portentous  omens  were  at  this  time  noticed 
by  the  superstitious.  While  the  Duke  of  York  was 
declaring  his  title  in  the  upper  house,  in  the  lower  a 
crown,  which  was  hanging  in  the  middle  of  this  build- 
ing, being  an  ornament  to  a  chandelier,  without  any 
wind  or  movement  to  occasion  it,  fell  down,  as  did 
also  another  crown  from  the  top  of  Dover  castle  ;  both 
indicating,  as  was  thought,  a  change  in  the  dynasty. 
Polydore  Vergil  says,  "  Such  was  the  pleasure  of 
"  God,  that  King  Henry,  a  most  holy  man,  should  by 
"  so  many  calamities  wherewithal  he  was  continually 
"  afflicted,  be  deprived  of  this  earthly  kingdom,  to 
"  enjoy  forthwith  the  everlasting  ;  for  a  good  man  can 
"  never  be  but  good,  though  he  suffer  a  thousand 
"  afflictions."  j 

*  Rot.  Pari. ;  Stow  ;  Fabyan  ;  Lingard  ;  Rapin. 
f  Rapin  ;  Allen's  York.  %  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Pol.  Vergil. 

G  2 


84  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

The  Duke  of  York,  who  had  now  become  not  only 
absolute  master  of  the  government,  but  also  of  the 
King's  person,  prevailed  upon  Henry  to  sign  an  order 
for  the  Queen  to  repair  to  him.  Letters  were  despatched 
into  Scotland  requiring,  in  the  name  of  the  King,  that 
Queen  Margaret,  the  Dukes  of  Somerset  and  Exeter, 
and  all  others  of  the  English  nobility  in  that  kingdom, 
should  speedily  repair  to  the  royal  presence  in  London. 
1460.  By  this  manoeuvre  the  Duke  of  York  hoped  to  find  a 
Hume/  pretext  to  banish  Margaret  the  kingdom,  for  he  felt 
his  own  power  would  be  insecure  while  the  Queen's 
influence  might  clash  with  his  interests.  He  well 
knew  that,  in  the  present  posture  of  affairs,  she  dared 
not  to  obey  this  command  of  her  husband,  and  ven- 
ture iuto  the  midst  of  her  enemies ;  and  by  thus 
rendering  her  criminal  by  her  'refusal,  he  hoped  to 
justify  his  future  proceedings  against  her.  He  thought 
he  should  have  the  good  fortune  to  get  rid  of  his  rival, 
by  raising  an  impediment  to  her  return,  and  he  vainly 
imagined  that  Margaret  would  be  left  without  re- 
source. 

In  this  Richard  of  York  had  formed  an  erroneous 
estimate  of  the  Queen's  character.  Her  masculine 
spirit  was  not  to  be  so  easily  intimidated  by  dangers 
and  difficulties,  and,  far  from  being  dismayed  by  her 
late  misfortunes,  she  appears  to  have  been,  on  the 
contrary,  stimulated  to  the  most  active  exertions.* 

The  Queen  had,  after  the  defeat  at  Northampton, 
fled  with  Somerset  and  others,  to  Durham ;  but  she 
secretly  withdrew  from  that  city,  attended  only  by 
eight  persons,  bearing  with  her  the  young  prince,  her 
son,  for  whose  safety  she  showed  great  anxiety. 
Margaret,  when  flying  with  this  little  escort  from 
Eccleshall  to  Chester,  narrowly  escaped  being  taken 
prisoner   by    John    Cleger,    one    of    Lord    Stanley's 

*  Ilall  ;  Baker  ;  Stew  ;  Fabyan  ;  It  a  pin  ;  Hume  ;  Henry. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  85 

servants  ;  and  was  also  robbed  of  her  jewels  and 
apparel  *  by  her  own  attendants,  but  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  reaching  Wales,  where  Queen  Margaret 
thought  herself  secure. 

King  Henry  had  been  passing  his  time  during  the  H6o. 
last  session  of  Parliament  at  Eltham  and  Green-  Letters. 
wich,  in  hunting,  while  his  consort  and  son  were, 
with  the  Duke  of  Exeter  and  a  few  trusty  followers, 
enduring  many  adversities  in  Wales;  although,  for  a 
brief  period,  protected  by  the  valour  of  David-ap- 
Jevan-ap-Enion,  governor  of  the  fortress  of  Harlech,')' 
in  Merionethshire,  where  these    fugitives  had  sought 

refuge.^ 

The  Duke  of  Somerset,  it  would  appear,  had  gone 
to  Dieppe,  and  with  him  the  Lords  Whittingham, 
John  Ormond,  Sir  Andrew  Trollop,  and  others  of  the 
garrison  of  Guisnes,  having  a  safe  conduct  from  the 
King  of  France.  It  was  rumoured  that  Somerset 
purposed  to  join  the  Queen  in  Wales. 

The  Queen  made  but  a  short  stay  in  Wales,  where      H6o. 
she    had    experienced    many    disasters,    and    after-  l^mant- 
wards  sailed,   with  her  son,    to  one   of   the    ports  of  Rudland; 

.  .  Lmgard. 

Scotland.  It  is  deeply  interesting  to  contemplate  at 
this  time  the  maternal  solicitude  of  Queen  Margaret ; 
who,  from  the  period  of  the  disastrous  issue  of  the 
late  engagement,  seemed  to  be  no  less  occupied  in 
the  care  of  her  son's  personal  safety  than  in  maintain- 
ing the  interests  of  her  unfortunate  husband. § 

James  II.,  King  of   Scotland,   on   hearing  of   the 

*  Stow  says  this  robbery  was  to  the  amount  of  10,000  marks. 

f  There  is  still  a  tower  in  Harlech  Castle  called  by  the  name  of  Margaret 
of  Anjou,  where  she  abode  during  this  season  of  adversity. 

J  Paston  Letters  ;  Stow  ;  Toplis  ;  Fabyan  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Hay's  Biog. ; 
Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  WraxalPs  Tour.  ; 
Lewis's  Topographical  Dictionary. 

§  Paston  Letter  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Stow  ;  Ridpath  ;  Allen's  York  ; 
Pennant's  Wales ;  Toplis ;  Lingard ;  Rudland's  Snowden  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ; 
Henry ;  Fabyan  ;  Lewis's  Top.  Diet. 


86  MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

defeat  of  the  Lancastrians,  at  Northampton,  was  in- 
stantly excited  by  this  event  to  take  up  arms. 

With  a  numerous  army  he  laid  siege  to  Roxburg 
castle,  a  fortress  which  had  long  been  in  the  power 
of  the  English,  and  was  at  this  time  held  by  Willliam 
Neville,  Lord  Fauconberg.  While  engaged  upon  this 
siege,  the  Scottish  monarch  was  accidentally  killed 
by  the  bursting  of  a  cannon-ball,  when  in  the  flower 
of  his  age,  and  to  the  great  grief  of  his  widow,  his 
army,  and  his  people.  His  country  was  again  ex- 
posed to  a  minority,  and  was  from  this  period  torn  by 
divisions,  and  similar  troubles  to  those  which  were 
occurring  in  England.  Some  consolation  might  have 
been  felt  by  this  people  at  first,  while  deploring  the 
loss  of  their  young  and  warlike  monarch  ;  when  they 
beheld  his  spirited  and  energetic  Queen,  Mary  of 
Gueldres,  who,  arriving  immediately  in  the  camp, 
with  the  infant  heir,  and  showing  him  to  the  army, 
with  tears  in  her  eyes,  conjured  them,  by  the  memory 
of  their  sovereign,  and  by  the  renown  of  Scottish 
valour,  not  to  quit  the  siege  until  they  had  reduced 
this  fortress.  The  eloquence  of  the  Queen  prevailed 
— the  castle  was  taken,  and  levelled  to  the  ground. 

In  the  wars  of  the  Roses,  the  party  of  the  Lancas- 
trians had  ever  been  espoused  by  King  James,  from 
his  personal  relation  to  the  families  of  Somerset  and 
Gaunt ;  also  because  his  ally,  the  King  of  France, 
lent  his  assistance  to  the  English  monarch,  which  is 
proved  by  his  treaties  whenever  King  Henry  resumed 
his  authority. 

The  death  of  King  James  was  preceded  a  few  days 
by  that  of  Charles  VII.,  of  France,  who  was  said  to 
have  starved  himself  to  avoid  the  risk  of  being  poi- 
soned by  his  own  son,  Lewis  XL,  his  successor.* 

*  Stow  ;  Holinshed  ;  Pinkerton  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Rapin. 


MARGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  87 

From  Scotland,  Queen  Margaret  returned  to  the 
north  of  England,  where  she  employed  every  persua- 
sion in  her  power  to  induce  the  Barons  to  aid  her 
cause  ;  and  she  succeeded  in  a  short  time  in  raising  a 
new  army  in  Yorkshire. 

Upon  the  'decision  of  Parliament,  with  respect  to 
the  succession  of  Richard  Duke  of  York  to  the  throne, 
Queen  Margaret,  whose  maternal  feelings  were  in- 
sulted, publicly  expressed  her  displeasure  at  the  injury 
done  to  her  son  by  his  exclusion  from  the  throne  of 
his  forefathers,  which  she  fully  resolved  and  declared 
she  would  revenge,  and  also  release  her  husband  from 
his  present  thraldom.  Her  courage  and  natural  abili- 
ties seconded  this  determination ;  for  she  was  indeed 
gifted,  not  only  with  the  accomplishments  of  her  own 
sex,  but  richly  endowed  with  the  courage  and  talents 
of  the  other,  without  their  failings.* 

This  Queen's  vigour  and  spirit  supporting  her  small 
power,  enabled  her  to  maintain  the  interests  of  her 
son,  and  of  those  who  [still  adhered  to  the  House  of 
Lancaster. 

Unfurling  her  standard  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
York,  there  soon  rallied  around  it  the  Earl  of  North- 
umberland, the  Lords  Clifford,  Dacre,  and  Neville,  and 
these  were  speedily  joined  by  the  Duke  of  Somerset 
and  the  Earl  of  Devonshire,  with  their  followers  from 
those  counties,  who  came*  by  way  of  Bath,  Cirencester, 
Evesham,  and  Coventry. 

A  Council  was  then  held^by  these  northern  chieftains 
at  York,  in  which  the  destruction  of  the  Yorkists  was 
determined  upon.f 

These  northern  barons  could  not  but  compassionate 
the  helpless  condition  of  their  Queen ;  and  when  they 

*  Hall ;  Sandford ;  W.  of  Worcester ;  Ridpath  ;  Leland  ;  Rapin ;  Hume ; 
Female  Worthies. 

f  Sandford  ;  Hall ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Lingard  ;  Henry ;  Historical  View 
of  Northumberland. 


88  MARGARET   OF   AXJOU. 

beheld  her  affability  and  condescension,  as  well  as  the 
dexterity  she  displayed  in  winning  their  favour,  for  she 
spared  no  pains  to  insinuate  herself  by  promises  and 
assurances,  their  admiration  of  her  talents  inspired 
them  with  the  resolution  to  endeavour  to  restore  her 
to  the  throne. 

The  pride  of  these  nobles,  who  regarded  themselves 
as  the  most  valiant  in  the  kingdom,  had  been  wounded 
by  the  disposal  of  the  crown  without  their  having  been 
consulted,  and  their  indignation  at  this  stimulated  them 
to  revenge  themselves.  Thus  their  private  pique  came 
to  the  aid  of  the  Queen's  enterprise.  Their  desire  of 
revenge  also  sufficiently  accounts  for  the  rapacity  and 
thirst  for  plunder  which  marked  the  subsequent  pro- 
gress of  these  northern  barons  ;  they  having  promised 
the  people,  in  order  to  allure  them  to  join  in  the  war, 
that  they  would  permit  them  to  plunder  all  the  country 
south  of  the  Trent.  By  these  means  an  army  of 
18,000,  or  20,000  men  was  collected  with  an  expedi- 
tion which  surprised  the  friends  of  Queen  Margaret, 
and  no  less  astonished  her  enemies.* 

Almost  all  the  northern  barons  joined  this  army,  and 
thus  powerfully  supported,  the  Queen  set  out,  bending 
her  course  to  the  south,  and  taking  her  son  with  her. 

Information  had  been  conveyed  to  the  Duke  of  York 
of  the  Queen's  attempts  to  raise  an  army,  and  although 
ignorant  of  her  great  success,  he  prepared  immediately 
to  oppose  her,  thinking  that  he  could  not  be  too  speedy, 
as  he  well  knew  that  her  spirit  and  activity  were  the 
enemies  he  had  most  to  apprehend. 

Parliament  having  been  adjourned  in  December,  the 

w.^of  Wor-  Duke  of  York  took  with  him  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  and 

an  army  amounting  to  4000,  or  5000  f  men,  and  having 

*  Hume  ;  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Henry ;  Historical  Survey  of  Northumberland  ; 
Allen's  York. 

f  One  writer  says  C0OO  men. 


1460. 


cester, 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ.  89 

first  committed  the  care  of  the  King  to  his  trusty  friends, 
the  Earls  of  Norfolk  and  Warwick,  he  marched  from 
London  towards  York.  As  he  proceeded,  he  obtained 
intelligence  of  the  Queen's  superior  numbers,  and 
considered  it  advisable  to  delay  an  engagement  until 
his  son,  the  Earl  of  March,  whom  he  had  commanded 
to  follow  him,  with  the  rest  of  his  forces,  should  join 
him.  Upon  reaching  Wakefield,  therefore,  he  with- 
drew to  Sandal  Castle,  where  he  arrived  on  the  21st 
of  December.  Here  he  kept  the  Christmas  Day,  along 
with  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  ;  while  the  Duke  of  Somer- 
set, the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  and  the  rest  of  the 
Queen's  forces,  were  lying  at  Pontefract.  The  castle 
of  Sandal  was  strongly  fortified,  and  the  Duke  of  York 
thought  himself  secure,  for  he  wTas  convinced  that  the 
Queen  could  not  force  it.* 

Queen  Margaret  dared  not,  indeed,  attack  this  castle, 
being  unprovided  with  artillery ;  and  she  was  much 
mortified  to  see  her  enemy  thus  sheltered  from  her 
assault,  especially,  as  in  her  present  circumstances, 
having  the  superiority  in  numbers,  she  had  every  reason 
to  expect  success,  could  she  engage  the  Duke  in  battle. 
She  could  not  feel  equally  certain  that,  after  the  delay 
which  would  give  time  for  the  arrival  of  the  Earl  of 
March,  she  should  have  as  good  a  chance  of  success ; 
she  therefore  did  all  she  could  to  provoke  her  enemy, 
and  entice  him  to  come  out  and  meet  her  in  the  field. 
She  exerted  all  her  ingenuity  to  effect  her  purpose; 
she  placed  some  troops  in  ambush  on  each  side  of 
Wakefield  Green,  one  of  them  commanded  by  Lord 
Clifford,  the  other  by  the  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  while  the 
main  body  of  her  army  was  led  on  by  the  Dukes  of 
Somerset  and  Exeter.  Then,  making  her  appearance 
before  the  walls  of  Sandal  Castle,  she  sought,  by  various 

*  Stow  ;  Hall  ;   W.  of  Worcester  ;  Fabyan  ;   Paston  Letters  ;  Leland  ; 
Allen's  York  ;  Eapin  ;  Hume  ;  Henry. 


90  MAKGABET   OF   ANJOU, 

means,  to  provoke  the  Duke  to  battle  ;  by  turns  she 
threatened  and  challenged  him,  and  even  taunted  him 
with  aspiring  to  wear  a  crown,  when  he  had  not  even 
courage  to  fight  a  woman.* 

The  Duke  of  York  had  hitherto  been  distinguished 
for  prudence  and  sound  judgment,  and  during  the 
wars  in  France  had  obtained  great  credit  for  discretion 
and  good  conduct;  but,  unfortunately  for  himself  on 
this  occasion,  he  suffered  his  valour  to  get  the  better 
of  his  reason,  or  his  animosity  against  the  Queen  to 
blind  him,  so  as  to  make  him  commit  an  error,  which 
was  unpardonable  in  so  great  a  general.  Rapin  says 
he  was  driven  to  it  by  the  failure  of  provisions  in  the 
castle,  and  another  historian  confirms  this.  He  tells 
us,  that  "  while  the  troops  of  the  Duke  of  York  were 
"  wandering  through  the  country  in  search  of  provisions, 
"  a  dreadful  battle  took  place  ;  "  however  this  may 
have  been,  the  Duke  sallied  forth  from  his  retreat,  and 
on  hearing  the  taunts  of  the  Queen,  exclaimed,  "What, 
"  shall  it  be  said,  that  York  was  blocked  up  in  his  camp 
"  bv  a  woman,  without  daring  to  fight !  " 

•/  7  Cj  CD 

Quite  contrary  to  the  advice  of  his  friends,  the  Duke 
of  York  drew  up  his  forces  on  Wakefield  Green,  relying 
on  his  own  courage  and  experience  to  compensate  for 
the  deficiency  of  his  numbers.  This  was  exactly  what 
the  Queen  desired ;  and,  drawing  up  her  army  in  order 
of  battle,  she  was  the  first  to  begin  the  engagement. | 

Upon  this  day  the  Queen  is  said  to  have  harangued 
her  troops  in  person,  and  the  Chevalier  Baudier  has 
thus  transmitted  to  us  her  speech  : 

"  You  bear  this  day,  my  loyal  English,  the  justest 
"  arms  that  ever  appeared  in  any  war,  as  being  em- 
"  ployed  to  restore  liberty  to  your  King,  who  is  now  a 

*  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin  ;  Henry ;  Hume  ;  Female  Worthies. 
+  Hall  ;  Baker  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;   Scow  ;  Pol.  Vergil ; 
Allen  s  York  ;  Female  Worthies  ;  Ptapin  ;   Henry  ;  Hume  ;  LingarcL 


MAEGAKET  OF  ANJOU.  91 

"  prisoner,  and  the  succession  of  the  crown  to  his  son, 
"  which  a  lawless  tyrant  has  taken  from  him  by 
"  violence ;  for  this  reason,  I  ought  not  to  doubt  but 
"  that  you  will  behave  yourselves  valiantly,  and  that 
"  each  of  you  have  already  proposed  to  yourselves  the 
"  illustrious  name  which  you  are  going  to  acquire,  of 
"  deliverers  of  your  King,  and  protectors  of  the  prince, 
"  his  son. 

"  If  you  have  a  woman  for  your  general,  and  fight 
"  under  her  command,  the  advantage  you  will  receive 
"  from  thence  is  not  inconsiderable ;  for,  if  the  King 
"  were  here  present  in  person,  the  booty  would  be  the 
"  only  share  you  would  have  in  the  consequences  of 
"  the  victory,  whilst  he  would  engross  all  the  glory  of 
"  the  success.  The  King  being  absent,  you  will  now 
"  have  both,  and  the  world  will  sooner  give  the 
"  honour  of  the  victory  to  your  valour,  than  to  my 
"  conduct. 

"  I  hope,  however,  you  will  see  to-day  that  there  is 
"  no  other  difference  between  the  generals  of  the  two 
"  armies,  besides  that  of  their  sex.  I  see  already  in 
"  your  looks  the  courage  which  inspires  your  hearts, 
"  and  the  resolution  you  have  taken  either  to  conquer 
"  or  die,  and  that  none  shall  be  able  to  reproach  you 
"  that,  on  so  important  an  occasion,  you  have  done  less 
"than  a  woman,  who  puts  herself  at  your  head." 

As  Queen  Margaret  concluded  her  speech,  the  whole 
army  set  up  a  loud  shout,  and  held  up  their  arms  in 
token  of  their  willingness  to  serve  her. 

When  the  fight  began,  the  Queen,  who  commanded 
in  person,  rode  through  all  the  battalions,  animating 
and  encouraging  her  soldiers  to  do  their  duty.* 

These  were  not  deficient  in  valour,  for,  at  the  first 
onset,  they  attacked  the  Duke  with  such  fury,  that  he 
instantly  felt  the  superiority  which  the  Royalists  had 

*  Baudier  ;  Female  Worthies  ;  Biograpliie  Universelle. 


92  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

over  him  in  point  of  numbers ;  and  while  he  was  thus 
hard  pressed  by  the  army  in  front,  the  troops,  who  had 
been  placed  in  ambush,  issuing  forth,  fell  upon  him  in 
the  rear  so  unexpectedly,  that  his  forces  were  thrown 
into  the  utmost  disorder,  and  in  less  than  half  an  hour 
were  completely  routed.  The  Duke  himself  was  killed 
while  fighting  with  great  valour,  and  his  son,  the  Earl  of 
Rutland,  a  boy  of  but  twelve  years  of  age,  flying  with 
his  tutor  from  the  field,  was  taken  prisoner  by  Lord  Clif- 
ford, who  barbarously  despatched  him  with  his  dagger, 
in  spite  of  the  earnest  prayers  of  his  tutor  that  his  life 
might  be  spared.  It  has  been  said,  probably  in  excuse 
for  this  cruel  action,  that  the  father  of  Lord  Clifford 
had  been  slain  in  the  battle  of  St.  Albans,  and  his  son 
had  taken  an  oath  not  to  leave  one  branch  of  the  line 
of  York  standing.  In  this  battle  were  killed  Sir  John 
and  Sir  Hugh  Mortimer,  Sir  David  Hall,  Sir  Hugh 
Hastings,  Sir  Thomas  Neville,  son  of  the  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury, Lord  Harrington,  Thomas  Harrington,  and 
others.  Many  of  those  who  perished  at  this  time,  were 
young  gentlemen  of  distinction,  and  heirs  of  noble 
families  in  the  south  of  England. 

The  body  of  the  Duke  of  York  being  afterwards  dis- 
covered by  Lord  Clifford,  he  cut  off  the  head,  and, 
affixing  it  to  his  lance,  with  a  paper  crown  placed  on 
it,  by  way  of  derision,  presented  it  thus  to  the  Queen, 
saying,  "  Madam,  your  war  is  done  ;  here  is  your 
"  king's  ransom,"  upon  which  we  are  told  Queen  Mar- 
garet commanded  that  it  should  be  set  up  on  the 
walls  of  York.  The  Earl  of  Salisbury  was  taken 
prisoner,  and  beheaded  by  martial  law,  with  several 
others,  persons  of  distinction,  at  Pontefract.  At  this 
place  were  interred,  by  the  consent  of  the  lords,  the 
bodies  of  the  Duke   of  York,*  the  Earls  of  Salisbury 

*  The  remains  of  the  Duke  of  York  were  afterwards  removed  to  the 
collegiate  church  of  Fotheringay. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOTJ.  93 

and  Rutland,  and  others,  and  their  heads  were  placed 
over  different  parts  of  York.  * 

Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Wakefield  Green, f  fought      1460. 
on  the  29th  of  December,!   1460;  in  this  encounter  T0pUs°; 
3,000 §  Yorkists  were  slain;  yet,  this  victory  served  ^t^Wor" 
only  to  accelerate  the  downfall  of  the  Lancastrians,  Ridpath; 
Some  writers  inform  us  that  the  Duke  of  York  was  Henry'; 
taken  alive,  and  was  made  the  subject  of  derision  by  Lingard. 
his  conquerors ;  who,  placing  him  on  a  molehill,  with 
a  garland  on  his  head  made   of  bulrushes   (instead  of 
a  crown),  knelt  before  him,  crying,  "  Hail  King  without 
rule ;    hail  King  without   heritage  ;    hail  Duke   and 
Prince,  without  people,  or  possessions  !"   Having  thus, 
with  many  angry  words,  vented  their  scorn  and  re- 
proach, they  cut  off  his  head,  and  presented  it  to  the 
Queen.  || 

The  Duke  of  York  was  much  lamented  by  his 
followers,  and  not  without  reason.  His  faults  were 
such  as  only  spring  from  qualities  calculated  to  render 
him  beloved  and  esteemed,  and  he  doubtless  deserved 
a  better  fate.  His  enemy,  the  Duke  of  Somerset, 
used  to  say  of  him,  "  That,  if  he  had  not  learnt  to 
11  play  the  king,  by  his  Regency  in  France,  he  had 
M  never  forgot  to  obey  as  a  subject. "  The  Duke 
lost  his  life  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age.  He  left 
three  sons  and  three  daughters ;  the  former  were 
Edward,  Earl  of  March,  George,  and  Richard ;  the 
latter  were  Anne,  Elizabeth,  and  Margaret.^[ 

*  Stow  ;  Baker  ;  Sandford  ;  Hall  ;  Toplis  ;  Lei  and  ;  Allen's  York  ; 
Wethamstede  ;  W.  of  Worcester ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ; 
Rapin  ;  Rot.  Pari.  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Ridpath  ;  London  Chron. ;  Female 
Worthies  ;  Hume  ;  Habington  ;  Watson's  Halifax  ;  Pennant  ;  Burdy's 
Ireland  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  Femmes  Celebres  ;  Rudland's  Journey  to 
Snowden. 

+  This  battle,  we  are  also  informed,  was  fought  in  the  south  fields,  near 
Wakefield,  by  the  bridge  of  nine  arches. 

X  Some  writers  date  this  engagement  the  24th,  some  the  31st,  of  December. 

§  Lingard  tells  us  2000  only  were  slain. 

II  Milles's  Catalogue.       %  Sandford  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Hume  ;  Holinshed. 


94  MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

Shakespeare  has  faithfully  exhibited  the  character  of 
the  Duke  of  York,  where  he  makes  him  to  despise  the 
inequality  of  the  number  of  his  forces,  to  those  of  the 
Queen,  and  to  exclaim, — 

u  Five  men  to  twenty,  though  the  odds  be  great, 

* '  I  doubt  not,  uncle,  of  our  victory. 

"  Many  a  battle  have  I  won  in  France, 

"  When  as  the  enemy  hath  been  ten  to  one  ; 

**  Why  should  I  not  now  have  the  like  success  ? " 

* 

But  this  rash  confidence  cost  him  his  castle  and  his 
life.  On  the  spot  where  he  fell,  a  stone  memorial  was 
erected,  when  his  party  were  again  in  the  ascendant, 
and  continued  there  until  the  contests  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  which  occasioned  its  removal.* 

This  great  victory  at  Wakefield,  which  may  be  said 
to  have  been  achieved  by  the  courage  and  perseverance 
of  Queen  Margaret,  seemed  to  promise  security  to 
King  Henry's  crown,  but  its  ultimate  effects  were  the 
contrary.  The  defeat  of  their  leader  aroused  the 
fiercest  animosities  of  all  the  supporters  of  the  House 
of  York ;  it  excited  the  energies  of  Edward,  the  son 
of  the  Duke  of  York,  and  aroused  the  pride  and 
talents  of  the  potent  Warwick  ;  in  short,  all  the  latent 
zeal  of  this  party  was,  at  once,  called  forth  against 
their  conquerors,  and  all  became  ambitious  of  wiping 
away  the  dishonour  of  the  late  encounter.  A  deadly 
retaliation  ensued,  which  neither  the  talents  of  the 
Queen,  or  of  her  generals,  or  the  sanctity  and  virtues  of 
the  King,  could  arrest.  The  contest,  from  this  time,  bore 
a  decided  character;  the  desire  for  revenge  giving  to 
the  parties  a  firmness  they  had  never  before  exhibited.! 

Amidst  the  rejoicings  of  the  Queen  for  her  late 
victory,  she,  unhappily,  did  not  exhibit  those  feelings 
of  compassion  for  the  vanquished,  which  ever  adorn 

*  Warner's  Tour. ;  Lingard  ;  Hist,  and  Antiquities  of  York. 

f  Lingard. 


MARGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  95 

humanity  ;  and,  either  yielding  to  her  resentment 
against  the  Duke  of  York,  or,  possibly,  in  compliance 
with  the  wishes  of  Lord  Clifford,  she  commanded  the 
head  of  her  great  enemy,  Richard  of  York,  to  be  set 
up  on  the  walls  of  York,  and  in  ridicule  of  his  pre- 
tensions, as  it  was  said,  "  that  York  might  overlook 
u  the  town  of  York." 

The  brutality  of  character  of  Lord  Clifford  has  been 
already  exhibited,  and  it  seems  far  more  probable  that 
this  act,  commanded  by  the  Queen,  was  granted  to  his 
suggestions  rather  than  to  gratify  herself.  In  like 
manner,  Queen  Margaret  might  have  conceded  her 
own  sentiments  to  the  exigency  of  the  times,  in  per- 
mitting the  northern  Barons  to  use  the  privilege  of 
plundering  the  country  south  of  the  Trent;  for  this 
permission  was  indeed  highly  injurious  to  her  interests ; 
and  we  find  the  further  progress  of  the'  army  marked 
by  fire  and  sword,  to  which  the  monasteries,  churches, 
and  private  houses,  were  alike  sacrificed.* 

Thus  did  the  Queen,  with  her  northern  army, 
hasten  on  to  make  sure  of  the  capital,  without  which 
neither  party  could  be  established. 

While  advancing  towards  London,  she  received 
information  that  the  Earl  of  March  was  on  his  way  to 
meet  her ;  but,  being  ignorant  of  the  number  of  his 
forces,  she  continued  her  route;  sending  only  a  detach- 
ment against  him,  under  the  command  of  the  Earl  of 
Pembroke.f 

Edward,  Earl  of  March,  was  at  Gloucester,  when  he 
learnt  the  melancholy  news  of  the  fate  of  his  father 
and  brother.  He  went  immediately  to  Shrewsbury, 
where  the  inhabitants  wTere  strongly  attached  to  him, 
and  desired  their  help  to  avenge  his  father's  death. 
He  increased  his  army  to  23,000  men  in  these  parts ; 
and  then  set  out  in  quest  of  the  Queen.     He  had 

*  Henry.  f  Baker  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume. 


96  MAKGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

been  much  dismayed  bv  the  defeat  and  death  of  his 
father,  for  whose  assistance  he  had  been  then  pre- 
paring, and  he  now  resolved,  not  only  to  revenge 
himself,  but  to  maintain  the  quarrel  of  his  House, 
whatever  it  might  cost  him ;  indeed,  there  appeared 
no  retreat ;  for,  having  once  been  driven  to  such 
desperate  measures,  nothing  short  of  the  extinction  of 
one  of  the  factions  could -give  peace,  and  establish  the 
authority  of  the  other. 

The  Earl  of  March  had  been  encouraged  by  the 
hope  of  aid  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  had  been 
left  in  London,  by  the  Duke  of  York,  for  the  defence 
of  that  city.  When,  as  he  proceeded  on  his  march, 
Edward  learnt  that  Queen  Margaret  was  bending  her 
course  towards  the  capital,  he  altered  his  route,  and 
made  an  attempt  to  get  to  London  before  her. 

Finding,  however,  that  some  troops  had  been  dis- 
missed by  Queen  Margaret  to  oppose  him,  and  that 
thus  he  had  two  enemies  to  encounter,  between  whom 
he  must  necessarily  have  passed,  had  he  proceeded 
towards  the  metropolis,  he  suddenly  changed  his 
resolution,  and,  turning  back,  prepared  to  meet  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  who,  by  the  Queen's  orders,  was 
advancing,  accomp,anied  by  the  Earls  of  Ormond  and 
Wiltshire,  with  their  forces,  chiefly  composed  of  Welsh 
and  Irish.* 

At  this  time,  when  the  son  of  the  Duke  of  York 
was  thus  engaged,  seeking  to  avenge  his  father's 
death,  letters  were  addressed  by  King  Henry  (in  this 
last  year  of  his  reign,  as  it  proved)  to  the  Earl  of 
Arundel,  the  Lords  Dacre,  Delaware,  Cobham,  and 
Abergavenny  ;  also  to  some  of  the  sheriffs  and  justices 
of  the  peace,  mayors,  and  private  individuals  in  Kent, 
dated  on  the  28th  of  January,   1461.     That  Henry 

*  Hall ;  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Henry ; 
Phillips's  Shrewsbury ;  Fosbroke's  Gloucestershire. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  97 

was  in  the  power  of  the  Yorkists,  is  evidenced  by  the 
statements  in  these  letters,  "  that  the  King  had  certain 
"  information  that  those  misruled  and  outrageous 
"  people  in  the  north  parts  of  this  realm  had  been 
"  coming  towards  these  parts  to  the  destruction  there 
"  of  you,  and  subversion  of  all  our  land ;  and  the 
"  persons  addressed  were  commanded  to  come  to  the 
"  King,  in  all  possible  haste,  with  as  many  followers 
"  as  they  could  collect,  he  being  about  to  proceed  in 
"  person  against  his  enemies."* 

These  armies  met  on  a  small   level   plain,   called      H6i. 
Kingslancl  Field,  near  Mortimer's  Cross,  in  Hereford-  paston' 
shire,    on    Candlemas-day,    the     2nd    of    February,  jj-JS. 

1461.  Lingard. 

The  superiority  of  numbers  was,  upon  this  occasion, 
great  on  the  side  of  the  Yorkists  ;  and  the  Earl  of 
Pembroke  was  speedily  defeated,  with  a  loss  of  2,800 
men. |  The  disparity  of  numbers,  although  very 
great  (and  some  say  that  the  Earl  of  March  had 
60,000,  others  asserting  he  had  51,000  men,  while 
Pembroke  had  but  8,000),  was  not  the  only  cause 
of  the  success  of  the  young  heir  of  York.  The  his- 
torians relate  that  this  engagement  took  place  in  the 
morning,  when  the  sun  appeared  of  such  dazzling- 
brightness,  that  the  Earl  of  March  is  recorded  to  have 
beheld  three  suns,  which  again  suddenly  united  into 
one ;  and  this  sight  so  animated  the  courage  of 
the  youthful  Edward,  that  he  rapidly  dispersed  his 
enemies. J  It  has  been  supposed  that,  on  account  of 
this  circumstance,  the  Earl  of  March  gave  the  sun  in 
its  full  brightness  for  his  cognizance.  The  Earl  of  lm. 
Pembroke  saved  himself  by  flight ;  but  Owen  Tudor, 

*  Sir  H.  Nicolas' s  Proceedings  of  the  Privy  Council, 
f  One  writer  tells  us  that  the  loss  was  3,800  ;  others,  4,000. 
%  Lingard  dates  this  battle  the  1  st  of  February,  and  says  4,000  royalists 
were  slain  ;  Toplis  says  also  4,000  ;  Baker,  3,800  ;  Stow,  3,800. 

VOL.    II.  h 


98  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

his  father,  being  taken  with  some  others,  suffered 
death  at  Hereford,  to  revenge  the  like  punishment 
inflicted  upon  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  and  his  friends 
after  the  battle  of  Wakefield  Green.  Owen  Tudor 
was  interred  in  the  church  of  Grey  Friars  at  Hereford." 

The  news  of  this  defeat  reached  Queen  Margaret, 
but  did  not  arrest  her  progress.  She  was  bent  on 
entering  the  capital,  and  did  not  think  her  late  victory 
complete,  until  she  had  released  her  husband  from  his 
captivity.  This  she  resolved  to  effect,  even  though 
she  might  lose  her  life  in  the  attempt.  Accordingly, 
after  the  battle  of  Wakefield  Green,  she  led  on  her 
victorious  troops  towards  London.  The  progress  of 
this  great  army,  composed  of  Scots,  Welsh,  foreigners, 
as  well  as  English,  was,  from  this  time,  marked  by 
rapine  and  destruction.  Presuming  on  the  license 
granted  them,  and  having  passed  the  river  Trent,  they 
spared  neither  towns  nor  churches.  They  destroyed 
the  towns  of  Grantham,  Stanford,  Peterborough, 
Huntingdon,  Royston,  and  others,  all,  indeed,  in  their 
way  to  the  capital.  They  robbed  the  churches  of  all 
that  was  valuable,  bearing  away  crosses,  chalices, 
books,  or  ornaments  ;  and  thus  indulging  their  licen- 
tiousness, they  arrived  at  Dunstable  and  St.  Alban's. 
At  this  last  place  no  command,  even  from  the  King 
himself,  could  stay  their  ravages  of  the  town,  and  of 
its  venerable  abbey. 

The  Abbey  of  St.  Alban's  had  been,  in  stormy  times, 
a  place  of  refuge  for  the  poor  peasants,  who  even 
drove  thither  their  cattle  for  safety,  while  the  battle 
raged  without  its  walls.  All  the  woods  and  forests 
of  the  land  provided  its  timber  and  game  ;  and  corn, 

*  Sandford  ;  Toplis  ;  Hall  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Willement  ;  Baker  ; 
Paston  Letters  ;  Howel  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Peck's  Stanford  ;  Stow  ;  Pol 
Vergil ;  Pennant ;  Ridpath  ;  Hume  ;  Phillips's  Shrewsbury  ;  Lingard  ; 
Eapin  ;  Henry. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  99 

wine,  and  other  produce,  in  abundance,  were  supplied 
to  the  needy  applicants  by  the  hospitable  monks. 
The  first  battle  of  St.  Alban's,  in  1455,  had  spread 
devastation,  both  in  the  town  and  country,  around  this 
noble  sanctuary ;  but  houses  were  rebuilt,  and  the 
lands  had  just  recovered  their  fertility,  when  a  second 
battle  renewed  all  the  horrors  of  the  former  one  ;  once 
again  the  wounded  and  the  dying  tottered  to  its 
sheltering  walls,  and  the  continual  tolling  bell  an- 
nounced the  last  sad  office  and  closing  service  ren- 
dered for  each  one  of  those  departed. 

More  ruthless  this  second  warfare  was  than  the 
first,  which  had  seemed  like  the  contest  of  brothers 
or  relatives  struggling  for  their  much-vaunted  rights  ; 
but  far  more  sanguinary  and  cruel  was  the  vengeance 
of  these  northern  lords,  whose  pride  had  urged  them 
forward  to  rush  upon  their  country's  ruin. 

The  progress  of  this  destructive  army,  headed  by 
the  Queen  herself,  was  arrested  by  the  appearance 
of  new  forces,  led  on  by  the  Dukes  of  Norfolk  and 
Suffolk,  with  the  Earls  of  Warwick  and  Arundel,  Lord 
Bonville,  and  others,  who  came  from  London  to  op- 
pose the  Lancastrians. 

It  was  the  belief  of  Queen  Margaret,  that  when  she 
should  appear  before  the  capital,  as  the  conqueror  of 
the  Duke  of  York,  the  gates  would  be  thrown  open  to 
her,  and  that  the  inhabitants  would,  in  their  terror, 
drive  out  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  That  this  nobleman 
held  the  same  opinion,  there  can  be  little  doubt,  since 
he  preferred  to  go  out  of  the  city  to  meet  the  Queen  ; 
and,  in  doing  so,  he  had  his  army  considerably  aug- 
mented by  a  body  of  the  "  trainbands  "  of  London, 
which  had  been  chiefly  induced  to  join  him  through 
the  alarm  inspired  by  the  ravages  committed  by  the 
northern  troops.  They  anticipated,  doubtless,  the  im- 
minent hazard  of  all  their  possessions,  should  these 

H  2 


100  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

"barbarians,"  as  they  called  thein,  be  admitted  into 
the  city.° 

The  Earl  of  Warwick,  taking  with  him  the  unfortu- 
nate King  Henry,  who  seemed  to  be  led  about  as  a 
state  prisoner,  advanced  to  Bernard's  Heath,  near 
St.  Alban's,  where  the  two  armies  met,  on  Shrove 
Tuesday,  the  17th  of  February,  1461. 
i46i.  The  Queen  had  with  her  the  Prince,  her  son,  the 

StowV  Dukes  of  Exeter  and  Somerset,  the  Earls  of  North- 
SMuitord;  umberland,  Devonshire,  and  Shrewsbury,  the  Lords 
Lingard.  Eoos,  Graycodnore,  Fitzhughe,  Graystoke,  Wells,  and 
Willoughby,  with  many  others  ;  the  total  number  of 
her  forces  beino-  4,000  men.  With  this  armv  Mar- 
garet  entered  St.  Alban's,  intending  to  pass  the  town ; 
but  they  were  arrested,  near  to  the  Cross  in  the 
market-place,  by  a  body  of  archers,  who  dismissed 
such  a  volley  of  arrows,  that  they  were  speedily 
repulsed,  with  some  loss,  and  compelled  to  return  to 
the  west  end  of  the  town,  where  again  they  had  a 
sharp  encounter ;  but  at  length,  after  great  slaughter 
on  both  sides,  they  passed  the  town,  and  arrived 
at  Bernard's  Heath.  Near  the  little  town  of  Sun- 
bridge,  at  a  place  named  "  No  Man's  Land,"  they 
met  the  army  of  the  Yorkists,  whose  forces  amounted 
to  4,000  or  5,000  men.  Then  came  on  a  very  severe 
and  bloody  conflict ;  and,  owing  to  some  negligence  or 
treachery  on  the  part  of  Lovelace,  one  of  the  com- 
manders of  the  Earl's  army,  who  quitted  the  field,  the 
Queen  gained  the  advantage,  and  finally  defeated  the 
Earl  of  Warwick,  whose  loss  was  estimated  at  2,800 
men.")* 

No  person  of  distinction  was  killed  in  this  engage- 
ment.     Amongst    the    wounded,    however,    was    Sir 

*  Hall ;  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Lingard  ;  Baudier  ;  Eapin  ;  Henry. 
f  Rapin  and  Toplis  say,  2,300,  W.  of  Worcester  2,000,  Stow  1,91  G  were 
slain. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  101 

James  Lutterel,  who  died  on  the  following  day ;  also 
Sir  John  Gray,  Lord  Ferrers,  of  Grosby,  who  only 
survived  this  battle  a  few  days  ;  he  died  on  the  28th 
of  February,  1461.  This  nobleman  had  been  a  zealous 
supporter  of  the  Lancastrian  cause.  He  had  led  on 
the  cavalry  in  the  late  battle,  in  which  he  received  his 
mortal  wound.  He  was  not  only  valiant,  but  young* 
and  handsome  ;  and  after  losing  his  father,  Sir  Ed- 
ward Gray,  Lord  Ferrers,  in  1457,  when  he  inherited 
the  family  estates,  had  married  Elizabeth,0  the 
eldest  daughter  of  Richard  Woodville,  Earl  Rivers,  by 
whom  he  had  two  sons.  At  the  close  of  the  battle, 
Sir  John  was  conveyed  to  the  village  of  Colney.  As 
night  drew  on,  the  Yorkists  escaped  by  flight  from 
apparent  destruction,  leaving  their  King  alone  f  in 
the  tent  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  It  was  here  that  he 
was  discovered  by  Queen  Margaret,  when  a  tender 
interview  took  place  between  King  Henry,  his  con- 
sort, and  the  young  Prince  ;  the  King  embracing  and 
kissing  them  "  in  most  loving  wise,  and  yielding 
"  hearty  thanks  to  Almighty  God  for  the  restoration 
"  of  his  son." 

Those  who  have  called  Queen  Margaret  an  enemy 
of  her  husband,  and  of  the  English  nation,  must  have 
formed  this  opinion  from  the  political  errors  into  which 
she  had  the  misfortune  to  fall,  owing  to  her  youth,  her 
inexperience,  or  her  alliance  to  the  royal  family  of 
France.  Nothing  has  been  transmitted  to  us  by 
which  we  can  entertain  any  doubt  of  the  affection  and 
fidelity  of  Queen  Margaret  to  her  husband. 

We'are  informed  that  at  the  Queen's  request,  upon 
the  occasion  of  their  happy  meeting,  the  King  knighted 


*  This  lady,  after  the  death  of  Sir  John  Gray,  became  the  queen  of 
Edward  IV. 

f&W.  of  Worcester  and  some  others  say, the  King  was  found  in  the  camp 
with  Lord  Montague,  his  chamberlain. 


102  MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

his  son,  Edward,  Prince  of  Wales  (who  was  then  seven 
years  of  age),  as'well  as  thirty  noblemen  and  gentle- 
men,* who  had  displayed  great  valour  in  the  preceding 
battle,  f 

They  afterwards  proceeded  to  St.  Alban's  Abbey, 
where  the  Abbot  welcomed  them,  and  anthems  were 
sung.  A  humble  petition  was  offered  to  the  King 
for  the  protection  of  this  abbey,  and  the  town,  from 
the  outrages  of  the  soldiers.  He  at  once  granted  this 
request ;  but,  although  proclamation  was  made  to  that 
effect,  it  was  in  vain  ;  the  northern  soldiers  declaring 
that  they  had  been  promised  the  spoils  wherever  they 
went  south  of  the  Trent,  they  presumed  on  their 
privilege,  and  continued  their  ravages. 

King  Henry  alsojssued  orders  for  the  arrest  of  the 
Earl  of  March,  but  this  command  was  as  futile  as 
the  preceding  one 4 

It  is  related  that  the  King,  with  his  accustomed 
kindliness  of  heart,  visited  the  young  Lord  Gray,  who, 
at  the  village  of  Colney,  was  drawing  near  the  close 
of  his  mortal  career.  Possibly  he  was  clinging  to 
life,  as  mostly  is  the  case  in  youth,  and  Henry  sought 
to  afford  him  consolation  in  the  approach  of  death,  by 
directing  his  thoughts  to  the  only  refuge  upon  which 
he  had  based  his  own  hopes.  A  contemporary  writer 
tells  us,  also,  that  the  dying  lord  received  the  honour 
of  knighthood  from  his  beloved  monarch,  who  then 
conferred  upon  him  the  distinction  for  the  sake  of  his 
two  sons,§  Sir  Thomas  and  Sir  Kichard  ;  their  father, 
Sir  John,  having  been  prevented  by  the  intestine  divi- 


*  Among  these  were  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  and  Lord  Boos. 

f  Hall  ;  Sandford  ;  Toplis  ;  Stow  ;  Fabyan  ;  Baker  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ; 
Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Morant  ;  Loud.  Chron. ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ; 
Pennant  ;  Lingard  ;  Henry  :  Femmes  Celebres. 

J  Baker ;  Rot.  Pari.  ;  Lingard. 

§  Of  one  of  these  sons  we  learn  that  Sir  Thomas  was  created,  in  1471, 
Earl  of  Huntingdon,  and  in  1475  Marquis  of  Dorset. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  103 

sions  in  the  country,  from  taking  his  seat  in  the  House 
of  Peers.  Twelve  persons,  besides  Sir  John,  were 
knighted  at  this  time  by  the  King,1  at  the  village  of 
Colney. 

Several  persons  of  distinction  were  beheaded  after 
the  late  battle ;  although,  as  it  is  said,  their  lives  had 
been  granted  by  the  King.  Amongst  those  were  Lord 
Bonville  and  Sir  Thomas  Kiriel,  knight,  who  were 
seized  and  put  to  death  in  the  presence  of  Prince 
Edward,  at  St.  Alban's,  upon  Ash  Wednesday  ;  and  it 
was  reported  this  barbarity  was  in  retaliation  for  the 
execution  of  Lord  Hungerforcl,  at  Hereford.* 

Queen  Margaret  has  been  charged  with  this  cruelty, 
and  it  is  probable  the  Queen  did,  in  the  heat  of  vic- 
tory, and  in  the  spirit  of  retaliation,  give  this  command. 
Barbarous  as  it  may  appear,  we  must  pause  at  the 
consideration  of  her  reprehensibleness,  when  we  are 
called  upon  to  do  justice  to  the  varied  accounts  of 
this  period.  Two  questions  arise ;  viz.,  were  these 
orders  given  for  the  indulgence  of  her  own  private 
animosity,  or  for  the  gratification  of  some  of  the  Lan- 
castrian faction  ?  Stow  relates  that  Bonville  was  put 
to  death  through  party  violence,  at  the  instance  of  the 
Queen,  the  Duke  of  Exeter,  and  the  Earl  of  Devonshire.")" 

Many  of  our  historians  cast  the  odium  of  this  trans- 
action on  the  Queen  only.  They  state  that,  when  the 
flight  of  the  Yorkists  became  general,  the  Lords  about 
the  King's  person,  perceiving  the  danger,  withdrew 
themselves,  "  Lord  Bonville,  only  coming  in  a  compli- 
"  mentary  manner  to  the  King,  and  saying  it  grieved 
"  him  to  leave  his  majesty,  but  that  necessity  for  the 
"  safeguard  of  his  life  enforced  it,  was  importuned  by 
"  the  King  to  stay,  and  also  Sir  Thomas  Kiriel,  a  knight 

*  Paston  Letters  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Hall ;   Baker  ;  Rapin  ;  Toulmin  ; 
Hume  ;  Morant ;  Henry  ;  Ling-ard. 
f  Stow  ;  Lyson's  Mag.  Brit. 


104  MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 

"  of  Kent,  lie  passing  his  royal  word  that  their  stay 
"  should  be  no  danger  to  them."  Upon  this  promise 
they  stayed  ;  but  the  Queen,  hearing  that  the  Commons 
had  beheaded  Baron  Thorp,  at  Highgate,*  in  revenge 
thereof  caused  both  their  heads  to  be  struck  off.f 

Some  very  powerful  motive  must  have  influenced 
the  Queen  to  make  her  act  thus — in  contempt  of  the 
King's  word,  and  in  defiance  of  all  good  faith,  to 
issue  her  command  for  the  execution  of  these  noble- 
men, and  thus  to  sullv  the  glory  of  her  late  victory. 
One  suggestion  only  is  supplied  to  us  as  the  proba- 
ble cause,  and  it  is  certain  that  private  injuries  are 
always  most  keenly  felt  and  resented.  It  has  been 
asserted  that  Lord  Bonville,  after  the  battle  of  North- 
ampton, in  which  his  party  was  triumphant,  had 
the  custody  of  the  King's  person,  and  possibly,  by 
some  indignity  he  had  offered  to  the  meek  monarch, 
this  nobleman  had  incurred  the  Queen's  resentment. 
Whether  this  opinion  be  correct  or  no,  it  is  probable 
that  Lord  Bonville  suffered  for  his  attachment  to  the 
Yorkists,  whose  party  he  espoused  in  14-19,  when  he 
was  besieged  at  Taunton.;):  This  lord  was  the  last 
of  an  ancient  Devonshire  family,  and  it  is  remarkable, 
that  the  havoc  of  civil  war  annihilated  three  genera- 
tions within  the  short  space  of  two  months.  At  Wake- 
field Lord  Bonville  had  witnessed  the  death  of  his  son, 
Sir  William  Bonville,  and  of  his  grandson,  AVilliam, 
Lord  Harrington, §  who  were  killed  in  battle  in  De- 
cember, 14G0,  and  in  the  following  February  the  aged 
grandfather  lost  his  life. 

*  Thomas  Thorp,  one  of  the  barons  of  the  Exchequer,  made  an  attempt 
to  join  the  Queen,  and  for  this  purpose  disguised  himself  in  the  habit  of  a 
monk,  with  his  "  crown  shorn  ;  "  but  he  was  discovered,  sent  to  the  Tower, 
and  afterwards  beheaded  by  the  people  at  Haringay  Park,  Highgate,  on 
17th  of  February,  1461. 

f  Baker  ;  Hall ;  Pennant  ;  Fabyan  ;  Stow.  %  Toulmin. 

§  This  title  he  enjoyed  in  right  of  his  wife,  the  heiress  of  Lord  Harring- 
ton, of  Harrington. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOIT.  105 

In  these  wars  of  the  Roses,  or,  as  they  might  be 
designated,  of  bloody  retaliation,  the  law  of  life  for  life 
appears  to  have  been  strongly  adhered  to  by  the 
victors  on  either  side ;  and  this  might  be  adduced  as 
some  excuse,  if  any  could  be  made,  for  the  hasty  and 
cruel  proceeding  just  related,  which  has  even  caused 
Queen  Margaret  to  be  designated  by  one  writer,  the 
"  barbarous  queen." 

The  astonishing  success  which  had  attended  the 
arms  of  this  Queen  in  the  battles  in  which  she  com- 
manded in  person,  has  led  some  to  believe  that,  had 
the  King's  forces  always  had  her  able  direction,  the 
Lancastrians  might  have  been  more  fortunate.* 

The  grand  error  of  Queen  Margaret,  like  that  of  the 
celebrated  Carthaginian  general  of  old,  was  delay,  and 
to  this,  has  been  attributed  her  ultimate  want  of  success. 
After  so  memorable  a  battle  as  that  of  Bernard's 
Heath,  had  she  marched  on,  with  her  victorious  army, 
to  London,  and  demanded  admittance,  there  is  little 
doubt  that  she  would  have  been  welcomed.  In  this, 
however,  she  was  even  less  faulty  than  Hannibal,  as  it 
did  not  originate  in  her  own  neglect ;  on  the  contrary, 
being  indebted  for  her  late  victory  to  the  exertions  of 
a  band  of  northern  troops,  (whose  services  she  was 
utterly  unable  to  recompense,  and  who  had  voluntarily 
attended  her  in  this  war,  conditionally,  that  they 
should  ravage  the  country  south  of  the  Trent),  these 
soldiers  now  firmly  insisted  on  the  exercise  of  this 
privilege,  and  no  prohibition,  or  intreaties  could  induce 
them  to  march  forward.  Thus'  the  interests  of  the 
Queen  were  sacrificed  to  their  rapacity,  and  so  unruly 
became  these  northern  soldiers,  that  the  most  peremp- 
tory orders  could  not  deter  them  from  their  purpose. 
While  presuming  on  their  agreement,  the  prohibi- 
tions of  the  King  and  of  the  Queen  were  equally  clis- 

*  Baudier. 


106  MARGABET    OF   ANJOU. 

regarded  by  them,  and  they  continued  their  plunder 
of  St.  Alban's  and  its  Abbey,  and,  in  defiance  of  all 
authority,  ransacked  and  pillaged  the  country  in  the 
most  horrible  manner.  Several  days  were  passed  by 
them  in  spreading  devastation  around,  and  they  even 
extended  their  ravages  as  far  as  the  gates  of  the 
metropolis.  How  little  cause  had  the  triumphant 
Queen  to  rejoice  in  her  victory,  on  beholding  the  mis- 
conduct of  her  powerful  adherents,  and  the  vain  efforts 
of  the  King  to  save  his  favoured  Abbey  from  their 
destructive  force ! 

In  consequence  of  these  continued  depredations,  the 
people  of  London,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  counties 
around,   who  had  been  thus  allowed  time  to  recover 
from  the  consternation  into  which  the  defeat   of  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  had  thrown  them,  resolved  to  expose 
themselves  to  every  peril,  rather  than  to  admit  such 
cruel  plunderers.     They  felt  the  necessity  for  the  pro- 
tection of  their  property,  and  many  attached  themselves 
to  the  Yorkist  party.*     The   terror  with  which  the 
northern  army  had    inspired  their  minds  was  highly 
injurious  to  the  Queen ;    and  the  confusion  and  con- 
tentions of  the  Londoners  must  have  been  considerable. 
One  writer  describes  it  thus:  "At  this  tyme  during 
"  the  troubelous  season,  great  watches  were  kept  daily 
"  and    nightly,    and    divers    opinions    amongst     the 
"  citizens  ;  for  the  mayor  and  many  of  the  chief  com- 
"  moners  held  to  the  Queen's  party,  and  the  common- 
"  alty  was  witli  York  and  his  affinity."     Thus  when 
the   Queen,   finding   herself  distressed  for  provisions, 
owing  to  the  licentiousness  of  her  followers,  sent  to  the 
Lord  Mayor  of  London,  requesting  of  him  supplies  ; 
he,  fearing  to  offend  her  at  this  moment,  gave  orders 
for  several  carts  to  be  loaded  with  provisions ;  when, 

*  Sandf ord  ;  Baker ;  W.  of  Worcester ;  Ridpath ;  Paston  Letters ;  Hume ; 
Henry;  Lingard. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  107 

however,  they  were  about  to  convey  them  from  the 
city,  they  were  stopped  by  the  populace,  near  Cripple- 
gate  ;  and  the  adverse  party  declared  to  the  Lord 
Mayor,  that  they  would  not  permit  any  succours  to  be 
conveyed  to  an  army,  whose  avowed  object  was  to  plunder 
the  country.  Upon  this,  the  mayor  prevailed  upon 
three  ladies,  the  Duchess  of  Bedford,  the  Duchess  of 
Buckingham,  and  Lady  Scales,  to  go,  accompanied  by 
several  prelates,  to  the  Queen  and  her  counsellors, 
then  at  Barnet,  to  intercede  for  him,  excusing  him  for 
not  using  force  with  the  citizens,  in  order  to  comply 
with  her  request,  as  he  feared  to  excite  their  anger  in 
such  doubtful  times,  when  it  might  not  be  easy  to 
allay  it.  The  ladies  were  successful  in  their  embassy. 
They  not  only  pacified  the  Queen,  but  prevailed  in 
persuading  her,  that,  if  some  of  the  lords  of  the  council 
with  a  guard  of  400  good  soldiers,  were  sent  to 
London  to  appease  the  tumult,  by  riding  through  the 
streets,  some  of  the  aldermen  would  then  come  out  to 
meet  her,  and  would  introduce  both  the  King  and 
Queen  quietly  into  the  city.* 

Queen  Margaret  prudently  and  wisely  concealed  her 
displeasure  at  the  indignity  offered  her  by  the  citizens, 
and  appeared  to  acquiesce  in  the  plan  proposed  to  her. 
While  this  negotiation  was  carried  on,   the  Earl  of     1461. 
March    was   advancing    with   rapid    strides    towards  Hemy'; 
London.     His  purpose  was  to  encourage  the  citizens  Hume' 
to  oppose  the  entrance  of  Queen  Margaret ;  indeed,  the 
news  only  of  the  Earl's  approach    caused  the  Lord 
Mayor  to  lengthen  his  treaty  with  the  Queen,  until  her 
affairs  became  desperate. f 

When  the  Queen  was  informed  that  the  Earl  of 
March  was  so  near  at  hand,  and  that  he  had  united  his 
own  army  with  the  remains  of  that  of  the  Earl  of 

*  Biondi  ;  Baker ;  Habington  ;  Stow ;  W.  of  Worcester;  Hall ;  Sandfordj; 
Rapin ;  Henry ;  Maitland's  London  ;  Lingard.  f  Ibid. 


10S  MARGARET    OF   AXJOU. 

Warwick,  she  determined  upon  retiring  to  the  north. 
She  thus  wisely  provided  for  a  safe  retreat,  showing 
prudence,  which  is  called  "the  better  part  of  valour." 
Margaret  was  well  aware  that  her  army,  with  their 
present  licentious  habits,  were  not  able  to  encounter 
the  enemy  with  any  reasonable  hope  of  success,  and 
foreseeing  that  she  would  be  compelled  to  fight  at  a 
great  disadvantage,  at  the  very  gates  of  the  capital, 
where  she  could  not  anticipate  a  favourable  reception 
from  the  people,  she  resigned  it  to  her  rival,  whose 
favour  there,  seemed  greater  than  her  own.  The 
Queen  then  hastily  withdrew  from  St.  Alban's  to 
Dunstable,  and  thence  to  a  remote  part  of  the 
kingdom.* 
U61  Edward,  Earl  of  March,  now  triumphantly  entered 

??*J*j.     the  metropolis  on  the  28th  February,  1461,  overjoyed 
Hemy ; '     at  his  good  fortune,  and  welcomed  by  the   unanimous 
voice  of  the  people. 

His  friends,  perceiving  how  much  the  timidity  and 
caution  with  which  the  Duke  of  York,  his  father,  had 
acted,  was  prejudicial  to  his  interests,  advised  him  to  con- 
sent to  bolder  measures,  and  even  resolved,  by  a  des- 
perate effort,  to  establish  him  at  once  upon  the  throne. 
After  several  consultations,  they  determined  to  set  aside 
the  ordinary  modes  of  proceeding,  and,  without  waiting 
for  the  sanction  of  Parliament,  to  endeavour  to  obtain, 
first,  the  suffrages  of  the  people,  and  then  those  of  the 
nobility.  They  hoped,  also,  to  justify  this  by  the  act 
of  Parliament,  which  confirmed  the  agreement  made 
between  the  King  and  the  Duke  of  York.  Without 
further  delay,  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  pursuant  to  this 
resolve,  assembled  his  troops  in  St.  John's  Fields,  and 
the  people,  who  crowded  thither,  being  drawn  up  in  the 
form  of  a  ring,  the  Earl,  standing  in  the  midst  of  them, 

*  Sandford ;  Hall ;  Stow  ;  Biondi ;  Ridpath  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Hume  ; 
Henry  ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard. 


Rapin. 


MAKGARET    OF    ANJOTJ.  109 

first  read  to  them  the  agreement  entered  into  between 
the  King  and  the  Duke  of  York,  and  the  act  of  Par- 
liament confirming  it.  He  next  proceeded  to  assert 
that  Henry,  having  notoriously  violated  this  agree- 
ment, thereby  had  forfeited  the  crown.  Then,  raising 
his  voice,  the  Earl  demanded  of  the  people  "if  they 
"  would  have  Henry  of  Lancaster  for  their  king?" 
and  being  answered  in  the  negative,  he  further  re- 
quired of  them  to  say  "  if,  in  compliance  with  the 
"  agreement  they  had  just  heard,  they  would  receive 
"  Edward,  son  of  the  Duke  of  York,  for  their  sove- 
"  reign  ?':  Upon  which  the  people  set  up  a  loud 
shout  in  token  of  their  consent.  The  news  was 
quickly  conveyed  to  the  Earl  of  March,  then  at  Bay- 
nard's  Castle.* 

One  point  being  thus  gained,  the  Yorkists  next  con- 
vened an  assembly  of  all  the  clergy,  nobility,  and  gentry 
in  London  and  its  vicinity,  and  at  their  meeting  the 
Earl  of  March,  having  set  forth  his  title  by  birth,  as 
well  as  by  the  agreement  entered  into  by  his  father, 
demanded  "  that  the  crown  should  be  adjudged  to 
"  him."  As  no  one  had  courage  at  such  a  moment  to 
support  the  cause  of  the  Lancastrians,  a  declaration 
was  made,  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  all  present, 
that  "  Henry  VI.  had  forfeited  the  crown,  to  which 
"  Edward,  Earl  of  March,  had  now  an  indisputable 
"  right." 

The  youthful  Edward  received  the  crown  with 
modest  protestations  of  his  incompetence,  and  fears  to 
undertake  so  great  a  responsibility ;  but  when  ex- 
horted by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Bishops 
of  Exeter  and  London,  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  he 
concluded  with  lively  promises  of  promoting  the  hap- 
piness of  his  people. 

*  Hall ;  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Biondi ;  London  Chron.  ;  Pol.  Vergil ; 
Pennant ;  Hume  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard. 


110  MAEGAKET    OF   AXJOU. 

Edward  of  York  was,  in  his  nineteenth  year,  both 
handsome  and  accomplished,  which,  as  well  as  the 
fame  of  his  late  success,  and  the  commiseration  felt  for 
the  unfortunate  fate  of  his  father  and  brother,  attracted 
the  people  to  him,  who  had  been  estranged  from  the 
other  party  by  the  ravages  they  had  committed. 

The  following  day  Edward  assumed  all  the  para- 
phernalia of  royalty :  he  received  the  homage  of  the 
nobility    assembled   for    this     purpose   at     Baynard's 
Castle.     The  next  day  he  went   in  procession  to  St. 
Paul's,   and  offered  there  ;  and  appointed  the  solemn 
Te  JDeum  to  be    sung.     Then   he   was    conveyed  in 
royal  state  to  Westminster,  and  there  in   the    great 
hall  took  the  king's  seat,  having  the  sceptre  of   St. 
Edward  in  his  hand.     He  then  returned  by  water  to 
St.  Paul's,  and  finally  established  himself  in  the  Bishop 
of  Exeter's  palace,  the  usual  residence  of  Henry  VI. 
1461.      On  the  day  after,  being  the  4th  of  March,  he  was  pro- 
Worcester ;  claimed  king,  under  the  title  of  Edward  IV.* 
catalogue-       Thus  terminated  the  unhappy  reign  of  Henry  of 
Rapin;       Lancaster,  whose  life   had   always   been    spent   in   a 
Lmgard.      private  and  uniform  manner,  having  taken  no  share  in 
the  administration  during  the  thirty-eight  years  and  a 
half  of  his  sovereignty.     His  personal  character  com- 
manded respect,  even  from  his  enemies ;  and  it  has  been 
truly  observed,  that  "  it  would  be  unjust  to  ascribe  the 
"  peculiar  difficulties  of  his  situation  to  his  misconduct ; 
"  since  they  arose  from  causes  over  which  he  had  no 
"  control." 

No  one  ever  became  king  so  soon  after  his  birth,  or 
lived  so  long  after  his  deposition  ;  he  was  crowned  king 

*  Biondi  ;  Habington  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Fabyan  ;  Baker  ;  W.  of 
Worcester  ;  Sandford  ;  Stow's  Surrey  ;  Lelaud's  Coll.  ;  Ridpatb  ;  Pol. 
Vergil ;  Pennant  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  Phillips's  Shrews- 
bury. 


MAKGAKET   OP  ANJOU.  Ill 

at  nine  months  old,  and  lived  twelve  years  after  he  was 
deposed.  He  was  thirty-nine  years  of  age  when  de- 
throned, his  son  being  then  only  seven  years  old.* 

*  Lingard  ;  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Rapin. 


CHAPTER    III. 

(Queen  Margaret.) 

1 '  Great  lords,  -wise  men  ne'er  sit  and  wail  their  loss, 

"  But  clearly  seek  how  to  redress  their  harms. " — Shakespeare. 

{King  Henry.) 

"  My  crown  is  in  my  heart,  not  on  my  head  ; 

11  Not  deck'd  with  diamonds  and  Indian  stones, 

"  Nor  to  be  seen  :  my  crown  is  call'd  content, — 

"  A  crown  it  is,  that  seldom  kings  enjoy." — Shakespeare. 

(King  Henry.) 

1 '  From  Scotland  am  I  stol'n,  even  of  pure  love, 

"  And  thus  disguis'd  to  greet  my  native  land  ; 

"  No,  Harry,  Harry,  'tis  no  land  of  thine  ; 

1 '  Thy  place  is  fill'd,  thy  sceptre  wrung  from  thee  ; 

"  Thy  balm  wash'd  off,  wherewith  thou  wast  anointed  : 

' '  Xo  bending  knee  will  call  thee  Caesar  now, 

' '  No  humble  sxiitors  press  to  speak  for  right, 

"  No,  not  a  man  comes  for  redress  to  thee  ; 

"  For  how  can  I  help  them,  and  not  myself  !  " — Shakespeare. 

The  Queen  raises  a  large  army  in  Yorkshire — She  is  opposed  by  King- 
Edward  and  Warwick — The  Yorkists  defeated  at  Ferrybridge — Fitz- 
walter  slain — Battle  of  Towton — King  Edward  returns  to  London — 
His  coronation — The  King  and  Queen  fly  with  their  son  to  Scotland — 
They  are  well  received  by  the  Scottish  monarch,  but  obtain  no  succours 
— Queen  Margaret's  exertions— Incursions  into  England— King  Henry 
repulsed  at  Durham — A  defeat  in  Wales — Two  earls  are  beheaded — 
King  Edward's  first  Parliament — Somerset  and  others  submit  to 
Edward — Earl  of  Oxford  beheaded — King  Edward's  manoeuvre — No 
effectual  succours  from  France — Alnwick  Castle  taken — Queen  Mar- 
garet goes  to  France,  and  returns  with  some  troops — Some  castles 
taken — The  Queen  is  driven  back — A  shipwreck — Warwick  regains  the 
castles— Queen  Margaret  retires  into  Scotland. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  be  an  able  politician  to  perceive 
that  the  monarch,  who  is  competent  and  willing  to  hold 
the  reins  of  government  in  his  own  hands,  has  the  best 


MABGARET    OF   ANJOU.  113 

chance  of  success  and  prosperity,  and  his  people  the 
fairest  opportunity  for  happiness. 

The  prince  who  delegates  to  one  or  more  favoured 
individuals  the  duties  and  cares  of  his  high  station,  that 
he  may  yield  himself  up  to  idleness  and  luxury,  richly 
merits  the  consequent  evils,  viz.,  the  loss  of  his  people's 
esteem,  the  annoyance  of  popular  discontents,  and,  as 
it  has  sometimes  proved,  the  rebellion  of  the  whole 
kingdom.  Henry  VI.  may  be  called  a  truly  unfortu- 
nate monarch,  since  we  find  that  he  experienced  all 
these  evils,  being  himself  a  good  man.  He  was  ever 
willing  to  promote  the  peace  and  happiness  of  his  sub- 
jects ;  but  nature  had  not  gifted  him  with  talents  to 
rule,  and  ill  health,  added  to  a  meek  disposition,  caused 
him  to  give  up  to  each  contending  party.  He  was  at 
this  time  no  longer  in  the  power  of  the  victorious 
Yorkists — no  longer  did  he  succumb  to  their  direful 
influence,  and  sign  their  deeds,  so  destructive  of  his 
own  interests  and  happiness  ;  yet  was  he  far  from  the 
goal  of  peace  to  which  he  seemed  to  be  ever  looking. 
Restored  to  his  natural  and  true  position,  by  the  side  of 
his  beloved  and  courageous  Queen,  yet  was  he  again 
cast  into  a  humiliating  condition,  and  into  no  less  un- 
happy and  perilous  circumstances.  Deprived  of  his 
crown,  and  of  his  former  semblance  of  royalty,  and 
driven  away  from  his  capital,  a  new  campaign  seemed 
opened  to  the  unhappy  monarch,  who,  we  are  told, 
"  could  not  endure  the  sight  of  blood/'  He  was  hastily 
carried  northward  with  the  stream  of  destructive 
warriors,  who,  not  unlike  their  antecedents,  the  Goths 
and  Vandals,  had  effectively  removed  all  within  their 
reach,  that  time  had  stamped  both  in  art  and  nature  as 
beautiful  or  good. 

Queen  Margaret  had  retired  into  Yorkshire,  where      1461. 
she  soon  obtained  a  considerable  increase  to  the  number  Toplis ; 
of  her  followers,  owing  to  the  licence  in  which  she  was  u^vd 


VOL.    II. 


114  MARGARET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

compelled  to  indulge  her  troops  of  plundering  the 
country.  Many  also  joined  her  standard,  influenced  by 
party  animosity,  and  thus  were  the  royal  forces  aug- 
mented to  60,000  men. 

With  this  army  the  Queen  might  have  advanced  to 
offer  her  enemies  battle ;  but  the  adventurous  Edward 
hastened  to  oppose  her.  This  young  monarch,  being 
well  aware  that  although  he  had  assumed  the  title  of 
King,  he  held  it  but  by  a  precarious  tenure,  set  out 
speedily  from  London  for  the  north,  to  arrest  the  pro- 
gress of  the  Lancastrians  ;  and  as  he  advanced  the 
people  flocked  to  him  from  all  the  towns  and  villages 
throughout  the  kingdom. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  accompanied  him,  and  wdien 
he  reached  Pomfret  his  army  amounted  to  49,000  * 
men.  From  thence  a  body  of  soldiers  was  despatched, 
commanded  by  Lord  Fitz  waiter,  |  who  obtained  posses- 
sion of  the  passage  of  Ferrybridge  over  the  river  Aire, 
which  lay  between  the  two  armies.  To  dislodge  them 
from  this  post  the  Lancastrians  dismissed  Lord  Clifford, 
whose  attack  was  so  successful,  that  the  Yorkists  were 
driven  across  the  river  with  great  slaughter,  and  Fitz- 
walter  and  several  distinguished  officers  were  killed.;): 
On  hearing  of  this  defeat,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  was 
greatly  alarmed  lest  it  might  discourage  his  troops. 
He  immediately  informed  King  Edward  of  this  event, 
and  evinced  by  his  emotion  his  fears  for  the  results; 
yet  he  feared  not  for  himself,  but  lest  the  disaster 
might  damp  the  energies  of  his  soldiers,  when  they 
were  on  the  eve  of  a  decisive  battle.     He  gave  orders 

*  Some  authors  say  King  Edward's  army  amounted  to  40,000  only,  while 
by  another  statement  it  is  40,600. 

f  Some  historians  tell  us,  there  was  no  Lord  Fitzwalter  at  the  time  ;  but 
in  the  "  Fragment,"  by  Hearne,  we  find  him  called  John  Ratcliff,  then  Lord 
Fitzwalter. 

X  Baker  ;  Habington  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Hearne's  Frag- 
ment ;  Ridpath  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Hall ;  Toplis  ;  Paston 
Letters  ;  Antiq.  of  York  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard ;  Baudier  ;  Henry ;  Rapin. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  115 

for  his  horse  to  be  brought  him,  and,  stabbing  it  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  army,  kissed  the  hilt  of  his 
sword,  made  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  and  swore,  that  if 
all  his  followers  took  to  flight,  he  alone  would  defend 
the  cause  in  which  he  had  engaged.  Upon  this,  King 
Edward  issued  a  proclamation,  giving  liberty  to  any 
who  desired  it  to  retire,  promising  also  liberal  rewards 
to  all  those  who  should  do  their  duty ;  but  denouncing 
the  severest  punishment  against  all  who  should  betray 
signs  of  fear  in  the  approaching  conflict. 

The  Yorkists,  as  well  as  their  leader  King  Edward, 
had  unanimously  resolved  "not  to  cease  from  their 
"  exertions,  until  they  had  removed  the  dishonour  of 
"  the  fight  at  Wakefield ; '  and  indeed  the  deadly 
retaliation  exhibited  in  the  ensuing  engagement  was 
proof  of  this.  The  war  between  the  two  Roses  had 
now  become  one  of  extermination,  no  forgiveness  being 
hoped  for  from  either  party  ;  they  thought  not  of  their 
lives,  and  it  was  proclaimed  that  no  prisoners  should 
be  taken.  To  conquer,  or  to  die,  was  their  aim  at  this 
crisis.  It  was  an  important  crisis  truly.  Each  party 
had  employed  the  utmost  efforts,  and  tried  every  expe- 
dient, to  be  successful  in  the  fight  to  which  they  were 
looking,  and  each  man  nerved  himself  for  the  awful 
struggle. 

Lord  Falconbridge  was  dismissed  by  the  Yorkists 

to  recover  the  post  which  had  been  lost.     He  passed 

the  river  Aire,  or  Are,  at  Castleford,  three  miles  from 

Ferrybridge,  along  with  Sir  William  Blount  and  Robert 

Home,  intending  to    surprise  Lord  Clifford ;  but   he 

retired  in  great  haste  towards  the  main  body.     In  his 

retreat,  however,  he  fell  in  unawares  with  a  party  of 

his  enemies,  and  his  helmet  being  off,  either  from  heat 

or  pain,  he  was  shot  in  the  throat  with  an  arrow,  as 

some  say  without  a  head,  and  was  instantly  killed. 

This  Lord  Clifford  was  much  hated  for  his  barbarous 

I  2 


116  MARGARET   OF   AXJOTJ. 

murder  of  the  innocent  Earl  of  Rutland,  a  boy  of  only 
twelve  years  of  age  (the  youngest  son  of  the  late  Duke 
of  York) ;  the  piteous  intercessions  of  this  stripling  might 
have  awakened  compassion  in  the  roughest  heart.  For 
this  and  other  cruel  acts  the  Yorkists  had  surnamed 
Lord  Clifford  *  "  the  butcher."  They  now  felt  revenged 
for  the  defeat  at  Ferrybridge  by  his  death. f 

The  King,  Queen,  and  the  young  prince  their  son 
were  staying  at  York.  They  were  desirous  of  this 
engagement  J  as  their  only  means  of  success.  The 
command  of  the  Lancastrian  forces  had  been  bestowed 
on  the  Duke  of  Somerset ;  but  the  Queen,  although 
absent  from  the  field,  was  not  idle ;  she  had  been, 
previous  to  this  battle,  employing  all  her  address  to 
confirm  the  loyalty  of  her  adherents,  and  to  arouse  their 
courage. 

When  King  Henry  heard  of  the  near  approach  of 
his  enemies,  he  did  not  sally  forth  to  meet  them  on 
account  of  Palm  Sunday  being  on  the  morrow,  a  solemn 
feast  day,  and  one,  on  which  he  preferred  rather  to 
pray  than  fight,  in  order  that  the  day  after  he  might 
be  more  successful  in  battle.  Such  was  his  faith  !  but 
his   piety  was  not  regarded.     The  soldiers  liked  not 


*  This  John,  twelfth  Lord  Clifford,  left  two  sons  very  young,  who  were 
living  with  their  mother  at  Londesborough.  Lady  Clifford,  to  save  her 
children  from  the  vengeance  of  the  Yorkists,  sent  Richard,  the  youngest, 
into  the  Netherlands  ;  and  placed  Henry,  the  eldest,  with  a  shepherd,  who 
was  the  husband  of  one  of  her  maids.  This  young  nobleman  was  removed 
from  Londesborough  and  conveyed  into  the  mountains  of  Cumberland, 
where  he  continued  to  lead  the  life  of  a  shepherd  until  he  attained  the  age 
of  thirty-two,  having  never  learnt  to  read,  when  King  Henry  the  Seventh, 
in  his  first  Parliament,  restored  him  to  the  estates  and  hereditary  distinc- 
tions of  his  family. 

f  Baker  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Rapin  ;  Drake's  Hist,  of  York  ;  Allen's 
York  ;  Toplis  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Antiquities  of  York  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ; 
W.  of  Worcester  ;  Historical  View  of  Northumberland. 

J  John  de  Wethamstede,  the  monk  of  St.  Alban's,  composed  a  poem  in 
Latin,  soon  after  the  battle  of  Towton,  giving  an  account  of  the  wars  of 
the  Roses,  especially  as  they  related  to  St.  Alban's  monastery. —  Wright's 
Political  Songs. 


MARGAKET   OF   ANJOU.  117 

tarrying,  and  we  are  told  the  saintly  monarch  was 
constrained  to  sound  the  alarm  for  this  cruel  massacre 
of  friend  and  foe.  Doubtless  he  then  gladly  withdrew 
from  the  scene  of  strife  to  the  shelter  of  the  battlements 
of  York.* 

When  the  armies  met  face  to  face,  the  men  shouted 
aloud — it  was  a  portentous  shout ! — each  party  ex- 
pecting to  be  victorious  :  for  were  they  not  equal, 
both  in  courage  and  resolution,  all  Englishmen,  all 
alike  proud  of  their  power,  and  disdainful  of  their 
enemies  ? 

Yet  was  their  strength  and  power  insufficient  when 
one  party  resorted  to  artifice,  and  when  the  elements, 
intermingling  in  the  fray,  lent  their  assistance  to  end 
this  direful  conflict.  Thus  was  the  truth  made  mani- 
fest, that  "  the  race  is  not  to  the  swift,  neither  is  the 
"  battle  to  the  strong." 

Between  the  villages  of  Towton  and  Saxton,  about      i*6i. 

.  .  Toplis ; 

ten  miles  from  the  city  of  York,  on  a  "  goodly  plain,"  Ridpath; 
the  two  armies  met ;   and  on  Palm  Sunday,  the  29  th  f  York -s 
of  March,  1461,  was  the  bloody  battle  fought,  called  Knke'rton; 

'  '  J  &      '  Sharon 

by  some  the  "Pharsalia"  of  England.^  It  has  been  Turner; 
considered  the  most  sanguinary  engagement  ever  ^tl  ' 
fought  in  this  land  ;  and  to  augment  the  horrors,  con- 
temporary writers  tell  us,  that  the  fight  began  "  at  four 
"  of  the  clock  at  night,  and  continued  all  night  till  on 
"  the  morrow  at  afternoon."  The  commands  of  King 
Edward  were,  that  no  prisoners  should  be  taken,  but 
that  all  should  indiscriminately  be  put  to  the  sword, § 
and  this  was  responded  to  by  a  similar  dreadful  pro- 
clamation from  the  Lancastrians. 

The  right  wing  of  King  Edward's  army  was  led  on 

*  Pol.  Vergil. 

t  Toplis  ssljs  it  was  the  28th  March. 
X  This  battle  is  sometimes  called  "  Palm-Sunday  Field.'' 
§  Historians  say  that  King-  Edward  did  not  give  this  command  from 
cruelty,  but  that  his  army  should  not  be  encumbered  with  prisoners. 


118  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

by  the  Earl  of  Warwick  ;  the  left  by  Lord  Falcon- 
bridge,  in  the  absence  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  who 
was  sick ;  and  the  main  body  was  commanded  by  the 
King,  while  the  rear  guard  was  entrusted  to  Sir  John 
Wenlock  and  Sir  John  Denham,  two  valiant  com- 
manders. 

At  the  commencement  of  this  engagement  the 
Yorkists  obtained  the  advantage,  owing  to  a  heavy 
fall  of  snow,  which,  driving  in  the  faces  of  the  royal 
troops,  almost  blinded  them.  Lord  Falconbridge,  per- 
ceiving this  circumstance,  employed  the  following 
stratagem  to  turn  it  to  his  own  advantage.  He 
ordered  some  of  his  infantry  to  advance  before  the 
lines,  and  discharge  a  volley  of  arrows  amidst  the 
enemy,  and  then  to  retire.  The  Lancastrians  were 
thus  led  to  believe,  that  the  army  of  the  Yorkists  was 
within  their  reach,  and  they  exhausted  all  their  arrows 
without  doing  any  execution,  as  they  fell  short  of  the 
enemy.  ■  King  Edward,  then  advancing,  committed 
great  slaughter.  The  dismayed  Lancastrians  had  re- 
course to  their  swords,  but  their  valour  was  quite 
unavailing. 

The  Earl  of  Northumberland  and  Sir  Andrew  Trol- 
lop, seeing  the  disadvantage,  left  the  vanguard  and 
urged  on  their  men  to  the  fight,  hand  to  hand.  Then, 
indeed,  the  battle  became  desperate,  each  man  stand- 
ing his  ground  until  slain,  or  knocked  down,  and  then 
another  took  his  place.  Needless  were  the  orders  to 
give  no  quarter ;  such  was  the  extreme  of  hatred 
manifested  by  the  two  parties,  that  it  called  for 
nothing  short  of  blood,  or  death.  They  continued 
fighting  with  great  desperation,  for  an  almost  in- 
credible length  of  time  ;  *  for  contemporary  writers 
assert,  that  the  battle  commenced  three  hours  before 
darkness  came  on,  and  that  they  fought  all  night,  and 

*  Some  writers  say  they  fought  for  four  or  five,  others  for  ten  hours. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  119 

until  past  midday.  About  noon,  John,  Duke  of  Nor- 
folk, came,  with  a  fresh  band  of  "  men  of  war,"  to 
the  aid  of  King  Edward,  and  completed  the  defeat  of 
the  royal  forces,  which  were  pursued  to  Tadcaster. 
Much  courage  was  displayed  by  King  Edward  in 
this  battle,  and  the  conduct  of  Falconbridge  greatly 
promoted  the  victory. 

A  graphical  account  of  the  conclusion  of  this  direful 
conflict  has  been  given  by  one  of  our  historians,  who 
says,  "  The  Lancastrians  gave  way,  and  fled  to  York ; 
but,  seeking,  in  a  tumultuous  manner,  to  gain  the 
bridge  at  Tadcaster,  so  many  of  them  fell  into  the 
rivulet  Cock,*  as  to  quite  fill  it  up,  and  the  Yorkists 
passed  over  their  backs  in  pursuit  of  their  brethren. 
"  This  rivulet,  and  the  river  Wharfe,  into  which  it 
empties  itself  hereabouts,  were  dyed  with  blood ;  nor 
is  this  surprising,  so  many  falling  a  sacrifice  at  this 
time  for  their  fathers'  transgressions,  and  their 
wounds,  being  made  by  arrows,  battle-axes,  or 
swords,  would  bleed  plentifully.  The  blood  of  the 
slain  lay  caked  with  the  snow  which  covered  the 
ground,  and  afterwards  dissolving  with  it,  ran  down, 
in  a  most  horrible  manner,  the  furrows  and  ditches 
of  the  fields,  for  two  or  three  miles'  distance." 
No  one  of  note  was  taken  prisoner,  except  the  Earl 
of  Devonshire,  and  he  seemed  to  be  saved  when  they 
were  weary  of  killing.  Many  of  the  chief  nobility  lost 
their  lives.  There  were  slain  three  earls,  ten  lords, 
and  a  prodigious  number  of  knights  and  gentlemen,  of 
the  Lancastrians.  The  following  were  amongst  the 
most  distinguished  of  those  killed  ;  the  Earl  of  West- 
moreland, and  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  Sir  An- 
drew Trollop,  Viscount  Beaumont,  the  Lords  Neville, 

*  We  are  told  that  this  rivulet  is  so  narrow  that  a  man  may  easily  leap 
over  it,  its  breadth  being-,  in  most  places,  less  than  four  yards,  which  renders 
this  account  more  credible,  to  those  who  may  be  inclined  to  doubt  it. 


120 


MARGAKET   OF   ANJOU. 


1461. 
Riclpath  ; 
Sharon 
Turner ; 
Chalmer's 
Caledonia  ; 
W.  of  Wor- 
cester. 


Henry  Stafford,  of  Buckingham,  Scales,  Willoughbyy 
Wells,  Dacre,  and  Malley  ;  also  Sir  Ralph  Grey,  Sir 
Richard  Fency,  and  Sir  Harry  Belingham.  The  total 
loss  of  the  Lancastrians  was  estimated  by  a  contem- 
porary writer  at  38,000  men ;  but  King  Edward, 
writing  in  confidence  to  his  mother,  told  her  that  the 
loss  sustained  by  his  enemies  in  this  battle  was  28,000 
men.  The  total  loss  on  both  sides  has  been  variously 
computed  by  historians  at  20,000,-  33,000,  35,091, 
36,776,  and  38,000  ;  this  last  being,  however,  as  we 
are  told,  the  statement  of  those  who  buried  the  dead. 
The  prisoners  and  wounded  amounted  to  10,000.  This 
was,  indeed,  "  a  sore-fought  field  !  " 

The  Dukes  of  Somerset  and  Exeter,  who  had  fled 
from  the  dreadful  conflict,  conveyed  immediately  the 
fatal  news  of  their  defeat  to  the  King  and  Queen  at 
York.  The  Lancastrian  army,  but  a  short  time  before 
so  powerful,  had  been,  contrary  to  all  expectations, 
completely  routed.  All  hope  was  thus  extinguished ; 
and  the  King,  Queen,  and  Prince  Edward,  all  precipi- 
tately fled  towards  Scotland.  They  did  not  consider 
themselves  safe  while  in  England,  and  used  their 
utmost  efforts  to  escape,  flying  all  night,  lest  they 
should  be  overtaken  by  the  cavalry  which  King  Ed- 
ward had  sent  in  pursuit  of  them.  They  first  went  to 
Newcastle,  and  proceeding  thence  on  the  second  day 
of  their  flight,  they  arrived  in  safety  on  the  borders  of 
Scotland. 

The  royal  fugitives  were  attended  by  the  Dukes  of 
Exeter  and  Somerset,  the  Lords  Eoos  and  Hunger- 
ford,  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  Fortescue,  and  other 
lords  and  gentlemen  of  rank,  who  all  submitted  to  this 
voluntary  exile.*     It  was  not  in  vain  that  the  Lan- 


*  Drake's  York  ;   Baker  ;   Makenzie's  Newcastle-on-Tyne ;   Leland  ;  W. 
cf  Worcester ;  Fabyan ;  Sandford  ;  Howel ;  Toplis  ;  Paston  Letters ;  Allen's 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  121 

castrians  had  so  hastily  departed  from  York  ;  for  King 
Edward  repaired  thither  on  the  morning  after  his 
victory,  hoping  to  surprise  Ills  enemies,  and  secure 
the  unfortunate  Henry,  but  in  this  object  he  was  dis- 
appointed. The  Lords  Montague  and  Barnes  having 
besought  the  King's  grace  for  the  city  of  York,  which 
he  granted,  the  victorious  monarch,  with  great  solem- 
nity, entered  this  city,  and  kept  the  feast  of  Easter 
there,  being  well1  received  by  the  citizens,  and  many 
processions  being  made  to  his  honour.  Edward's  first 
care  was  the  removal  of  his  father's  head,  and  that  of 
the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  from  the  city  walls,  and  to  order 
their  interment  with  their  bodies.  In  the  spirit  of 
retaliation,  the  victor  commanded  that  several  of  his 
prisoners  should  be  executed.  Amongst  these  were 
Thomas  Courtney  Earl  of  Devonshire,  the  Earl  of 
Kyme,  Sir  William  Hill,  and  Sir  Thomas  Foulford, 
whose  heads  were  cut  off,  and  each  of  them  affixed  to 
a  pole,  and  then  fastened  over  the  gates  of  York.*  It 
may  be  remembered  that,  in  the  commencement  of 
the  career  of  the  Duke  of  York,  the  Earl  of  Devon- 
shire had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Yorkists,  and  had 
afterwards  returned  to  his  allegiance  to  King  Henry. 
He  seems,  at  last,  to  have  suffered  for  his  incon- 
stancy, f 

The  Earl  of  Northumberland,  who  was  a  powerful 
baron,  had  a  palace  in  the  city  of  York,  situated  in 
Walmgate. 

Modern  antiquarians  assure  us  that  the  body  of 
this  Earl  was  brought  home  by  his  retainers,  and 
buried  in  the  Church  of  St.  Dionysius,  or  St.  Dennis, 

York  ;  Hearne's  Fragment ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Archaeological  Journal ;  Collin - 
son's  Somerset. 

*  James  Butler,  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  was  also  beheaded  at  Newcastle. 

t  This  was  the  fifth  Earl  of  Devon.  His  son,  Thomas  Courtney,  was 
beheaded  in  14G1  ;  and  his  brother,  Henry  Courtney,  in  14G6,  was  also 
beheaded  at  Salisbury. 


122  MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 

in  this  northern  capital,  and  that  a  large  blue  stone  in 
the  north  aisle  marks  his  burial  place. 

The  villagers  have  a  tradition,  which  points  out  the 
spot  where  Lord  Dacre  fell.  It  is  called  Towton  Dale, 
or  Tartingdale  ;  and  a  road,  running  between  two 
stone  quarries,  is  said,  with  great  probability,  to  have 
been  the  scene  of  the  battle.  From  the  same  source 
is  the  following  tradition,  also  verified  by  facts  : — ■ 

"  It  is  reported  that  the  soldiers  were  buried  in 
"  large  mounds,  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  that  the 
"  Yorkists,  either  in  affection,  or  in  triumph,  planted 
"  some  rose  trees  on  the  tombs  of  their  fallen  country- 
"  men.  These  mounds,  through  the  lapse  of  four 
"  centuries,  have  worn  nearly  clown  to  the  level  sur- 
"  face  of  the  soil ;  but  vou  may  vet  see  a  kind  of 
"  circles  in  the  field,  above  the  quarry,  already  men- 
"  tioned,  and  these  circles  are  covered  with  patches 
"  and  clusters  of  rose  trees.  The  rose  is  white,  and 
"  now  and  then,  on  the  appearance  of  a  pink  spot  on 
"  the  flower,  the  rustic,  happy  in  his  legendary  lore, 
"  traces  the  blood  of  Lancaster."  * 

From  the  chronicles  of  those  times  we  learn  that 
those  who  fell  in  the  desperate  conflict  at  Towton, 
were  at  first  interred  in  five  pits.  They  were  after- 
wards buried  in  the  churchyard  at  Saxton,  where  a 
mean  tomb  has  been  erected  to  the  memory  of  Lord 
Dacre.     This  flat  marble  stone,  although  now  much 


*  Archaeological  Journal ;  Hume. 

It  has  been  asserted  by  some  historians  that  King  Henry  escaped,  after 
the  battle  of  Towton,  to  a  place  called  Coroumber,  in  Yorkshire,  which, 
they  say,  was  closely  besieged  by  Edward's  soldiers  under  Sir  Robert  Ode 
and  Sir  John  Conyers.  They  add,  that  some  of  the  Earl  of  North  umber- 
land's  esquires  raised  an  army  of  o  or  6000  men  to  fight  with  the  besiegers, 
hoping  that,  in  the  meantime,  Henry  VI.  might  be  fortunate  enough  to 
make  his  escape  through  a  postern  gate.  It  was  rumoured,  also,  that  Queen 
Margaret,  her  son,  and  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  were  at  this  place,  and  not 
less  than  four  thousand  of  the  north  countrymen  were  slain  upon  this 
occasion. 


MARGAKET   OF   ANJOU.  123 

broken  and  defaced,  still  bears  this  imperfect  inscrip- 
tion : — 

"  Hie  jacet  Ranulphus  Ds.  de  Dakre  et     .     .     . 
miles  et  occisus  erat  in  bello  principe 
Henrico  VI.     Anno  Dom.  m,cccc,lxi,  xxix 
die  Martii,  videlicet  dominica,  die 
palmarum.     Cujus  anime 
proprietur  Deus.     Amen." 

The  five  pits  in  the  field  near  to  Saxton  church,  could 
not  have  contained,  as  we  are  told,  the  hundredth  part 
of  those  who  were  slain,  and  many  must  have  been 
buried  in  other  parts  of  that  field ;  indeed  the  plough- 
share oft  discovers  some  of  their  remains,  and  this  has 
called  forth  the  following  lines  from  the  poet's  pen  : — 

' '  As  oft  as  the  ploughman  turns  the  fields, 

"  Half -buried  human  bones  the  soil  still  yields, 

"  The  dire  remains  of  civil  strife, 

"  An  hundred  thousand  bereft  of  life 

"  This  quarrel  claims  ;  and  Tadcaster  may  boast 

"  That  thirty  thousand  in  her  fields  were  lost." 

The  citizens  of  London  at  this  period  evinced  their 
strong  attachment  to  their  unfortunate  monarch.  The 
following  passage  may  be  quoted  in  proof  of  this,  from 
a  letter  written  immediately  after  the  battle  of  Towton. 
"  We  send  no  sooner  unto  you,  because  he  had  none 
"  certain  until  now,  for  unto  this  day  London  was  as 
11  sorry  as  city  might  be."* 

From  the  city  of  York  King  Edward  proceeded  to 
Durham,  where,  having  set  things  in  order  in  the 
North,  and  committed  the  charge  and  governance 
there  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  whom  he  left  behind 
him,  he  then  returned  in  great  triumph  to  London.  On 


*  Hall ;  Biondi ;  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Howel ;  Stow  ;  Leland  ;  Fabyan  ; 
Pol.  Vergil ;  Habington  ;  Rapin  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ; 
Ridpath  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Toplis  ;  Sharon  Turner ;  Anti- 
quities of  York  ;  Collinson's  Somersetshire  ;  Pennant. 


124 


MARGARET    OF   AXJOU. 


1461. 
Baker  ; 
W.  of  Wor- 
cester  ; 
Stow  ; 
Paston 
Letters  ; 
Hearn's 
Chron.  ; 
Henry. 


1461. 
Chalmer's 
Caledonia  ; 
W.  of  Wor- 
cester. 


the  1st  of  June  he  reached  the  manor  of  Shene,  where 
he  remained  until  the  26th  of  June  while  preparations 
were  making  for  his  coronation.  The  day  fixed  for 
this  ceremony  was  Sunday  the  29th  of  June,  1461, 
being  St.  Peter's  da}'.  On  the  Thursday  preceding 
he  came  from  Shene  to  the  Tower  of  London,  whither 
he  was  conducted  by  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen  and 
400  citizens,  who  met  him  on  the  road,  on  horseback, 
clad  in  splendid  scarlet  liveries.  While  at  the  Tower 
King  Edward,  in  the  most  sumptuous  manner,  enter- 
tained the  chief  of  the  nobility  and  gentry  who  were 
favourable  to  the  House  of  York ;  and  on  the  morning 
of  Saturday  he  made  thirty-two  new  knights  of  the 
Bath,  who  being  arrayed  in  blue  gowns  with  hoods  and 
tokens  of  white  silk  upon  their  shoulders,  rode  before 
the  King  the  same  afternoon,  and  thus  "in  goodly 
"  order  "  brought  him  to  Westminster.  On  the  follow- 
ing day,  Sunday,  King  Edward  was  solemnly  crowned 
by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  with  the  accustomed 
ceremony  and  honours  in  the  Abbey  of  Westminster. 

The  new  monarch's  attention  was  next  turned  to 
Scotland,  whither  he  dismissed  ambassadors  to  propose 
a  truce  with  that  kingdom,  fearing  that  by  the  succours 
the  Scots  would  in  all  probability  afford  to  the  fugitive 
Queen,  they  might  enable  her  to  attempt  the  recovery 
of  the  crown,  and  thus  make  the  Lancastrians  more 
formidable  than  ever.*1 

Queen  Margaret  and  her  little  escort  had  meanwhile 
arrived  at  Berwick,  where  they  all  embarked,  except- 
ing the  Duke  of  Somerset,  and  finally  reached  Scot- 
land in  safety. f     They  first  proceeded  in  four  vessels 


*  Sproti  Chron. ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Fabyan  ;  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Heame's  Frag- 
ment ;  Paston  Letters  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Maitland's  London  ;  Sharon 
Turner ;  Ridpath  ;  Lingard  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Hume. 

■f  Baker  ;  Hall  ;  Sandford  ;  Stow  ;  Rapin  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Toplis  ;  Paston 
Letters  ;  Lingard  ;  Pinkerton  ;  Ridpath  ;  Antiquities  of  York  ;  W.  of 
Worcester. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  125 

to  Kirkcudbright,    where    they   were  honourably   re- 
ceived. 

Finding,  while  at  this  place,  that  the  mental  infir- 
mities of  her  husband  rendered  it  necessary  for  him  to 
remain  there,  the  Queen  left  him  with  four  persons,  and 
a  boy,  to  attend  upon  him,  while  she  proceeded  with 
her  son  and  her  court  to  meet  the  Scottish  Queen  at 
Edinburgh.  It  was  the  30th  of  August,  1461,  when 
Queen  Margaret  left  Kirkcudbright.  The  chief  atten- 
dants on  the  exiled  Queen  were  Lord  Roos,  and  his  son, 
John  Ormond,  William  Talyboys,  Sir  John  Fortescue, 
Sir  Thomas  Fyndern,  Sir  Edmund  Hampden,  John 
Courtney  and  others,  in  number  less  than  thirty.  Lord 
Hungerford*  was  also  amongst  the  faithful  adherents 
of  Margaret.  He  had  fled  after  the  battle  of  Towton, 
with  his  royal  mistress  into  Scotland ;  but  as  he  soon 
afterwards  accompanied  the  Duke  of  Somerset  to 
France,  it  is  probable  that  he  was  employed  by  the 
Queen,  to  bear  some  message  to  the  French  King. 
This  monarch  f  had,  even  while  at  war  with  England, 
issued  orders  to  all  his  ports  that  the  Lancastrians 
should  be  well  received,  and  many  Englishmen  pre- 
suming on  this  favourable  reception,  took  refuge  in 
France  at  this  period.^ 

While  at  Berwick,  the  unfortunate  King  and  Queen 
had  sent  to  request  of  James  III.  an  honourable  recep- 
tion, and  the  royal  protection  during  their  stay  in  his 
dominions  ;  and  in  return  they  had  received  a  most 
gracious  reply.  The  Scottish  monarch,  then  but  seven 
years  of  age,  expressed  great  concern  for  the  defeat  of 
the  Lancastrians,  and  regret,  that  he  could  not  receive 
them  under  better  circumstances ;  he  concluded  with 

*  This  nobleman  was  attainted  by  King  Edward,  and  bis  estates  were 
forfeited  to  the  crown. 

f  This  was  Charles  VII. 

%  Paston  Letters ;  Fabyan  ;  Pinkerton  ;  W.  of  Worcester ;  Sharon  Turner  ; 
Chalmer's  Caledonia  ;  Daniel ;  Collinson's  Somersetshire. 


126  }IAEGAEET    OF   AXJOTJ. 

assurances  that,  under  whatever  condition  they  might 
apply  to  him,  they  should  receive  every  succour  and 
protection  which  his  kingdom  could  afford.*  This 
young  monarch  also  testified  his  respect  and  attention 
by  going  out  in  person  to  welcome  the  Lancastrian 
exiles  ;  and  after  showing  them  all  kinds  of  honours, 
he  finally  lodged  them  in  his  own  palace. 

His  mother,  Mary  of  Gueldres,  hastened  to  embrace, 
and  sympathize  in  the  sufferings  of  the  unfortunate 
Margaret  of  Anjou.  In  her,  she  beheld  a  form  beautiful 
and  elegant  as  her  own ;  she  found  her  endowed  with 
a  genius  as  lofty  and  aspiring,  and  a  temper  so  much 
resembling  that  which  she  herself  possessed,  that  it  was 
impossible  for  her  to  witness  her  distress  without  be- 
coming her  friend.  She  received  her  with  every  kind- 
ness, appointed  for  her  and  King  Henry  an  honourable 
maintenance,  and  promised  to  assist  them  in  the 
recovery  of  their  kingdom. 

Queen  Margaret,  notwithstanding  all  this  show  of 
courtesy,  could  not  procure  much  help  from  the  court 
of  Scotland,  to  enable  her  to  recover  her  crown.  The 
Council,  composed  of  the  chief  of  the  Scottish  nobility, 
had  the  guardianship  of  the  young  king.  Two  parties 
had  laid  claim  to  the  Regency ;  one  of  them  headed  by 
Mary  of  Gueldres,  the  other  by  the  Earl  of  Angus ; 
and  the  states,  in  order  not  to  offend  either  of  them, 
had  selected  two  Regents  from  each,  at  the  same  time 
petitioning  the  Queen  to  be  satisfied  with  the  direction 
of  her  children's  education.  Under  this  arrangement 
both  of  these  parties  continued  to  subsist,  and  Queen 
Margaret,  amidst  these  dissatisfactions,  found  the  king- 
dom in  such  a  state  of  agitation,  that  she  could  pro- 
cure little  attention  to  her  solicitations. f      She  first 

*  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Baudier  ;  Pol.  Vergil;  Bidpath. 
f  Sandford ;  Baker ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Pinkerton  ;  Bidpath  ;  Baudier  ;  Kapin  ; 
Hume  ;  Carte  ;  Stow. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  127 

pleaded  her  claims  to  their  assistance,  through  the 
connexion  between  the  House  of  Lancaster  and  the 
royal  family  of  Scotland ;  but  she  obtained,  in  reply, 
only  the  expression  of  their  good  wishes.  When, 
however,  she  offered  to  deliver  up  to  them  the  town 
and  fortress  of  Berwick,*  and  to  contract  her  son  to 
the  Princess  Mary,  the  sister  of  their  king,  they  lent  a 
more  willing  ear  to  her  proposals,  and  were  finally 
prevailed  upon  to  assist  her.f 

In  order  to  secure  the  friendship  and  aid  of  the 
powerful  George  Douglas,  Earl  of  Angus,  the  lands 
between  the  Trent  and  Humber,  of  the  yearly  value  of 
2000  marks  sterling,  were  promised  to  him,  to  be 
erected  into  a  dukedom.  It  was,  however,  agreed, 
that  Angus  should  be  at  any  time  at  liberty  to  make 
war  upon  England,  at  the  Scottish  king's  command, 
and  that  he  should  not  be  amenable  to  the  English 
Parliament,  or  courts  of  justice.  This  nobleman,  who 
was  tutor  to  the  young  King  of  Scots,  was  so  flattered 
by  the  prospect  of  an  English  dukedom,  that  he  readily 
engaged  in  the  service  of  the  Lancastrians,  and  was 
soon  after  enabled  to  render  them  a  signal  service. 

When  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  heard  of  the  proposed 
marriage  of  Prince  Edward  and  the  daughter  of  the 
Scottish  Queen,  he  dispatched  the  Lord  of  Gruthuse  to 
break  it  off.  He  did  this,  as  some  affirm,  on  account  of 
the  enmity  he  bore  to  King  Rene ;  but  others  tell  us, 
with  more  probability,  that  he  was  equally  attached 
to  King  Edward  and  to  the  King  of  Scotland,  being 
uncle  to  Mary  of  Gueldres,  and  he  did  not  wish  to 
see  them  become  irreconcilable.  Through  this  inter- 
ference the  marriage  was  rather  deferred  than  broken 


*  This  town  and  castle  were  surrendered  on  the  25th  April,  1461,  and  the 
young  King"  of  Scots  visited,  on  the  15th  June,  his  new  acquisition. 

f  Stow  ;  Carte  ;  Baker  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Pinkerton  ;  Ridpath  ;  Monstrelet ; 
Daniel ;  Henry ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  W.  of  Worcester. 


Paston 
Letters 


128  MABGABET    OF   AXJOU. 

off;    yet  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  was  eventually  suc- 
cessful.* 

Queen  Margaret  had,  by  her  exertions,  to  overcome 
not  only  the  prejudices  of  the  Scots,  but  the  machi- 
nations of  her  enemies  from  the  English  court,  there- 
fore was  her  success  the  more  extraordinary. 

The  Regents  of  Scotland  had  felt  disposed  to  agree 
to  the  truce  desired  by  King  Edward  IV.,  but  the 
eloquence  of  the  Lancastrian  Queen  overcame  their 
scruples,  in  her  favour,  and  the  only  effect  which  this 
embassy  from  England  produced,  was  the  prevention 
of  any  declaration  in  favour  of  the  exiled  family. 
Many  individuals,  nevertheless,  of  all  ranks,  espoused 
their  cause,  and  it  was  not  until  the  following  year, 
that  any  truce  was  established  between  the  kingdoms.! 
i46i.  In  return  for  the  surrender  of  Berwick,  an  object 

which  had  been  often  wished,  and  attempted  by  the 
iingard.      Scots,  since  the  invasion  of  Edward,  a  Scottish  army 
entered  England,  and  advancing  to  Carlisle,  laid  siege 
to  the  city,  which  was  held  by  the  Yorkists. 

The  English,  under  Lord  Montague,  raised  the 
siege,  and  the  Scots  were  defeated,  with  a  loss  of 
G000  men,  amongst  whom  was  a  brother  of  Lord 
Clifford. 

King  Henry,  meanwhile,  with  some  faithful  ad- 
herents, advanced  into  the  county  of  Durham,  but 
he  narrowly  escaped  being  taken  prisoner,  owing  to 
the  superior  number  of  his  enemies.:): 

The  Lancastrian  Queen  still  retained  possession  of 
several  castles  in  Northumberland ;  and  when  the 
negotiations  with  the  Scots  were  ended,  and  they 
had  promised  to  assist  her,  Queen  Margaret's  measures 

*  Barante  ;  Pinkerton  ;  Ridpath  ;  Lingard. 

f  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Ridpath  ;  Rapin  ; 
Hume  ;  Henry  :  Lingard. 

J  Paston  Letters  ;  Pinkerton  ;  Hallam  ;  Rynier  ;  Sharon  Turner  ; 
Monstrelet ;  Lingard. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ.  129 

were  promptly  and  vigorously  taken.  It  cannot  be 
doubted  that  the  Queen  had  accompanied  King  Henry  in 
his  expedition  to  Durham,  although  no  records  furnish 
the  details  of  this  precise  period,  beyond  the  fact,  that 
Laurence  Booth,  who,  through  the  intercessions  of 
Queen  Margaret,  had  been  appointed  to  the  see  of 
Durham,  had  taken  part,  in  these  times  of  trouble, 
with  his  royal  patroness,  and  had  thereby  incurred 
the  ire  of  the  Yorkist  King. 

It  was  supposed  that  the  Queen  had  nearly  reached 
the  city  of  York,  when  King  Edward  penned  the  fol- 
lowing letter,  which  he  addressed  to  his  adherents  : 

"  Right  trusty  and  well  beloved,  we  greet  you  well,  146L 
"  and  thank  you  of  the  great  truth,  love,  and  kindness 
"  shewed  unto  us  at  all  times  herebefore,  and  specially 
"  to  the  days  and  time  of  our  great  necessity,  for  the 
"  defence  of  our  land  and  subjects  ;  wherein  ye  ap- 
"  proved  your  said  truth  and  devoure  of  such  largesse* 
"  as  we  will  ever  remember  in  the  mightiest  part  of 
il  the  affection  of  our  heart ;  not  holding  doubted,  but 
''  ascertained,  that  we  shall  be  assured  of  the  perfect- 
"  ness  of  your  hearty  perseverance  in  the  same  ;  letting 
"  you  witt,  that  yesterday,  and  this  day  it  come  certainly 
"  to  our  knowledge,  that  on  Thursday  last  past  it  was 
"  fully  determined,  concluded,  and  assented,  in  the 
"  Council  of  our  great  enemy,  the  King  of  Scots,  in 
"  Edinburgh,  between  him  and  Margaret,  late  called 
"  Queen,  under  the  form  following : 

"  The  same  Margaret,  in  the  name  of  Henry,  late 
"  called  King,  our  great  traitor  and  rebel,  hath  granted 
"unto  the  said  King  of  Scots,  to  his  heirs  and  suc- 
"  cessors,  seven  sherifwicks  of  our  realm  of  England ; 
"  his  son  Edward  in  marriage  to  the  sister  of  the  same 
"  King,  and  to  be,  for  the  same  intent,  for  seven  years 
"  under  the  keeping  and  governance  of  the  Bishop  of 

*  Liberality. 


VOL.    II. 


130  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

"  Saint  Andrew's,  to  whom  she  hath  granted  the 
"  Archbishopric  of  Canterbury ;  to  divers  clerks  of 
"  Scotland,  divers  bishoprics  in  this  our  realm,  and 
"  the  livelihood  lands  of  the  lords,  gentles,  and  nobles 
"  thereof,  to  divers  Scots  and  Frenchmen,  having 
''thereof  petitions,  by  the  said  King  Henry  signed; 
"  and  by  the  consequence  and  sequel,  the  obeisance  of 
"  our  said  realm,  and  of  our  subjects  thereof,  as  much 
"  as  she  may,  under  the  domination  and  power  of  the 
'*  same  Scots  and  Frenchmen  ;  whom  she  hath  excited 
"  and  provoked  to  show  them  of  the  greatest  and 
"  largest  cruelty  and  tyranny  against  our  said  subjects 
"  that  they  can,  unto  the  execution  of  the  end  of  her 
"  insatiable  malice  toward  them  ;  whereunto  her  joy 
"  and  consolation  is  most  disposed  and  applied. 

"  Over  this,  the  said  Margaret  hath,  inasmuch  as 
"  she  may,  in  the  name  of  the  said  Henry,  bounden 
"  the  realm  to  be  adjoined  to  the  league  of  antient 
"time  made  and  renovelled*  betwixt  France  and 
"  Scotland. 

"  And  to  the  observing  and  performing  of  all  the 
"  promises  for  the  party f  of  the  said  Henry,  Margaret 
"hath  made  solemn  oath,  the  said  Thursday,  openly 
"  in  the  said  council,  upon  the  Four  Evangelists  ;  for 
"  the  which  the  said  Scots  there  also  bodily  made  like 
"  oath  to  the  said  Henry  and  Margaret,  to  take  whole 
and  full  party  with  them,  against  us  and  our 
subjects,  to  put  them  in  divoire,  to  the  execution 
of  the  said  malice  ;  and  to  the  same  intent  to  enter 
"  our  land  on  Friday  next  coming;  arreadyingj  their 
"  great  ordnance  to  besiege  our  castle  of  Northam, 
"  authorised  by  the  said  Bishop,  with  the  clergy  of 
"  Scotland ;  the  lords,  gentlemen,  and  commonalty 
"  thereof,  intending  to  accompany  and  bring  the  said 
"  Henry   and    Margaret   into    our   said    realm.     The 

*  Eemodelled.  f  On  the  part  of.  ^  Making  ready. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  131 

"  which  we  purpose  to  resist  with  God's  grace,  and 
"  arready  us  thereto,  and  to  the  rebuke  of  the  said 
"  malice,  and  of  the  great  presumption  and  customable 
"  pride  of  the  said  Scots,  grounded  and  established 
"  upon  unrighturse  covetise,*  that  we  trust  in  the 
"  Lord  shall  be  the  occasion  of  their  fall  and  decline, 
"  if  they  persevere  in  their  said  purpose." 

King  Edward  becomes  more  and  more  vehement  as 
he  proceeds  with  this  address,  and  in  conclusion  of 
this  appeal,  he  says — 

"  We,  therefore,  pray  you  to  pray  heartily  to  God  for 
'  our  good  speed  in  our  righturse  cause  and  quarrel,  and 
"  true  intent  in  the  defence  and  tuition  of  our  said  land 
"  and  subjects ;  whereunto  we  will  join  our  body, 
"  blood  and  life  ;  and  that  you  will  joyfully  courage"]" 
"  yourselves  and  our  subjects  of  that  our  city,  under 
"  the  trust  of  God,  and  the  mystery  of  His  grace  and 
"  might,  wherein  we  establish  our  surety  and  progress, 
"  and  trust  thereunto,  that  ye  shall  hear  such  tidings 
"  of  the  resistance  of  our  said  enemies,  as  shall  be  in 
"  perpetual  memory  to  their  rebuke  and  confusion, 
"  and  singular  and  assured  comfort  to  you  and  all  our 
"  said  subjects. "| 

Another  letter  was  addressed  by  King  Edward  to 
the  King  of  Scots,  in  which  he  alludes  to  his  reception 
into  Scotland ;  he  says  of  the  "traitors  and  rebels, 
"  Henry,  late  usurpant  king  of  our  said  realm,  Mar- 
"garet  his  wife,  and  her  son,  and  other  our  traitors 
"and  rebels,"  not  being  his  liegemen,  and  exhorting 
him  to  deliver  them  up  unto  him,  without  delay,  if  they 
become  not  his  lieges  and  subjects,  and  if  it  so  be,  to 
certify  the  same.§ 

After  this  the  heaviest  punishments  were  denounced 
by  this  monarch,  against  all  those  who  should  be  found 

*  Unrighteous  covetousness.  +  Embolden. 

t  Stow  ;  HalliweU's  Letters.  §  HalliweU's  Letters. 

k  2 


1461. 


132  MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

favouring,  or  giving  reception  to  King  Henry,  Queen 
Margaret,  or  any  of  their  partizans. 

The  same  ill  success  which  attended  the  efforts  of 
Turn°r  ^ne  Lancastrians  in  the  north  of  England,  pursued 
them  in  their  ineffectual  attempts  in  Wales  during  this 
year.  A  guard  was  set  by  Edward  on  the  northern 
marches,  lest  any  should  desert  and  join  King  Henry 
in  Scotland ;  for  although  victorious,  his  rival  feared, 
that  Margaret  would  return  and  excite  the  people  to 
renew  the  war.* 
i46i.  King  Henry,  while  in  adverse  circumstances,  took 

refuge  at  one  time  in  Muncaster  Castle,  in  Lancashire. 
There  is  a  room  there  still  bearing  the  name  of  "  King 
"Henry  the  Sixth's  room,"  where  he  was  concealed, 
when  pursued  by  his  enemies  in  1461,  probably  when 
he  fled  from  Durham.  The  possessor  of  the  castle  was 
Sir  John  Pennington,  who  gave  the  unfortunate 
monarch  a  secret  reception.  The  King,  upon  his 
departure,  addressed  to  Sir  John  many  kind  and 
courteous  acknowledgments  for  his  loyalty  and 
hospitality,  lamenting,  at  the  same  time,  that  he  could 
present  him  with  nothing  more  valuable,  as  a  testi- 
mony of  his  goodwill,  than  the  cup  out  of  which  he 
crossed  himself.  This  he  gave  into  the  hands  of  Sir 
John,  and  accompanied  the  present  with  the  following 
benediction,  "  The  family  shall  prosper  as  long  as  they 
preserve  it  unbroken." 

The  superstition  of  the  times  caused  it  to  be 
imagined,  that  it  would  carry  good  fortune  to  the 
descendants  of  this  house,  whence  it  was  called 
the  "luck  of  Muncaster."  It  was  a  curiously 
wrought  glass  cup,  studded  with  gold  and  white 
enamel  spots.  The  blessing  attached  to  its  security 
occasioned  the  family  to  consider  it  important  for  their 
prosperity,   at  the  time   of  the  usurpation,    that   the 

*  Henry  ;  Pol.  Vergil. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  133 

"luck  of  Muncaster"  be  deposited  in  some  place  of 
security,  and  consequently  it  was  buried,  until,  by  the 
cessation  of  hostilities,  this  care  was  rendered  no 
longer  necessary. 

It  happened,  however,  unfortunately,  that  the 
person  permitted  to  disinter  this  precious  cup  let 
the  box  fall  in  which  it  was  enclosed  ;  and  this  gave 
such  alarm  to  the  remaining  members  of  the  family, 
that  they  could  not  summon  courage  to  open  it,  and 
quiet  their  apprehensions.  It  therefore  remained  (as 
tradition  tells  us)  for  more  than  forty  years  unopened ; 
at  the  end  of  which  period,  one  of  the  Penningtons, 
more  courageous  than  his  ancestors,  unlocked  this 
casket,  and  joyfully  proclaimed  the  safety  of  the 
"luck  of  Muncaster."* 

King  Edward  had  fortified  the  frontiers  ;  he  had 
built  forts  on  those  parts  of  the  sea-coast  which  were 
most  convenient  for  landing  ;  particularly  in  the  south 
of  England.  He  also  gained  possession  of  all  the 
castles  and  holds  both  in  North  and  South  Wales ; 
and  the  Duke  of  Exeter,  Jasper  Tudor,  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke, and  other  noblemen,  were  defeated  by  King 
Edward's  army,  on  the  13th  of  October,  1461,  at  146L 
Tatehill,  near  Carnarvon,  and  compelled  to  fly  to  the 
mountains.  Many  of  the  Lancastrians  likewise  went 
over  to  Edward,  f 

All  England  and  Wales  was  at  length  in  the 
possession  of  the  young  King ;  Harlech  Castle  only 
held  out.  This  fortress  had  been  kept  by  Richard 
Tunstall;  and  afterwards  by  Lord  Herbert.  The 
former  held  this  castle  previous  to  the  Welsh  chieftain, 
David  ap  Jevan,  who  protected  the  Queen,  when  she 
took  refuge  at  Harlech,  after  the  battle  of  North- 
ampton. 

*  Roby's  Lancashire. 
f  Biondi  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Henry  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Pol.  Vergil. 


J  1 


134  ALAEGABET   OF   AXJOU. 

After  Lis  defeat  in  Wales,  Jasper  Tudor,  Earl  of 
Pembroke,  passed  over  into  Ireland;  where,  in  the 
following  rear,  1462,  lie  endeavoured  to  procure  some 
further  assistance  for  his  unfortunate  half-brother, 
King  Henry  the  Sixth.0 

This  monarch,  doubtless,  on  his  departure  from 
Aluncaster  Castle,  found  means  to  return  to  the 
Scottish  court,  where  the  Queen  still  remained,  with 
some  of  her  adherents  ;  we  learn  that  Kins;  Henry 
with  his  attendants,  resided  at  Edinburgh. 
1461.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Sir  John  Fortescue,  Lord 

Chief  Justice  of  England  from  the  year  1422,  was 
made  Lord  Chancellor  by  his  beloved  sovereign. 
While  at  Edinburgh  the  King,  Queen,  and  Prince 
Edward  lodged  at  the  Friar  preacher's  house,  also 
Exeter,  Somerset,  and  others.  Not  long  after  the 
Duke  of  Somerset,  Lord  Hungerford,  and  Robert 
W  hittingham,  with  four  or  five  esquires,  came  from 
Scotland  into  Normandv.  It  was  rumoured  that 
"  they  were  like  to  be  deemed  prisoners  ;"  indeed,  the 
English  refugees  were  exposed  to  numerous  perils, 
for  many  fled  to  France,  relying  on  the  favourable 
reception  of  King  Charles,,  at  whose  court  Somerset 
and  others  had  hoped  to  find  an  asylum.  When 
these  persons,  however,  reached  Dieppe,  they  were 
immediately  arrested  by  the  officers  of  the  new 
King,  Louis  XL,  and  were  apprised  of  the  death  of 
Charles  VII.  Surprised  and  disappointed,  and  while 
in  uncertainty  concerning  their  fate,  the  following 
letter  was  addressed  by  Lord  Hungerford  to  his 
roval  mistress  in  Scotland  : — 

"  To  the  Queen  of  England  in  Scotland. — 
"  Madam,  please  it  your  good  God,  we  have,  since  our 
"  corning  hither,  written  to  vour  Highness  thrice  :  the 

*  Paston  Letters  ;  Barry's  Itinerary  of  Wales. 


MARGARET   OF    ANJOU.  135 

"  first  we  sent  by  Bruges,  to  be  sent  to  you  by  the 
"  first  vessel  that  went  into  Scotland ;  the  other  twa 
"  letters  we  sent  from  Dieppe — the  one,  by  the  carvel 
;'  in  which  we  came,  and  the  other,  in  another  vessel ; 
"  but,  Madam,  all  was  one  thing,  in  substance,  of 
"  putting  you  in  knowledge  of  the  King  your  uncle's 
"  death*  (whom  God  pardon),  and  how  we  stood 
"  arrested,  and  do  yet.  But  on  Tuesday  next  we  trust 
"  and  understand  we  shall  up  to  the  King,f  your 
"  cousin  german.  His  commissaries,  at  the  first  of  our 
"  tarrying,  took  all  our  Letters  and  Writings,  and  bare 
"  them  up  to  the  King ;  leaving  my  Lord  of  Somerset 
"in  keeping  at  the  castle  of  Arkes  ;  and  my  Fellow 
"  Whityngham  and  me  (for  we  had  safe  conduct)  in 
11  the  town  of  Dieppe ;  where  we  are  yet.  But  on 
"  Tuesday  next  we  understand,  that  it  pleaseth  the 
"  said  King's  Highness  that  we  shall  come  to  his 
"  presence  ;  and  are  charged  to  bring  us  up,  Monsieur 
"  cle  Cressell,  now  bailiff  of  Canse,  and  Monsieur  de 
"  la  Mot. 

"  Madam,  fear  you  not,  but  be  of  good  comfort, 
"  and  beware  that  ye  adventure  not  your  person,  ne 
"  my  Lord  the  Prince,  by  the  sea,  till  ye  have  other 
"  word  from  us ;  in  less  than  your  person  cannot  be 
"  sure  there,  as  ye  are,  and  that  extreme  necessity 
"  drive  you  thence.  And  for  God's  sake,  let  the 
"  King's  Highness  be  advised  the  same ;  for,  as  we  be 
"  informed,  the  Earl  of  March  |  is  into  Wales  by  land, 
"  and  hath  sent  his  navy  thither  by  sea.  And, 
"  Madam,  think  verily,  we  shall  not  sooner  be  de- 
"  livered,  but  that  we  will  come  straight  to  you,  with- 
"  out  Death  take  us  by  the  way,  the  which  we  trust 
"  he  will  not,  till  we  see  the  King  and  you  peaceable 
"  again  in  your  realm  ;  the  which  we  beseech   God 

*  Charles  VII.  of  France.  f  Lewis  XI. 

t  This^as  King  Edward  IV. 


1461. 
Paston 


136  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

"  soon  to  see,  and  to  send  you  that  your  Highness 
"  desireth. 

"  Written  at  Dieppe,  the  30th  day  of  August,  1461. 
Otters.  "  Your  true  subjects  and  liege  men, 

"  HuNGERFORD. 

"  Whytyngham." 

The  suspicious  position  in  which  these  lords  sud- 
denly found  themselves  prevented  the  efforts  they 
intended  making  for  the  interests  of  their  royal  mis- 
tress at  the  court  of  France,  whither  thev  had  been 
dismissed  to  obtain  assistance  for  the  Lancastrians. 
U6i.  Lord  TTenlock  and  others,  who  had  been  sent  over 

ambassadors  to  the  French  King,  on  the  part  of 
Edward,  were  awaiting  a  safe  conduct  at  Calais.  The 
treasurer  of  this  town,  with  many  soldiers,  some  join- 
ing them  also  from  the  Marches,  were  engaged  in 
besieging  the  castle  of  Hammes,  near  Calais,  "  both 
parties  making  great  war."  * 

The  Count  of  Charolois,  who  was  related  to  the 
Duke  of  Somerset,  interested  himself  in  his  favour, 
having  a  high  esteem  for  him,  on  account  of  his 
preference  for  the  Lancastrian  party  ;  and  at  his  peti- 
tion, the  King  of  France  gave  the  Duke  his  liberty, 
besides  making  him  handsome  presents  of  gold  and 
silver.  He  was  also  conducted  to  Tours,  and  well 
received  there. 

After  this,  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  desiring  to  return 
to  Scotland,  was  informed  that  King  Edward  had  placed 
spies  there,  to  watch  his  conduct,  upon  which  he 
withdrew  to  Bruges,  where  he  remained  in  privacy 
a  considerable  time.  It  was  not  until  March  in  the 
following  year  that  he  returned  to  Scotland,  as 
appears  from  the  deposition  of  certain  Frenchmen, 
taken    prisoners    at    Sharringham,  in    Norfolk,   who, 

*  Daniel ;  Paston  Letters. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  137 

being  examined  relative  to  Queen  Margaret's  affairs, 
stated  that  the  Duke  of  Somerset  was  gone  into  Scot- 
land from  France,  and  that  Lord  Hungerford  had,  a 
few  days  before,  passed  before  Sharringham  in  a 
carvel  of  Dieppe,  on  his  way  to  Scotland,  having 
however,  but  few  followers.* 

The  Scottish  Queen,  as  it  appears,  entertained  great 
hatred  against  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  because  he  had 
discovered  an  intrigue  between  her  and  the  King  of 
France,  and  she  even  employed  Lord  Halys  to  lie  in 
wait  for  the  Duke  to  kill  him.  j" 

On  the  4th  of  November,  1461,  King  Edward  ?  Hfli. 
held  his  first  Parliament,  when  his  title  to  the  crown  Howei.' 
was  confirmed.  All  the  acts  which  had  been  made  in 
the  reigns  of  his  predecessors  against  the  House  of 
York  were  repealed.  Henry  VI.,  after  having  reigned 
thirty-eight  years,  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
people,  was,  in  this  session,  declared  an  usurper.  An 
act  of  attainder  and  forfeiture  was  passed  against  King 
Flenry,  his  Queen,  and  their  son,  the  Prince  of  Wales ; 
also  against  Henry,  Duke  of  Somerset,  the  Earls  of 
Northumberland  and  Devonshire;  Lord  Roos;  Thomas 
Beaumont ;  Henry,  Duke  of  Exeter ;  Jasper,  Earl  of 
Pembroke;  the  Earl  of  Wiltshire;  John,  Lord  Clifford  ; 
the  Lords  Hungerford  and  Dacre ;  John  Fortescue,  Esq. ; 
and  many  others,  even,  according  to  some  authorities, 
to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  forty  persons. 
This  act,  indeed,  extended  to  almost  every  individual 
who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  cause  of  the 
Lancastrians.  In  excuse  for  this  severity  it  was 
alleged  that  the  power  of  that  House  ought  at 
once  to  be  annihilated.  Every  Lancastrian,  who  had 
not  perished  in  the  struggle  to  support  his  sovereign 
on  the  field  of  battle,  was  adjudged  to  suffer  all  the 

*  Monstrelet ;  Paston  Letters  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Daniel  ;  Barante. 
t  W.  of  Worcester. 


13S 


MAEGABET    OF    AXJOU. 


1461- 
Btow ; 

Sandford ; 

Milles's 
Catalogue. 


1461 

Paston 
Letters. 


penalties  of  treason,  the  loss  of  his  honours,  the  for- 
feiture of  his  estates,  and  an  ignominious  death.  Another 
motive  probably  led  to  this  unexampled  severity  ;  it 
was  the  necessity  of  providing  funds  to  satisfy  the 
expectations  and  reward  the  services  of  those  to  whose 
exertions  King  Edward  was  indebted  for  the  posses- 
sion of  the  crown. 

AVhen  this  first  Parliament  of  King  Edward  was 
held,  the  nobility  of  England  consisted  of  only  one 
Duke,  four  Earls,  one  Viscount,  and  twenty-nine 
Barons,  such  numbers  having  been  slain  in  battle,  put 
to  death  on  the  scaffold,  or  having  fled  from  their 
native  country  to  save  their  lives.  During  this  session 
King  Edward  created  his  eldest  brother,  George  Plan- 
tagenet,  Duke  of  Clarence,  and  his  youngest  brother, 
Richard  Plantagenet,  Duke  of  Gloucester.  Lord 
Falconbridge  he  created  Earl  of  Kent ;  and  Plenry 
Bouchier,  the  brother  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, Earl  of  Essex.  Also  John,  Lord  Neville,  the 
brother  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  he  created  first  Vis- 
count Lord  Montague  ;  *  likewise  Lord  Wenlock  he 
created  Baron  TTenlock.  Anthony  Widville  was  sum- 
moned to  this  Parliament  as  Lord  Scales.  The  Duke 
of  Exeter  had  married  King  Edward's  sister,  who  pre- 
ferred to  remain  with  her  brother  rather  than  to  share 
the  misfortunes  of  her  husband  :  the  Duke  having  fol- 
lowed King  Henry  into  Scotland,  his  estates  were 
bestowed  at  this  time  on  his  Duchess. 

The  new  Earls  of  Kent  and  Essex,  with  the  Lords 
Audley  and  Clinton,  Sir  John  Howard,  and  others, 
were  dismissed  by  King  Edward,  with  forces  amount- 
ing to  10,000,  to  scour  the  seas.  They  landed  in 
Brittany,  assailed  the  town  of  Conquet,  and  the  isle  of 


*  This  Lord  Montague  was  rewarded  with  the  earldom  of  Northumber- 
land, although  the  late  Earl  had  left  one  son. 


MARGARET    OF   ANJOU.  139 

Bee,  but  were  repulsed  by  the  inhabitants,  who, 
headed  by  the  Sire  de  Kimerch  and  Rosmadec,  Ber- 
trand  de  Chaffault,  and  others,  compelled  them  to 
retreat  hastily  to  their  vessels,  after  which  they  re- 
turned to  England.* 

The  vengeance  of  the  Yorkists  was  still  unsatisfied, 
even  after    so   many  bloody  battles.     Fresh   victims 
were  found  after  a  diligent  search,  and  every  culprit 
was  brought  to  a  summary  execution.    Neither  old  nor 
young  were  spared.     The  first  of  these  was  the  aged 
Earl  of  Oxford,  who  was  both  wise  and  valiant,  and  of 
an  unimpeachable    character.     He   was  arrested    by 
John  Tiptoft,   Earl  of  Worcester,   then  Constable  of 
England,  and,   without  being  allowed  any  trial,  was 
sentenced   to   die,   under  pretence   that  he  had   cor- 
responded with  Queen  Margaret.     He  was  beheaded      i*6i 
on  Tower  Hill,  on  the  22nd  of  February,  1461 ;  and  at  Paston 
the  same  time,  and  under  the  same  charge,  viz.,  of  FabyaL' 
having  received   letters  from   the    Queen,  were  also 
executed  on  Tower  Hill,  Aubrey  cle  Vere,  the  eldest 
son  of  the  Earl  of  Oxford,    Sir  Thomas  Tudenham,| 
Sir  William  Tyrrel,  and  Sir  John  Montgomery. J  John 
Clopton  was  also  arrested,  but    his  life  was  spared. 
These  and  other  cruelties  distinguished  the  first  year 
of  the  reign  of  King  Edward  IV.,  who  rewarded  his 
own  adherents  with  the   lands  and  effects   of  these 
victims. 

The  Earl  of  Oxford  had  disputed  in  Parliament  the 
question  concerning  the  precedency  of  the  Barons 
temporal  and  spiritual,  a  bold  attempt  in  those  days, 
and   judgment  was   given   in   favour    of  the    Lords 

*  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Stow  ;  Howel  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ; 
Henry  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Bridge's  Northamptonshire  ;  Collinson's  Somerset- 
shire ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Hallam  ;  Mon- 
strelet ;  Eapin  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  Barrow ;  Roujoux,  Dues  de  Bretagne. 

f  Or  Tiddingham. 

X  Or  Walter  Montgomery. 


140  MAEGABET    OF    AXJOTJ. 

temporal,  through  his  arguments.0  This  Earl  had 
accompanied  King  Henry  V.  in  his  wars  in  France. 
He  left  one  son,  named  John  de  Vere,  then  only  nine 
months  old. 

Another  of  King  Henry's  faithful  adherents,  Thomas 
de  Eoos,  died  this  year,  at  Newcastle,  after  sharing 
the  exile  of  his  master,  who  had  rewarded  his  services 
with  an  annuity  of  £40  for  his  life,  out  of  the  Earl  of 
Salisbury's  forfeited  estate.  The  battle  of  Towton  had 
caused  the  confiscation  of  his  property.  His  eldest 
son  Edmund  joined  the  Lancastrians.! 

At  this  time  King  Edward  was  at  war  with  France, 
Brittany,  the  Low  Countries,  and  Scotland  ;  yet  it  was 
only  respecting  the  last  of  these  that  he  entertained 
any  uneasiness.  He  justly  expected  that  the  Queen's 
active  mind  would  invent  some  fresh  enterprise,  and  if 
supported  by  the  Scottish  chieftains'  valour  and  num- 
bers, she  would  become  truly  formidable.  To  prevent 
this,  he  adopted  the  advice  of  the  Earl  of  Douglas, 
who  had  long  been  a  refugee  in  England,  and  enjoyed 
an  annual  pension  there,  and  who  at  this  time  recom- 
mended him  to  enter  into  a  negotiation  with  the  Earl 
of  Ross,  Lord  of  the  Isles.J 

This  nobleman  had  revolted  from  King  James,  and 
he  at  once  concluded  a  treatv  with  the  English  monarch. 
It  was  agreed  that  the  Earl  of  Ross  should  lay  waste 
the  northern  parts  of  Scotland  with  fire  and  sword  ; 
and,  by  this  treaty,  it  was  stipulated  that  he  should, 
with  all  his  vassals,  become  the  liege  subjects  of  Ed- 
ward, and  that  if  Scotland  should  be  vanquished  through 


*  Baker  ;  London  Chron.  ;  Stow  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Hume ;  Paston 
Letters  ;  Barrow  ;  Henry  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Fabyan  ;  Monstrelet. 

f  Stow  ;  Monast.  Anglic. ;  Dugdale  ;  Barrow ;  Leland's  Collect.;  Bridges's 
Northamptonshire. 

%  Douglas  was  afterwards  taken  prisoner  by  the  Scots,  and  kept  in  con- 
finement until  his  death,  in  1488. 


MARGARET   OF    ANJOU.  141 

this  alliance,  the  northern  part  should  be  assigned  to 
Ross,  and  the  remainder  to  Douglas. 

Thus  did  King  Edward  seek  to  balance  the  influence 
of  Henry  VI.  in  Scotland,  and  by  the  invasion  of  the 
territories  of  King  James  to  prevent  his  rendering  him 
any  effectual  assistance.  We  are  even  told  that 
Edward  purchased  the  fealty  of  the  Earl  of  Ross  by 
the  payment  of  an  annual  pension,  and  that  he  also,  to 
amuse  the  Queen  Dowager,  Mary  of  Scotland,  made 
her  a  deceitful  offer  of  marriage.  In  April,  1462,  im. 
the  Earls  of  Warwick  and  Essex,  Lord  Wenlock,  the  L^te^. 
Bishop  of  Durham,  and  others  were  sent  on  an  embassy 
into  Scotland,  and  at  Dumfries  met  the  Scottish  Queen 
on  this  fruitless  offer.* 

King  Edward  addressed  a  letter  from  Stamford  on 
the  8th  of  March,  1462,  to  Thomas  Cooke,  whom  he 
calls  c  his  trusty  and  well-beloved  alderman  of  our 
"  city  of  London." 

In  this  epistle  he  alludes  to  information  he  has  re- 
ceived respecting  the  designs  of  his  "  great  adversary 
"  Harry,  naming  himself  King  of  England,  who  through 
"  the  malicious  counsel  and  excitation  of  Margaret  his 
"  wife,  naming  herself  Queen  of  England,  have  conspired, 
"  accorded,  concluded,  and  determined  with  our  out- 
"  ward  enemies,  as  well  of  France,  and  Scotland,  as  of 
"  other  divers  countries,  that  our  said  outward  enemies 
"  in  great  number  shall  in  all  haste  to  them  possible 
"  enter  this  our  realm  of  England,  to  make  in  the  same 
"  such  cruel,  horrible,  and  mortal  war,  depopulation, 
"robbery,  and  manslaughter  as  heretofore  hath  not 
"  been  used  among  Christian  people,  and  with  all  ways 
"  and  means  to  them  possible,  to  destroy  utterly  the 
"people,  the  name,  the  tongue,  and  all  the  blood 
"  English  of  this  our  said  realm  ;  insomuch  that  in  the 

*  Pinkerton  ;   Bidpath  ;   Paston  Letters  ;   Barrow  ;   Henry  ;   Lingard  ; 
Hume  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Bymer. 


142  MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

"  said  conspiracy,  among  other  tilings,  it  is  agreed  and 
"  accorded  by  our  said  adversary  Harry,  moved  thereto 
"  by  the  malicious  and  subtle  suggestion  and  enticing 
"of  the  said  malicious  woman  Margaret  his  wife,  that 
"  in  case  they  shall  and  may  perform  this  their  mali- 
"  dons  and  cruel  purpose  (which  God  forfend!),  that 
"  then  his  uncle  Charles  of  Anjou  with  the  Frenchmen 
"  shall  have  the  nomination,  rule,  and  governance  of  this 
"  our  realm  aforesaid."  King  Edward  continues  his 
letter  with  stating,  that  "  for  the  furtherance  of  their 
"  wicked  intent,  the  said  Harry  and  Margaret  his  wife, 
"  had  granted  to  Louis  de  Valois,  naming  himself  King 
"  of  France,  a  renunciation  and  release  of  the  right  and 
"  title  that  the  crown  of  England  hath  to  the  crown 
"  and  realm  of  France,  and  also  to  the  duchies  and 
"countries  of  Guienne  ;  and  besides  hath  granted  to 
"  the  same  intent  to  the  Scots  not  only  the  town  and 
"  castle  of  Berwick,  now  by  his  deliverance  occupied 
"  by  the  same  Scots,  and  also  a  great  part  of  our  realm 
"  of  England.  Which  things  diligently  considered,  it 
"  appeareth  that  the  said  Harry  and  Margaret  his  wife, 
"  not  only  to  us,  but  to  all  our  realm  and  true  liege 
"people,  have  been  mortal  and  cruel  enemies."  King- 
Edward  continues,  "  We  intending  with  all  our  might 
"  and  power  to  resist  our  enemies,  and  in  no  wise  to 
"  spare  our  own  person,  body,  or  goods,  neither  refuse 
"  any  peril  for  the  defence  of  our  realm  and  of  our  true 
"  subjects  ;  we  desire  and  pray  you,  in  the  most  especial 
"  wise,  that  you,  immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  these 
"  our  letters  assemble  all  the  householders  and  in- 
"  habitants  within  your  ward,  as  well  citizens  as 
"  foreigners,*  and  declare  unto  them  the  malicious 
"  intent  of  our  adversary  and  enemies,  and  exhort  and 
"  pray  them  with  such  words  of  benevolence  as  shall 

*  Strangers  coming  from  the  country.    It  is  still  customary  in  Norfolk 
for  the  country  people  to  call  the  inhabitants  of  a  distant  village  foreigners. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  143 

"  be  thought  to  you  behoveful,  that  they,  for  the  defence 
"  and  surety  of  themselves  and  of  all  this  land,  and  in 
"  the  eschewing  of  the  great  and  horrible  mischiefs 
"  and  inconveniences  above  rehearsed,  will  at  this 
"time,  and  in  this  great  and  urgent  necessity,  show 
"  effectually  and  indeed  their  good  will,  zeal,  and  affec- 
"  tion  unto  us,  and  to  the  common  weal  of  this  land 
"  and  prosperity  of  themselves. 

"  Further,  for  the  relief  of  the  great  charges  that  we 
"  must  of  necessity  bear,  they  and  every  of  them  will 
"  grant  unto  us  certain  sums  of  money,  to  be  given  of 
"  their  free  will,  and  that  they  will  not  suffer  wilfully 
"  all  this  realm  and  themselves  to  perish  and  utterly  be 
u  destroyed ;  that  trusting  in  the  infinite  goodness  and 
f  -  righteousness  of  Almighty  God,  who  hath  declared  for 
"  our  right  and  title,  that  if  our  true  and  faithful  subjects 
"  will  at  this  time  apply  themselves  benevolently  to 
"  our  desire  in  this  behalf,  that  we  shall  so  defend  and 
"  preserve  them  from  such  perils  and  mischiefs,  and  all 
"  this  land,  that  within  a  few  days  they  shall  have  cause 
"  to  think  that  they  never  herebefore  better  expended 
"  their  money.  Over  this  for  your  direction  and  more 
"  speedy  execution  of  this  matter,  we  send  you  certain 
a  instructions,  praying  you,  that  ye  will  effectually 
"  labour  to  the  accomplishment  of  our  desire  in  this 
"  behalf,  and  that  ye  fail  not  us,  as  ye  desire  the  wel- 
"  fare  and  prosperity  of  us,  yourselves,  and  all  this 
"land."* 

In  this  year,  1462,  John  Tiptoft,  Earl  of  Worcester,  pJ£f  ■ 
was  appointed  by  King  Edward  to  fill  the  office  of  Lord  Letters. 
Treasurer,  as  he  had  done  in  the  reign  of  King  Henry,  f 
It  was  about  this  time  that  the  displeasure  of  the 
Yorkist  King  was  evinced  against  the  Bishop  of  Dur- 
ham ;  he  seized  his  temporalities,  which  he  retained  for 
two  years ;  when  restored  to  him,  the  Bishop  deserted 

*  Halliwell's  Letters.  f  Paston  Letters. 


Hume 


144  MARGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

the  Lancastrian  cause,  and  was  employed  by  Edward, 
who  rewarded  his  services  by  making  him  Lord  High 
Chancellor  of  England,  in  1473.  Afterwards  he  was 
translated  to  York.* 

Queen  Margaret  had  repeatedly  applied  to  the  Court 
of  France  for  assistance,  but  had  received  no  effectual 
succours. 
1462.  Louis  XL.  who  had  lately  succeeded  his  father  King 

Charles  upon  the  throne,  was  at  this  time  exerting  his 
political  genius  to  subdue  the  independent  spirit  of  his 
vassals  ;  and  in  this  attempt  had  raised  so  great  an 
opposition  throughout  his  kingdom,  that  he  found  him- 
self unable  to  take  any  advantage  of  the  divisions  of 
the  English  nation.  Nor  was  this  monarch  willing  to 
afford  Queen  Margaret  the  assistance  she  required  in 
money  and  troops,  although  he  evinced  great  regard 
for  her,  and  wished  well  to  her  cause.  He  even  favoured 
the  Lancastrians  at  the  court  of  Rome,  and  in  all  the 
states  of  Europe,  and  promised  this  Queen  an  asylum 
in  his  dominions  should  she  be  obliged  to  quit  her 
kingdom.  This,  however,  he  advised  her  not  to  leave, 
but  at  the  utmost  extremity. 

This  King  of  France  never  concluded  any  treaty 
with  Kino-  Henry,  saying  that  it  would  be  time  enough 
to  do  so  when  the  King  of  England  had  subdued  his 
enemies  and  resumed  his  authority.  The  offers  of  the 
Yorkists  were  alike  refused  by  Louis,  who  declared  "it 
"  was  not  a  good  quarrel/5  and  that  "  the  enterprise  of  a 
"  subject  who  wishes  to  dethrone  his  sovereign,  is  neither 
"just,  reasonable,  nor  worthy  of  support."  f 

At  length,  despairing  of  foreign  aid,  Queen  Margaret 
resolved,  in  spite  of  fatigue  or  danger,  to  go  in  person 
to  France,  to  solicit  the  assistance  of  her  friends  and 

*  Dugdale's  Monasticon. 

The  only  act  recorded  of  this  bishop  was  that  he  built  the  gate  of  the 
college  of  Auckland,  and  adjoining  edifices. 
t  Hume  ;  Barante  ;  Madlle.  Lussan. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  145 

relatives.     She  left  the  King  and  Prince  in  Scotland, 
and  sailed  from  Kirkcudbright,  in  Galloway,  on  the  pinkerton; 
16th  of  April  (or,  as  some   say,  on  the  28th  of  June),  2^er.s. 
1462,   accompanied  by  the  Duke  of  Somerset  and  a  fcrajoux; 
small  retinue,   in  four  vessels.     They  sailed  between  Hume ; ' 
Wales  and  Ireland,   and  upon  landing  at  Ecluse,  in  Henry* 
Brittany,  the  Queen  was  kindly  and   honourably  re- 
ceived  by  the   Duke  of   Brittany.      Compassionating 
her  condition,    he    afterwards    sent   her  a  present  of 
12,000  crowns,  upon  her  arrival  at  Eouen,  and  even 
promised  to  furnish  her  with  a  squadron,  in  addition 
to  those  she  might  be  able  to  collect  with  the  help  of 
her  friends  and  relations.* 

The  unfortunate  Queen  passed  through  Brittany, 
and  thence  proceeded  to  the  city  of  Rouen.  A  regis- 
ter of  this  city  gives  the  following  account  of  the 
Queen's  reception : — 

"On  Tuesday,  the  13th  of  July,  1462,  after 
"  canonical  hours,  and  towards  evening,  the  Queen 
"  Margaret  of  Anjou,  wife  of  the  King  of  England, 
"  Henry  VI.,  arrived  before  the  King  our  Lord,  in 
"  this  town  of  Rouen ;  and  was  received  with  much 
"  honour,  by  the  gentlemen  of  the  King's  suite,  the 
"  counsellers,  and  others  of  the  four-and-twenty  of 
"  the  Council  of  this  town,  together  with  ten  distin- 
M  guished  individuals  of  each  quarter,  who  went  forth 
11  to  meet  that  Queen  on  horseback,  and  met  her  on 
"  the  road  between  Grammont  and  Sotteville ;  and 
11  the  reception  was  given,  and  the  oath  administered, 
'  in  obedience  to  the  letters  and  commands  of  the 
"  King,  our  Sire,  by  Germain  Mancial,  Knight,  the 
"  Lieutenant  -  General  of  the  bailiwick  of  Rouen, 
"  speaking  on  foot,  by  the  side  of  his  horse,  to  the 

*  Carte  ;  Paston  Letters ;  Roujoux ;  Hume  ;  Ridpath ;  W.  of  Worcester ; 
Daniel ;  Henry ;  Lobineau  ;  Pinkerton ;  Lingard ;  Tillet's  Recueil  des  Rois  ; 
Wright's  History  of  Scotland. 

vol.  it.  L 


146  HARGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

"said  Queen;  and  answer  was  made,  and  thanks 
"  returned  for  the  said  Queen  Margaret,  by  the  Arch- 
"  bishop  of  Narbonne,  Master  Antoine  Crespin  ;  and 
"  this  Queen  was  presented,  and  handed,  and  escorted 
"  to  her  dwelling,  which  was  in  the  hotel  of  the 
"  '  Golden  Lion,'  in  face  of  the  church  of  La  Ronde, 
"  belonging  to  Regnault  de  Villene,  barrister  of 
"  Rouen."  * 

The  first  application  which  Queen  Margaret  made 
was  to  her  father,  the  King  of  Sicily ;  but  Rene, 
although  abounding  in  nominal  dignities,  was  in  great 
distress,  and  could  not  afford  any  succour  to  his 
daughter.  He  could  only  unite  his  earnest  solicita- 
tions  with  those  of  the  exiled  Queen  at  the  Court  of 
France  ;  and  he  endeavoured  to  prevail  upon  all  true 
knights  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of  the  English  monarch,  j" 
The  unfortunate  Queen  had  reason,  at  this  period,  to 
feel  some  regret  for  the  loss  of  King  Charles  VII. , 
her  kind-hearted  uncle,  who  had  parted  from  her  with 
such  marked  forebodings  of  misfortune,  when  she 
quitted  her  native  country  for  England.  How  wel- 
come would  have  been  his  generous  sympathy  upon 
her  return  to  France  in  such  adverse  circumstances  ! 

The  death  of  King  Charles  had  happened  about  a 
year  before,  and  had  been  accelerated  by  the  beha- 
viour of  his  son,  who  he  believed  had  entertained  a 
design  to  poison  him,  and,  yielding  to  the  fear  and 
grief  to  which  this  conviction  gave  rise,  be  obstinately 
refused  all  nourishment,  and  died  at  the  age  of 
sixty. 

Charles  VII.  was  one  of  the  greatest  monarchs 
who  had  reigned  over  France.     He  had  a  heart  and 

*  Collection  Universelle  des  Memoires  pariiculiers  relatif  a  THistoire  de 
France.    Jean  de  Troye,  from  a  Register  of  the  city  of  Rouen. 

f  Biondi  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Daniel ;  Pinkerton  ;  Ridpath  ;  Roujoux's 
Dues  de  Bretaigne. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  147 

head  equally  well  disposed  ;  he  was  religious,  honest, 
and  upright,  and  selected  good  and  great  men  to  rule 
for  him ;  he  paid  respect  to  and  listened  to  their 
advice,  which  caused  it  to  be  said  of  him  that  he 
allowed  himself  to  be  governed.  He  loved  his  sub- 
jects, and  taxed  them  but  little.  He  easily  forgave ; 
but,  when  the  offender  happened  to  be  one  who  ap- 
proached his  person,  after  granting  his  pardon,  he 
would  never  see  that  person  again.  Few  reigns  have 
been  productive  of  so  many  great  men,  both  political 
and  warlike  :  Charles  attached  to  himself  these  by  his 
beneficence  and  goodness.  After  the  defeat  of  the 
English  nothing  would  have  been  wanting  to  his 
happiness,  had  not  the  conduct  of  the  Dauphin  dis- 
turbed his  peace,  and  weakened  his  mind  by  grief. 
The  regrets  and  sorrow  of  his  subjects  for  his  loss, 
form  his  best  eulogy. 

The  great  events  of  the  reign  of  Charles  VII. 
seem  to  contradict  the  opinion  of  the  mediocrity  of 
the  genius  of  this  prince  ;  who,  driven  from  his  throne 
at  so  early  an  age,  and  finding  so  many  obstacles  and 
difficulties,  yet  arrived  at  so  much  power,  and 
recovered  his  regal  authority.  If  he  did  not  act 
himself,  he,  at  least,  had  great  discernment  in  the 
choice  of  those  who  served  him.* 

The  Princes  of  the  blood  under  the  late  reign 
had  been  accustomed  to  rule,  or  to  contend  for  rule, 
and  they  were  ill-disposed  to  Charles  VII. ,  who  was 
jealous  of  their  power.  These  Princes  saw  the  con- 
stitution verging  to  an  absolute  monarchy,  in  the 
direction  of  which  they  would  have  no  share:  the 
fear  of  such  a  calamity  occasioned  several  attempts  at 
rebellion  during  this  reign,  and  gave  rise  to  the  war 
commonly  called  "  du  bien  public."  f 

The  death  of  King  Charles  was  soon  followed  by 

*  Daniel.  f  Hallam's  Middle  Ages. 

i  2 


148  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTX. 

that  of  his  consort,  Mary  of  Anjou.  She  was  distin- 
guished by  her  virtue  and  prudence,  but  more  especially 
by  her  moderation  and  patience  under  the  rude  trials 
to  which  her  husband's  infidelities  subjected  her.  Such 
was  her  conduct  that  satire,  so  much  in  vogue  in 
France,  could  not  touch  her  reputation.  She  was 
exempt  from  the  faults  of  the  court  of  King  Charles, 
and  preserved  the  love  of  the  people,  the  esteem  of 
the  courtiers,  and  even  of  Charles  himself.  It  is 
related  of  Mary  of  Anjou,  that,  when  some  persons 
noticed  the  irregular  conduct  of  that  King,  and  even 
attributed  it  to  a  weakness  that  she  did  not  resent  his 
infidelities,  the  Queen  replied :  "  He  is  my  lord,  and 
"  has  all  power  over  my  actions,  but  I  have  none 
"  over  his."  * 

Rene  of  Anjou  was  tenderly  attached  to  his  sister, 
who,  indeed,  bv  her  behaviour  to  her  husband,  showed 
herself  to  be  a  model  for  wives  and  princesses  who  in 
her  sphere  might  find  themselves  in  similar  circum- 
stances. Strongly  united  to  her  husband  while  living, 
she  was  no  less  inconsolable  at  his  death,  and  in 
her  widowhood  wept  daily  at  his  tomb.  The  poor  and 
unfortunate  regarded  her  as  a  parent,  and  respect  for 
her  many  virtues  silenced  the  malignant. 

On  her  return  from  a  pilgrimage  Mary  was  taken 
ill,  and  died  in  the  Abbey  of  Chatellier,  in  Poitou,  on 
the  29th  of  October,  U63.t 

The  son  and  successor  of  King  Charles  was  not 
easily  influenced  by  the  claims  of  relationship,  or 
alive  to  the  intercessions  of  beauty  in  distress  ;  he  was 
naturally  selfish  and  unfeeling  ■  notwithstanding,  he 
received  the  unhappy  Queen  at  his  court  at  Chinon, 
with    apparent    kindness.       When   Queen   Margaret 

*  Anquetil;  Daniel;  Memoirs  of  Queens  and  Regents  of  France. 
f  Moreri  ;   Montstrelet ;  3Ionfaucon  ;  Daniel ;  Villeneuve   Bargemont  ; 
Godard  Faultrier  ;  Anquetil. 


Pinkerton. 


MAKGAKET    OF    ANJOU.  149 

urged  her  distressed  condition,  and  with  earnest  en- 
treaties besought  him  to  assist  her  dethroned  hus- 
band and  her  helpless  son,  she  found  him  deaf  to  her 
arguments,  and  unwilling  to  grant  her  any  supplies, 
until  she  promised  to  deliver  up  to  him  the  town  and 
castle  of  Calais,  should  she,  by  his  means,  be  restored 
to  the  throne. 

Upon  this  assurance,  Louis  engaged  to  lend  Queen 
Margaret  20,000  crowns,  and  to  furnish  her  with  a 
small  body  of  troops,  amounting  to  500  men-at-arms, 
who,  with  their  usual  attendants,  comprised  a  force 
of  2,000  men.  These  were  to  be  under  the  command 
of  Pierre  de  Breze,  Grand  Seneschal  of  Normandy. 

The  agreement,  signed  at  Chinon,  on  the  23rd  of  June,    ^  ue% 

1462,  was  to  this  effect : — "  Margaret,  Queen  of  Eng- 

"  land,  being  empowered  by  the  King  of  England, 

"  Henry  VI.,  her  husband,  acknowledges  the  sum  of 

"  twenty  thousand  livres,  lent   to   her   by  the  King 

'  Louis  XL,  to  the  restitution  of  which  she  obliges 

"  the  town  and  citadel  of  Calais,  promising  that  as 

"  soon  as  the  king,  her  husband,  shall  recover  it,  he 

"  will  appoint  there  as   Captain,  his  brother  Jasper, 

'  Count  of  Pembroke,  or  her  cousin,  Jean  de  Foix, 

"  Count  of  Caudale,  who  will  engage  to  surrender  the 

'  said  town  to  King  Louis  XL,  within  one  year,  as  his 

"  oion,  or  pay  to  the  said  King  Louis  XL  forty  thou- 

"  sand  pounds  (double  the  amount  of  the  loan)." 

De  Breze  had  already  been  distinguished  as  a  brave 
general,  and  had  enjoyed  the  royal  favour  in  the  pre- 
ceding reign.  Lie  had  been  made  Governor  of  Rouen 
after  the  defeat  of  Somerset,  but  having  incurred  the 
displeasure  of  the  present  King,  had  been  thrown 
into  prison.  Louis  now  gave  him  his  liberty,  on 
condition  that  he  should  engage  in  the  service  of  King 
Rene,  and  conduct  this  expedition  into  England.  It  is 
said,  that  the  French  King  hoped  by  these  means  to 


150  MARGARET    OF    AKJOTJ. 

get  rid  of  him,  having  furnished  him  with  forces  so 
inadequate  to  the  enterprise.* 

The  crafty  Louis,  not  thinking  it  to  his  interest  to 
espouse  the  cause  of  the  Lancastrians  openly,  per- 
mitted, notwithstanding,  a  secret  treaty  to  be  entered 
into  between  Queen  Margaret  and  Pierre  de  Breze,  by 
which  it  was  agreed  "that,  in  consideration  of  the 
"  assistance  he  should  bring  to  King  Henry,  her 
"  husband,  the  islands  of  Jersey,  Guernsey,  Alderney, 
"  and  others,  adjoining,  should  be  made  over  to  him 
"  and  his  heirs  for  ever,  to  hold  them  independently 
"  of  the  crown  of  England."  This  reward,  which  has 
been  considered  vastly  disproportionate  to  any  service 
the  Count  might  be  able  to  render,  could  never  be 
fully  bestowed  upon  him  ;  it  was  therefore  judged 
necessary  that  Breze,  in  taking  possession  of  these 
islands,  should  do  it  by  surprise,  making  his  act 
appear  to  the  world  as  unpremeditated.  Yet  even 
then,  the  Count  could  never  fully  obtain  possession  of 
them,  as  will  appear  in  the  sequel. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  perceive  by  this  treaty,  and 
the  secret  part  taken  in  it  by  Louis  XL,  the  great 
importance  of  these  islands  at  that  period,  nor 
can  it  be  supposed  that  the  Norman  baron  would  have 
been  permitted  to  hold  his  acquisitions  independently 
of  the  French  crown ;  and  some  have  said,  that  it 
can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  he  acted  under  the 
guidance  of  the  King  of  France.  However  this  may 
have  been,  it  is  certain  that  Pierre  de  Breze  speedily 
assembled  2,000  veterans,  which  he  had  the  greater 
facility  in  doing,  having  already  been  engaged  in  the 
wars  of  France.     With  this  body  of  soldiers  he  passed 

*  Daniel  ;  Baudier  ;  Ridpath  ;  Pinkerton  ;  Stow  ;  Tillet's  Recueil  des 
Rois  ;  Carte;  Bodin  ;  Collection  des  Memoires  particuliers  relatif  a  l'Histoire 
de  France  ;  Barante  ;  Leland  ;  Monstrelet :  Female  Worthies  ;  Tresor  des 
Chartres. 


MARGAKET   OF   ANJOU.  151 

over  into  England,  where  he  rendered  all  the  services 
in  his  power  to  the  cause  of  Queen  Margaret. 

The  Count,  meanwhile,  to  secure  the  reward  of  his 
services,  which  indeed  were  great  (for  he  did  all  it 
was  possible  for  him  to  do,  in  the  support  of  a  sinking 
cause),  sent  a  Norman  gentleman  named  Surdeval, 
with  a  sufficient  force,  to  take  possession  of  Mount 
Orgueil  Castle,  the  commander  of  which  had  received 
secret  orders  from  the  Queen  to  deliver  it  up.  As  it 
had  been  preconcerted,  the  French  arrived  in  the 
night,  when  the  garrison  was  unprepared  for  resist- 
ance, and  the  commander  was  taken  in  his  bed,  in 
order  that  to  the  world  it  might  appear  as  a  surprise, 
rather  than  a  premeditated  treachery.* 

While  at  the  French  Court,  Queen  Margaret  had 
the  mortification  of  beholding  the  ambassadors  of 
King  Edward,  who  were  negotiating  a  truce,  well 
received  and  frequently  admitted  to  audience. 

The  Lancastrian  Queen  was  doubtless  an  un- 
welcome visitor,  and  it  was  on  this  account  that 
Louis  XL  gave  her  some  troops ;  he  promised,  how- 
ever, further  supplies,  and  gave  orders  that  all  the 
adierents  of  the  House  of  Lancaster  should  be  well 
received  in  his  dominions. 

After  her  tedious  and  almost  fruitless  application, 
which  occupied  this  Queen  at  least  five  months,  she  at 
length  set  sail  for  England,  in  October,")"  1462,  having  w/oTwor 
witi   her   only   the    small   forces   granted   her    from  p^te^; 
Fraice,  and  which  were  scarcely  deserving  the  name  Letters ; 

Pinkerton ; 

of  an  army  ;  indeed  she  seemed  so  poorly  attended,  Barrow, 
that   it  was  remarked  she  had    scarcely    a  sufficient 
retinue  for  so  great  a  Princess. 

It  must  not  here  be  omitted  to  state  that  during 
this  visit   of  Queen   Margaret  to  France,  and  while 

*  Falle's  Jersey  ;  Warner's  Hampshire ;  Plees's  Jersey ;  Inglis's  Channel 
Islands  ;  Crutwell's  Tour  through  Great  Britain. 
•f  Jean  de  Troye  says  it  was  November. 


1462. 


152 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 


1462. 
Bidpath  ; 
Henry  ; 
Lingard  ; 
"W.  of  Wor- 
cester. 


staying  at  the  court  of  Louis  XI.  at  Chinon,  she 
became  sponsor  to  the  only  son  of  the  ransomed  poet, 
the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  his  wife  Mary  of  Cleves.  The 
child  was  named  Louis  by  the  King  of  France,  who  stood 
godfather,  and  became  long  afterwards  Louis  XII. * 

King  Edward  had  guarded  the  seas,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  waylaying  the  Queen,  on  her  return  from 
France,  but  she  succeeded,  after  a  rough  passage,  in 
landing  at  Tynemouth.  Here  Queen  Margaret  un- 
furled her  standard,  and  invited  the  Scottish  allies,  and 
the  friends  of  her  family,  to  rally  around  her ;  and  she 
was,  at  this  time,  once  more  cheered  by  a  transitory 
gleam  of  hope  in  the  success  of  her  cause.  She  vas, 
however,  disappointed  in  her  expectation  that  the 
people  of  Northumberland  would  declare  for  her ;  for 
they  had  heard  that  King  Edward's  army  of  20,000 
men,  commanded  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  was  ap- 
proaching, so  that  finding  the  Queen  had  bat  few 
auxiliaries  from  the  continent,  they  remained  for  the 
most  part  quiet.  Thus  Queen  Margaret  only  succeeded 
in  taking  the  castles  of  Bamborough,  Dunstanburg  aid 
Alnwick.  This  last  surrendered  through  the  want  of 
provisions.  Some  write  that  the  castle  of  Warkworth 
was  also  taken.  The  care  of  Alnwick  Castle  was  en- 
trusted to  the  son  of  Pierre  de  Breze,  Lord  Hungerford, 
Eobert  Whittingham,  and  others,  having  a  garrison  of 
three  hundred  men.  During  the  time  of  these  sieges 
the  King  was  staying  at  Durham. | 

When  the  Earl  of  AVarwick  arrived  in  the  north 
with  his  army  of  20,000,  and  intelligence  was  brought 
of  King  Edward's  approach  with  an  equal  number,  the 
Lancastrians  separated;  some  to  garrison  the  castles 

*  Biondi ;  W.  of  Worcester ;  Tillet's  Recueil  des  Rois :  Duclos  ;  Fabyan 
Pinkerton  ;  Ridpath  ;  Monstrelet ;  Baker  ;  Bodin  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Carte 
Paston  Letters  ;  Femmes  Celebres  ;  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Hume  ;  Barante 
Daniel ;  Jean  de  Troye  ;  Lingard  ;  Barrow. 

t  Some  "writers  say  the  Queen  advanced  as  far  as  Durham. 


MARGARET  OF   ANJOU.  153 

they  had  just  taken,0  whilst  others,  with  the  French 
auxiliaries,  retired  with  the  Queen  on  board  their  ships 
with  great  precipitation.  Lizard- 

Within  a  few  hours  after  their  departure  from  Tyne-  w-  of  Wor- 
mouth,  they  encountered  a  severe  storm.  The  Queen's 
vessel  was  separated  from  the  other  ships,  and  it  was 
not  without  the  utmost  exertions  that  it  was  brought 
into  the  Tweed,  and  reached  Berwick.  The  remainder 
of  this  little  fleet  had  dispersed  towards  Bamborough, 
where  the  Frenchmen  would  have  landed,  but  Lord 
Ogle  and  Sir  John  Manners,  at  the  head  of  some  troops, 
prevented  them.  Upon  this  they  retired  to  the  little 
isle  of  Lindisfarne,  but  were  pursued  thither  by  Lord 
Ogle  and  his  followers,  who  completely  defeated  them, 
slew  five  hundred,  and  took  the  rest  prisoners,  Pierre  de 
Breze  only  excepted,  who  escaped  in  a  fisherman's  boat 
to  Berwick.  In  this  wreck  Queen  Margaret  lost  all  the 
treasure  which  she  had  obtained  from  the  King  of  France. 

After  these  continued  misfortunes  the  Queen 
gave  up  the  care  of  defending  her  castles,  now  be- 
sieged by  the  Yorkists,  to  the  Duke  of  Somerset, 
Pierre  de  Breze,  and  others  of  her  party,  while  she 
withdrew  with  her  husband  and  son  to  Edinburgh ; 
and  there,  for  some  time,  they  continued  to  reside. 
They  seemed  left  almost  alone,  deprived  of  friends,  of 
money,  and  even  of  hope. 

The  cause  of  the  Red  Rose  appeared,  indeed,  to  be 
desperate,  but  it  was  still  supported  by  the  courage 
and  intrepidity  of  Queen  Margaret. f 

*  At  one  of  these  castles,  viz.  Bamborough,  when  the  garrison  was  taken 
by  the  Queen's  forces,  Sir  William  Tunstall  was  taken,  and  in  danger  of 
being  beheaded.  His  brother,  Richard  Tunstall,  at  this  time  bore  arms  for 
the  Queen  against  him. 

f  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Ridpath  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  Female  Worthies  ; 
Fabyan  ;  Biondi  ;  Pinkerton  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Stow  ;  London  Chron.  ; 
Barrow  ;  Historical  View  of  Northumberland  ;  Rapin  ;  Sharon  Turner  ; 
Howel  ;  Mackenzie's  Newcastle  ;  Monstrelet  ;  Duclos  ;  Paston  Letters  ; 
Carte. 


154  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

King  Edward  had  advanced  as  far  as  Newcastle, 
when,  hearing  of  Queen  Margaret's  shipwreck,  he 
returned  to  London.  Another  account  is  that  the 
King  was  compelled  to  withdraw,  being  visited  by  the 
small-pox. 
1463.  The  Earl  of  Warwick  had  been  made  commander  of 

Letters.  the  forces  of  the  Yorkists  after  the  battle  of  Towton, 
and  had  received  the  title  of  Warden  of  the  East  and 
West  Marches.  This  Earl  divided  his  army  into  three 
bodies,  and  besieged  at  the  same  time  the  three  castles 
of  Bamborough,  Dunstanburg,  and  Alnwick.  The 
besieged  made  an  obstinate  resistance,  and  displayed 
much  valour.0 

Bamborough  Castle  had  been  entrusted  to  the  care  of 
the  Duke  of  Somerset,  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  Lord 
Roos,  and  Sir  Ralph  Percy,  with  a  garrison  of  300 
men.  Sir  Richard  Tunstall,  and  some  others  of  less 
note,  defended  Dunstanburg  Castle  with  120  men.  The 
Lords  Montague,  Ogle,  Arundel,  and  many  others,  ad- 
vanced against  Bamborough  with  an  army  of  1,000 
men,  and  besieged  it ;  while  the  Earl  of  Worcester  and 
Sir  Ralph  Grey,  with  10,000,  assailed  the  castle  of 
Dunstanburg.  Meanwhile  the  Earl  of  Kent,  Lords 
Scales,"!"  Powis,  Cromwell,  and  Baron  Grey  stock,  with 
10,000  men,  assisted  at  the  siege  of  Alnwick.  This 
castle  was  held  by  the  son  of  Breze,  with  the  Lords 
Hungerford  and  AVhittingham. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick,  taking  up  his  residence  at 
Warkworth  Castle,  three  miles  from  Alnwick,  daily 
superintended  these  sieges,  sending  provisions  to  the 
besiegers,  and  other  supplies.  The  Duke  of  Norfolk 
had  also  been  placed  at  Newcastle,  to  assist  the  Earl 
of  Warwick,  and  send  to  him  the  ordnance. 

*  Ridpath  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Fabyan  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Stow ;  Hurne  ; 
Lingard  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Historical  View  of  Northumberland. 

+  This  Lord  Scales  was  Anthony  WidYille.  The  new  Earl  of  Kent  was 
William  Neville,  Lord  Fauconbridge. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  155 

This  undertaking  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  would 
appear  gigantic,  but  it  will  be  well  to  consider  the 
relative  position  of  these  castles,  which  doubtless 
afforded  great  facilities  for  the  enterprise. 

The  little  town  of  Alnwick,  which,  from  its  boundary 
position,  has  ever  been  an  important  possession  to  the 
monarchs  of  either  kingdom,  was  situated  in  the  midst 
of  green  vales,  overlooked  by  a  castle  of  most  pic- 
turesque appearance,  beneath  which  the  river  Aln 
meandered  towards  the  sea,  which  terminated  the  view 
to  the  east  and  south.  Northward  might  be  seen  the 
Farn  isles  and  the  shipping,  and  upon  a  bold  rock  near 
the  shore  stood  Bamborough  Castle ;  to  the  south  that 
of  Dunstanburg,  and  above  all  appeared  conspicuous 
the  castle  of  Warkworth,  and  Coquet  island.  Lastly, 
at  the  south-west,  lay  the  forest  of  Haydon.  The 
vicinity  of  these  castles  to  each  other  probably  afforded 
the  means  of  speedy  communication,  and  renders  less 
surprising  the  taking  and  retaking  of  them  so  rapidly 
in  these  civil  wars.  Northumberland  thus  became  the 
scene  of  many  memorable  exploits,  in  which  much 
skill  and  courage  were  exhibited. 

The  fortress  of  Bamborough  surrendered  on  Christ-  RiaPath; 
mas  eve,  three  days  later  that  of  Dunstanburo;,  after  ^nkerton 
making  a  gallant  resistance.  The  conditions  upon 
which  the  besieged  surrendered  were,  that  the  Duke  of 
Somerset,  and  Sir  Richard  Percy,  with  some  others, 
should,  upon  taking  the  oath  of  fealty  to  King  Edward, 
be  pardoned  and  restored  to  their  estates  and  honours ; 
and  that  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  Lord  Roos,  and  the 
rest  of  the  two  garrisons  should  be  permitted  to  with- 
draw into  Scotland.0 

Alnwick  Castle  still  held  out.     The  Earl  of  War-      1463. 

Paston 
Letters. 
*  Stow  ;    Howel  ;   Ridpath  ;    Lingard  ;    Carte  ;   Paston  Letters  ;  W.  of 

Worcester  ;  Pinkerton  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Monstrelet ;  Grose's  Antiquities  ; 
Hist.  View  of  Northumberland. 


156  MAEGAEET   OP   ANJOTJ. 

wick  closely  besieged  it,  assisted  by  Sir  Ralph  Grey, 
and  many  others.      This  was  in  January,  1463.     An 
army  of  the  adherents  of  Queen  Margaret  hastened  to 
its   assistance.      It  was  valiantly  defended   for  some 
time  by  Pierre  de  Breze's  son  and  his  300  Frenchmen. 
This  general   boldly  sallied   forth   and   attacked   the 
camp  of  Warwick,  but  was  repulsed.     Soon  after  he 
was  joined  by  George  Douglas,  Earl  of  Angus,  who, 
at  the  request  of  Queen  Margaret,  had  bravely  under- 
taken to  bring  off  the  garrison.     For  this  purpose  he 
hastily  collected  a  body  of  horse,  amounting  to  10,000 
(or  as  some  say,  13,000)  and  advanced,  as  if  with  intent 
to  charge  the  English  army,  which  had  invested  the 
castle ;   and  while  the  latter  prepared   for  battle,  he 
brought  up  a  party  of  his  stoutest  horse  to  the  postern 
gate.    The  garrison,  headed  by  Pierre  de  Breze,  bravely 
sallied   forth  to  meet  them ;    and  then,  every  soldier 
mounting  behind  a  trooper,  or,  as  some  tell  us,  upon  a 
number  of  spare  horses  brought  for  them,  they  were  all 
successfullv  carried  off  into  Scotland,  in  sisdit  of  the 
whole  English  army,  which,  being  inferior  in  numbers, 
was  unable  to  resist  them.     Lord  Hungerford  and  a 
few  knights  sallied  from  the  castle,  and,  cutting  a  pas- 
sage through  the  enemy,  joined  their  partisans,  and 
accompanied  them  in  their  retreat. 

The  small  garrison  remaining,  left  to  its  own 
guidance,  capitulated  ;  for  Angus,  having  accomplished 
his  design  of  freeing  the  besieged,0  abandoned  the 
castle  to  the  enemy,  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  was 
well  contented  that,  without  shedding  blood,  he  was 
thus  enabled  to  get  possession  of  the  deserted  castle. | 

*  The  Earl  of  Angus  eagerly  seized  this  opportunity  of  rendering  a 
service  to  the  exiled  Queen,  ■who  had  promised  him  a  dukedom  and  lands 
in  England. 

f  Biondi ;  Stow;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Fabyan  ;  Baker  ;  Ridpath  ;  Buchanan  ; 
Pinkerton  ;  Lingard  ;  Holinshed  ;  Historical  View  of  Northumberland  : 
Grose's  Antiquities  ;  Daniel. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOTJ.  157 

At  the  time  of  this  memorable  retreat,  the  Duke  of 
Somerset,  Sir  Eichard  Percy,  and  others,  were  seen 
fighting  on  the  side  of  King  Edward. 

This  monarch,  pleased  to  gain  over  these  noblemen, 
who  had  hitherto  been  such  firm  allies  of  his  rival, 
not  only  repealed  their  attainder,  and  restored  their 
lands,  but  rewarded  their  services  with  many  marks  of 
favour.  Somerset  obtained  an  annual  pension  of  1,000 
marks,  and  Percy  was  re-established  in  the  possession 
of  Bamborough  and  Dunstanburg.  Alnwick  was  be- 
stowed upon  Sir  John  Ashley,  to  the  great  displeasure 
of  Sir  Ralph  Grey,  a  partisan  of  the  Yorkists,  who, 
having  once  gained  it  for  King  Edward,  hoped  to  be 
again  put  in  possession  of  this  castle. 

The  desertion  of  Somerset  from  the  Lancastrians  has 
been  attributed  to  his  dread  of  the  resentment  of  Mary 
of  Gueldres,  the  Scottish  queen,  he  having  incurred 
her  displeasure.  Many  Lancastrians,  despairing  of 
the  restoration  of  Henry  the  Sixth,  followed  the 
example  of  Somerset,  and,  throwing  themselves  on 
Edward's  mercy,0  obtained  his  pardon. f 

About  this  time  the  inhabitants  of  Lancashire  and      1463> 
Cheshire  assembled,  to  the  number  of  10,000  men,  in  J*^011 

7  '  '  Letters ; 

support  of  the  Lancastrian  cause,  but  they  were  soon  Henry, 
overcome,   and    several  of  them   were    beheaded   at 
Chester.  \ 

The  affairs  of  Queen  Margaret  had  become  desperate. 
Almost  all  the  powerful  friends  of  King  Henry  had 
been  either  slain  in  battle,  put  to  death  on  the  scaffold, 
or  banished  the  kingdom.     When   the  Yorkists  had 

*  King  Edward,  in  a  letter  to  his  Chancellor,  gives  the  account  of  the 
surrender  of  these  castles  in  the  North,  and  of  the  submission  of  Somerset 
and  Percy.     The  King  writes  from  the  monastery  at  Durham. 

+  Baker  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Sandford  ;  Fabyan  ;  Rot.  Pari. ;  Rapin  ; 
Ridpath  ;  Carte  ;  Monstrelet ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Henry ;  Lingard  ;  Female 
Worthies. 

i  Paston  Letters. 


158  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

regained  possession  of  the  castles  of  Northumberland, 
the  French  auxiliaries  capitulated,  and  gladly  obtained 
permission  to  return  to  France. 

After  so  many  had  espoused  the  cause  of  King 
Edward,  the  only  remaining  faithful  adherents  of  the 
deposed  monarch,  and  of  his  exiled  family,  were  the 
Duke  of  Exeter  and  a  small  party,  whose  loyalty  re- 
mained unshaken  under  the  most  adverse  fortunes.0 

When  the  struggle  between  the  two  powers  seemed 
to  be  over,  and  the  unfortunate  issue  compelled  the 
Lancastrians  to  seek  refuge  in  France,  Breze  also 
departed  from  England,  and  went  to  Jersey.  There  he 
took  upon  himself  supreme  authority,  styling  himself 
in  all  public  acts  set  forth  in  his  name :  "  Pierre  de 
"  Breze,  Count  de  Maule verier,  &c,  Lord  of  the  islands 
"  of  Jersey,  Guernsey,  Alderney,  and  the  others  ad- 
"  joining,  Counsellor  and  Chamberlain  of  our  sovereign 
"  Lord  the  King  of  France,"  by  which  proclamation 
he  showed  his  own  dependence  on  the  King  of  France, 
giving  the  inhabitants  to  understand  that  they  must 
henceforth  consider  themselves  as  subjects  of  the  same 
monarch,  which  greatly  enraged  them.  Nay,  it  even 
seemed  to  them  more  intolerable  to  be  thus  betrayed 
to  the  French,  than  to  have  been  conquered  by  arms. 
It  was  in  vain  that  the  Count  sought  to  soothe  their 
discontents.  His  promises  of  kind  treatment  and 
gentle  sway,  if  they  would  but  acknowledge  him  and 
transfer  their  allegiance  to  France,  were  all  unavailing. 

Breze  had  obtained  possession  of  the  Castle  of  Mount 
Orgueil,  but  the  stronghold  did  not  carry  with  it  the 
island,  of  which  it  was  the  defence.  The  six  parishes 
adjacent  to  Mount  Orgueil  Castle  yielded  a  reluctant 
obedience  to  the  rule  of  the  Norman  chiefs  ;  while 
the  western  half  of  this  island,  influenced  by  Philip  de 
Carteret,  Lord  of  St.  Ouen,  maintained  its  allegiance 

*  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Monstrelet ;  Bodin  ;  Daniel ;  Ling-ard. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  159 

to  the  King  of  England.     Thus,  during  six  years,  Jer- 
sey continued  to  be  a  divided  possession. 

Philip  de  Carteret  obtained  the  castle  of  Grosnez,  and 
defended  himself  and  his  followers,  setting  the  French 
at  defiance  ;  and  frequent  encounters  occurred  between 
the  two  parties.  Those  also  who  had  submitted  to  the 
authority  of  Breze  were  but  ill  affected  towards  him. 
Such  was  the  condition  of  these  islanders,  at  the  time 
King  Edward  IV.  obtained  quiet  possession  of  the 
English  throne,  and  a  scheme  was  immediately  formed 
for  the  expulsion  of  the  French  and  Normans. 

Sir  Richard  Harliston,  Vice  Admiral  of  England, 
coming  with  his  fleet  into  the  Channel,  Philip  cle  Car- 
teret made  known  to  him  the  hard  struggle  he  had  had 
to  preserve  to  the  English  a  portion  only  of  this  island 
of  Jersey  ;  upon  which,  the  Admiral,  leaving  his  ships  at 
Guernsey,  hastened  to  the  Manor  of  St.  Ouen,  in  Jer- 
sey. There  he  held  a  private  consultation  with  De 
Carteret,  and  they  together  planned  a  surprise  for  their 
enemies,  which  scheme  they  accomplished  with  pru- 
dence and  skill. 

The  French  were  not  aware  that  an  English  fleet 
was  near,  when  Philip  de  Carteret  with  his  followers 
invested  the  castle  of  Mount  Orgueil  in  the  night; 
meanwhile,  the  fleet  sailed  from  Guernsey  to  assist 
them ;  and  thus,  in  the  morning,  the  Frenchmen  found 
themselves  surrounded  both  by  sea  and  land.  The 
besieged  vigorously  resisted  for  some  time,  but  finding 
no  hope  of  relief,  (there  being  no  communication  with 
France,)  and  being  greatly  distressed,  they  capitulated. 
The  castle  and  neighbouring  country  joyfully  returned 
to  the  domination  of  England,  and  Jersey  received  a 
new  charter,  in  which  the  services  of  the  people  were 
especially  acknowledged. 

Sir  R.  Harliston,  for  his  reward,  was  appointed  to  be 
Governor  of  the  island  which  he  had  been  instrumental 


160  MAEGAKET    OF   ANJOTJ. 

in  recovering ;  but  how  De  Carteret,  who  had  been 
most  active  in  its  preservation,  was  recompensed,  is 
unknown.  "He  could  not,"  however,  "fail,"  as  one 
writer  says,  "  to  procure  that  which  always  attends  the 
"  doing  of  brave  and  worthy  actions,  viz.,  the  public 
"  esteem,  and  the  inward  satisfaction  of  having  faith- 
"  fully  and  honourably  acquitted  himself  to  his  King 
"  and  country,  following  therein  the  example  of  his 
"  ancestors." 

When  the  standard  of  England  was  raised  upon 
Mount  Orgueil  Castle,  it  diffused  such  universal  joy 
amongst  the  people  that  "  it  could  not  be  expressed! ': 
So  obnoxious  had  the  French  Count  become  to  the 
inhabitants  of  Jersey,  that  they  had  even  ventured  to 
burn  him  in  effigy  while  in  their  island. 

De  Breze  had  left  Jersey  before  the  siege.  He  was 
killed,  not  long  after,  at  the  battle  of  Montlebery,  fight- 
ing for  Louis  XL  against  the  Burgundians.*  The 
French  writers  highly  extol  his  valour,  and  say  that  he 
died  the  death  of  a  hero.f 

*  Falle's  Jersey  ;  Warner's  Hampshire  ;  Plees's  Jersey ;  Inglis's  Channel 
Islands. 

t  Bodin  ;  Annals  of  Aquitaine. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

[Queen  Margaret.) 

"  We  will  not  from  the  helm  to  sit  and  weep, 
"  But  keep  our  course,  though  the  rough  winds  say  no, 
"  From  shelves  and  rocks  that  threaten  us  with  wreck, 
"  As  good  to  chide  the  waves,  as  speak  them  fair." 

Shakespeare. 

{Queen  Margaret.) 

"  No,  sirs  !  my  regal  claim,  my  rightful  crown, 
"  The  honour'd  title  of  your  sovereign  wife, 
"  No  bribe  shall  e'er  incline  me  to  lie  down, 
"  Nor  force  extort  it,  save  but  with  my  life." 

Eltham's  Margaret  of  Anjou. 


Successes  of  the  Lancastrians — Queen  Margaret  at  Durham — The  plunder 
of  the  country — Battle  of  Hedgeley  Moor — Defeat  at  Hexham — The 
King  and  Queen  take  to  flight — Three  lords  put  to  death — Queen 
Margaret's  adventure  in  the  forest — She  escapes  to  Bamborough,  and 
to  France — King  Edward's  treatment  of  the  Lancastrian  lords — Queen 
Margaret  and  her  followers  in  Flanders — The  reception  of  Margaret 
by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  his  son — Sir  John  Fortescue — Education 
of  Prince  Edward — Margaret  settles  in  Lorraine — Attempts  to  console 
her — The  distress  and  poverty  of  the  Lancastrians — Margaret  goes 
with  her  son  to  reside  with  her  father — Rene's  tastes  for  the  arts, 
chivalry,  and  the  tournament,  and  for  the  "  belles  lettres  " — His  life 
in  Anjou  and  Provence,  and  his  correspondence — The  fetes  of  Rene  in 
Anjou  and  Provence— The  Order  of  the  Crescent — Suppressed  by  the 
Pope — Rene  joins  the  King  of  France  in  his  wars  against  the  English 
— Rene  at  Angers,  Saumur,  and  Bauge — His  taste  for  building — The 
castle  and  town  of  Bauge— Rene's  house  at  Saumur — The  manor-house 
of  Reculee  and  hermitage — The  illness  and  death  of  Isabella  of 
Lorraine — Her  burial — The  grief  of  Rene — His  device — The  children 
of  Rene  and  Isabella — Rend  joins  in  the  war  of  Sforza,  Duke  of  Milan 
— He  is  soon  disgusted  with  the  intrigues  in  the  camp,  and  returns  to 
France — His  son,  John,  carries  on  the  war  for  a  time,  and  then  with- 
draws also — Rend  gives  Lorraine  to  his  son,  John  of  Anjou — Rene  marries 
Jeanne  de  Laval — They  go  to  Provence — Rent's  occupations — Alphonso 
makes  war  in  Italy — The  Duke  of  Calabria  takes  part  with  the  Fre- 
goses — Rene  comes  to  Genoa — A  battle  with  the  Genoese — Death  of 
Alphonso — Ferdinand,  his  son,  succeeds  him  in  Naples — The  barons 

VOL.   II.  m 


162  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

cabal,  and  send  for  the  Duke  of  Calabria — Pope  Pius  II.  invests  Ferdi- 
nand with  Naples — This  offends  Rend — Battle  of  Sarno — The  Duke  of 
Calabria's  expedition  fails — Provence  only  remains  from  the  adoption 
of  Joanna  I. — Louis  XL  mounts  the  throne  of  France — Henry  VI.  has 
taken  refuge  in  Wales — He  is  discovered,  brought  to  London,  and 
committed  to  the  Tower. 


1463.  The  courage  of  Queen  Margaret  was  not  overcome 
Barrow       kv  the  numerous  disasters  she  had  encountered.     She 

passed  the  whiter  of  1463  in  Scotland,  and  in  the 
spring  assembled  all  her  English  adherents,  and 
allured  to  her  standard  many  of  the  Scots,  by  the 
promise  of  reward  and  permission  to  plunder.  The 
government  of  the  Scots  had,  in  effect,  abandoned  the 
cause  of  the  Lancastrians,  having  concluded,  in  the 
preceding  December,  a  truce  with  King  Edward. 

The  interest  which  Queen  Margaret  had,  notwith- 
standing, cultivated  with  some  of  the  Scottish  chief- 
tains, enabled  her,  once  again,  to  form  a  considerable 
army,  with  which  she  made  a  descent  upon  North- 

1464.  umberland,  in  the   month    of  April,    1464.     In   this 
luaplth.      expedition  the  Queen  was  accompanied  by  her  hus- 
band, but  the  young  Prince  was  left  at  Berwick.     He 
soon  afterwards  rejoined  the  army,  and  was  present  at 
the  battle  which  ensued  at  Hexham. 

Affairs  began  to  assume  a  more  favourable  aspect. 
The  Lancastrians  speedily  regained  the  three  castles 
which  they  had  so  lately  lost.*  The  care  of  two 
of  these  castles,  Bamborough  and  Alnwick,  had  been 
committed  to  Sir  John  Ashley,  to  the  great  disappoint- 
ment of  Sir  Ralph  Grey,  whose  personal  resentment 
for  this  neglect  instigated  him  to  take  by  surprise 
the  castle  of  Bamborough,  which  he  garrisoned  with 
Scotch  troops,  and  then  held  it  for  Queen  Margaret, 
who  made  him  Governor  of  the  fortress.  Sir  Ralph 
Grey  also   contrived  to  expel  Sir  John  Ashley  from 

*  Stow ;  Carte  ;  Ridpath  ;  Baker  ;  Henry  ;  Hume  ;  W.  of  Worcester. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  163 

Alnwick  Castle  ;  then  was  Dunstanburg  easily  gained 
over. 

The  courage  of  the  Queen  seemed  to  be  aroused, 
more  and  more,  in  proportion  to  the  difficulties  of  her 
situation,  and  the  uncertainty  of  her  success.  As 
she  advanced  to  Durham,  her  numbers  were  daily 
increasing ;  but  many  of  those  who  joined  her,  pre- 
ferred plunder  to  fighting,  and  Margaret  well  knew 
the  little  dependence  she  could  place  on  such  followers, 
who  needed  leaders  to  enforce  discipline  amongst  them. 
At  Durham  she  was  joined  by  the  Duke  of  Somerset, 
who,  as  soon  as  he  had  heard  of  the  Queen's  successes, 
suddenly  and  privately  quitted  North  Wales,  where 
he  had  been  secreted,  and  hastened  to  her  assistance 
with  all  his  followers  ;  which  example  was  followed 
by  Sir  Ralph  Percy,  with  his  adherents.* 

This  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset  was  very 
reprehensible  ;  he  had  been  nobly  treated  by  King 
Edward,  and  in  return  for  His  generosity  in  restoring 
his  lands  and  dignity,  he  only  took  the  earliest  oppor- 
tunity of  deserting  him.  Ungrateful,  indeed,  he  must 
have  appeared  to  the  Yorkists ;  but  historians  justly 
censure  him  for  his  submission  to  Edward,  being  him- 
self descended  from  the  House  of  Lancaster,  whose 
interests  he  would  have  naturally  espoused.  Still  it 
must  be  said  for  him,  that  he  reproached  himself  for 
quitting  his  royal  master,  the  unfortunate  Henry,  in 
the  extremity  of  his  distress. 

This  defection  greatly  alarmed  King  Edward.  He 
dispatched  Lord  Montague,  whom  he  had,  the  pre- 
ceding year,  appointed  Warden  of  the  Eastern  Marches,")" 

*  Sandf ord ;  Biondi ;  Stow  ;  W.  of  Worcester ;  Baker ;  Howel ;  Ridpath  ; 
Pol.  Vergil  ;  Rapin ;  Henry ;  Barrow  ;  Lingard  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Female 
Worthies  ;  Carte  ;  Fabyan. 

f  He  likewise  gave  him  charge  of  his  dominions  in  Scotland,  viz.,  Ber- 


wick and  Roxburg. 


m  2 


164  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

with  all  the  forces  he  had  ready,  to  oppose  the  Queen, 
while  he  remained  to  collect  a  large  army,  both  by  sea 
and  land.  He  issued  a  proclamation,  commanding 
every  man,  from  the  age  of  sixteen  to  sixty,  through- 
out the  kingdom,  to  be  ready  to  march  against  his 
Alien"4'  enemies,  at  a  day's  notice.  At  length,  having  as- 
*°rk;         sembled  a  powerful    army,  and    having  with    him  a 

Carte.  *" 

splendid  train  of  nobility,  he  set  out  from  London,  and 
arrived  at  York  about  the  end  of  May.* 

Queen  Margaret,  meanwhile,  traversed  the  north  of 
England,  plundering  and  ravaging  wherever  she  went. 
Lord  Montague   had  advanced  as  far  as  Durham, 
where  he  halted  for  several  days  ;  and  when  he  had 
received  a  reinforcement  from  King  Edward,  proceeded 
in  quest  of  the  Queen's  army.     He  met  a  detachment 
of  her   forces,  commanded  by  the  Lords   Roos   and 
Hungerford,    at    Hedgeley   Moor,    near   TTooler,    on 
U64      the   20th  j  of  April,   1464.     The  Lancastrians,  with 
Hmne;       onr)T   ^00?   defended    themselves    against   this    attack 
H^m-'      w^tn  8Tea^  bravery,  but  were,  at  last,  defeated.     The 
carte. '       courageous    Sir   Ralph   Percy    was   killed.     His   last 
words  were,  "I  have  saved  the  bird  in  my  bosom,"  in 
allusion  to  his  loyalty  to  King  Henry.     A  stone  pillar, 
having  the  Percy  arms  rudely  cut  upon  it,  marks  the 
spot  where  this  action  took  place.     Roos  and  Hunger- 
ford  escaped  to  the  Queen. 

Much  elated  at  his  success,  Montague  resolved  to 
have  the  honour  to  himself  of  Queen  Margaret's 
defeat,  before  King  Edward  could  possibly  join  him. 
He,  therefore,  boldly  advanced  to  attack  her,  with  an 
army  of  4,000  men.  The  Lancastrians,  who  had  but  500 
men,  commanded  by  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  encamped 
on  a  plain  called  the  Linnels,^  on  the  south  bank  of 

*  Sandford;  Stow;  Eidpath;  Baker:  Henry  ;  Eapin  ;  Allen's  York. 

t  Toplis  and  others  say  it  was  on  the  25th  of  April. 

t  Or  Lennolds,  where  the  line  of  entrenchment  is  still  visible. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  165 

the  Devil's  Water,*  near  Hexham,  where  they  awaited 
the  approach  of  their  enemies.  These  soldiers  were 
emboldened  by  the  presence  of  King  Henry,  whose 
only  hope  of  restoration  to  the  throne  depended,  as 
they  well  knew,  on  the  success  of  this  battle  ;  there- 
fore, when  the  contest  began,  they  fought  desperately. 

This  engagement  took  place  on  the  15th  of  May,    ^  uql 
1464.     The  Queen's  forces  were  taken  by  surprise  by  Topiis; 
Lord  Montague,   who,    inarching   by  night,    attacked  ^^f 
them  in  their  trenches,  before  they  knew  of  his  ap-  Hume; 

x        Henry  • 

proach,  and   a   long  and  bloody  battle  ensued.     The  Lingard ; 
skill  and  bravery  of  Montague  enabled  him,  at  last,  to  Turner ; 
gain  a  complete  victory.     King  Henry  owed  his  safety  llvTIier- 
to  the  fleetness  of  his  steed. |     He  fled  to  the  Castle 
of  Harlech,  in  Wales,  which  fortress  was  still  held  by 
Davycld  ap  Jevan  ap  Eynion,  who,  in  defiance  of  re- 
peated  acts    of  attainder,   refused   to   yield  to  King 
Edward. 

The  Duke  of  Somerset  was  taken  prisoner  as  he  TJ  ?.46f- , 

1      g  m  Hohnsned. 

fled  from  the  field  of  battle,  and  was  immediately 
beheaded  at  Hexham.  The  Lords  Roos  and  Hunger- 
ford,  whose  personal  bravery  and  unwavering  attach- 
ment to  their  unfortunate  monarch  deserved  a  better 
fate,  were  discovered,  the  following  day,  in  a  wood, 
and  were  executed,  with  many  of  their  followers,  at 
Newcastle. 

On  account  of  the  illustrious  dignity  of  his  family, 
Lord  Hungerford's  body  was,  by  permission,  removed 
to  Salisbury,  and  there  interred  in  the  north  aisle  of 
the  cathedral.  The  Duke  of  Somerset  was  buried  in 
the  Abbey,  at  Hexham.  From  this  Duke,  as  it  is  sup- 
posed, the  name  of  Duxfielcl  was  given  to  a  field  near 
the  scene  of  action. 

*  This  has  been  contracted  into  Dilswater  by  some  writers. 

f  Biondi ;  Stow  ;  Topiis ;  Howel ;  Wright's  Hist,  of  Hexham  ;  Holinshed ; 
Ridpath ;  Hutchinson's  Durham  ;  Gent.'s  Magazine  ;  Carte  ;  Rymer ;  Rapin  ; 
Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  Femmes  Celebres ;  Allen's  York  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Henry ; 


166  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

The  prisoners  taken  and  beheaded  with  the  Duke 
were  the  Lords  Basse,  Molehs,  Wentworth,  Hussey, 
and  Sir  John  Findern,  knight.  There  were  also 
others  decapitated ;  viz.,  Edward  Fysshe,  knight, 
Bluke  Jukes,  John  Bryce,  and  Thomas  Hunt ;  and, 
within  a  short  period  afterwards,  other  executions  fol- 
lowed, at  York  and  other  places.  The  victims  were 
twenty-five  in  number,  who,  haying  escaped  from  the 
field  of  battle,  had  secreted  themselves,  but  were  dis- 
covered by  the  Yorkists.  Of  these  were  Sir  Richard 
Tunstall  and  William  Tavlbois,  Earl  of  Kvme,  who 
was  apprehended  at  Riddesdale,  brought  to  Newcastle, 
and  beheaded.  Sir  Humphrey  Neville  was  taken  in 
Holderness,  and  lost  his  head  at  York,  as  did  also 
John  Botler,  knight,  and  others. 

Nothing  but  utter  extermination  appeared  to  be  the 
purpose  of  the  victors.  Unhappily,  they  found  but  too 
plausible  an  excuse  for  this  in  the  previous  example  of 
the  Lancastrians. 

King  Edward  bestowed  all  the  estates  of  his  victims 
on  his  own  followers.* 

After  the  battle  of  Hexham,  Queen  Margaret  had 
immediately  separated  herself  from  the  King,  her 
husband,  in  order  that  she  might  be  better  able  to 
conceal  herself  in  England,  while  she  awaited  an 
opportunity  to  embark  for  the  continent,  as  she  feared 
any  longer  to  trust  the  Scots. 

Once  more  a  fugitive  with  her  son,  without  resource, 
and  apparently  in  worse  circumstances  than  those  in 
which  she  had  ever  before  been  placed,  she  was  com- 

Sharon  Turner  ;  Barrow  ;    Historical  View  of  Northumberland  ;  Fabyan  ; 
Pol.  Vergil. 

*  Lingard ;  Holinshed  ;  Biondi  :  Toplis  :  Stow  :  Baker  :  Pol.  Vergil  ; 
Sandford  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Ridpath  :  Bridge's 
Northamptonshire  ;  Eapin  ;  Carte  ;  Collinson's  Somersetshire  ;  Monstrelet ; 
Barante  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Barrow  ;  Allen's  York  :  Historical  View  of 
Northumberland  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Henry  :  Hume  ;  Fabyan. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  167 

pelled  to  seek  shelter  and  concealment  in  the  adjacent 
forest.  Her  adventures  that  night  were  so  romantic 
as  to  raise  the  tone  of  history,  and  while  they  form 
an  interesting  digression  from  all  the  honours  of  the 
battle-field,  they  exhibit  the  energetic  character  of 
Queen  Margaret,  whose  noblest  phase  appeared  in  this 
her  greatest  peril. 

The  dark  recesses  of  Hexham  forest,  and  the  rocky 
banks  of  the  river  Devil,  had  been  the  retreat  of  a 
ruffian  horde,  who,  during  this  period  of  civil  strife, 
found  a  plea  for  their  abandoned  life  in  neglected  laws, 
and  the  example  of  their  superiors.     A  band  of  these 
ruffians  met  the  Queen  while  she  was  wandering,  with 
her  little  son,   in  the   darkness  of  the  night,  and  un- 
awed  by  her  rank,  and  untouched  by  pity  for  her  sex 
or  situation,  they  seized  her,  stripped  her  of  her  jewels, 
and  would  have  treated  her  with'greater  indignity,  had 
not  a  quarrel  arisen  amongst  the  banditti  about  the 
division  of  their  spoil.     From  words  they  proceeded  to 
blows,  which  afforded  the  unhappy  Queen,  (who  trem- 
bled for  herlife,  and  that  of  her  son,)  an  opportunity  to 
escape.     She   pursued   her   flight    across   the  forest, 
carrying  her  child  in  her  arms.     She  wandered  on, 
although  oppressed  with  fatigue  and  hunger,  and  al- 
most overcome  with  terror  and  anxiety,  when  another 
robber  crossed  her  path,  with  his  sword  drawn ;  but  the 
great  soul  of  Queen  Margaret  would  never  succumb 
under  any  accumulation  of  misfortunes.   In  this  moment 
of  exigence  she  approached  the  man,  assuming  an  air 
of  confidence,  and  presenting  her  son,  she  exclaimed, 
u  Here,  my  friend,  I  entrust  to  your  care  the  safety  of 
"your  King's  son."     Impulse  is  often  unerring;   the 
Queen's  confidence  was  not  misplaced.     The  robber, 
who  had  been  outlawed  for  adhering  to  the  House  of 
Lancaster,  still  retained  a  humane  and  generous  spirit, 
which  had  not  been  destroyed  by  his  licentious  course 


168  MAEGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

of  life.  The  unexpected  appeal  to  his  feelings,  joined 
to  the  sight  of  his  Queen  and  his  Prince  in  distress, 
and  the  beauty  and  dignity  of  the  unhappy  Margaret, 
completely  softened  his  heart.  He  instantly  accepted 
the  sacred  trust  reposed  in  him  ;  he  swore  to  refrain 
from  injury,  and  assured  her  of  his  protection  and 
fidelity.  He  assisted  the  Queen  to  a  secure  but 
wr etched  asylum,  where  she  remained  concealed  with 
her  son.  This  place  of  refuge  obtained  the  name  of 
the  "Queen's  Cave."  Its  roof  was  supported  by  a 
pillar  of  rude  stone  work,  which,  according  to  tradition, 
formed  part  of  a  wall,  and  divided  the  cave  longi- 
tudinally, to  accommodate  the  Queen  and  her  son.  This 
cave  has  been  described  by  an  author  who,  in  1822, 
visited  it,  as  follows : — "  The  Queen's  Cave  lies  be- 
"  neath  the  southern  bank  of  the  little  river,  exactly 
"  opposite  the  farm-house  on  the  Black  Hill.  Its  situa- 
"  tion  is  extremely  secluded.  An  idea  of  the  Queen's 
"  accommodation  in  this  wretched  retreat  may  be  con- 
"  ceived  from  its  present  extent,  which  does  not  exceed 
"  31  feet  in  length,  and  14  feet  in  breadth,  while  the 
"  height  will  scarcely  allow  of  a  person  standing  up- 
"  right."  After  remaining  in  this  melancholy  seclusion 
in  the  forest  for  some  time,  the  robber  conducted  her 
in  safety  to  a  village  on  the  sea-coast.  She  was  then 
received  for  a  time  by  Sir  Ralph  Grey  into  Bam- 
borough  Castle,  and  thence  sailed  for  the  continent.* 

Many  indeed  were  the  victims  to  party  resentment^ 
yet  we  are  told  that  the  Earls  of  Montague  and  War- 
wick were  empowered  to  receive  rebels  to  mercy,  upon 
their  submission.  They  were  also  permitted  to  reward, 
out  of  the  estates  of  the  rebels,  such  as  might  serve 
King  Edward  faithfully  in  reducing  the  northern  castlesr 
which  were  still  in  the  hands  of  the  Lancastrians. 

*  Ridpath  ;  Toplis ;  Biondi ;  Barante  ;  Rapin  ;  Carte ;  Raleigh  ;  Henry  r 
Lingard  ;  Hume  ;  Barrow ;  Female  Worthies  ;  Wright's  Hist,  of  Hexham. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  169 

King  Edward,  at  this  time,  made  an  extraordinary 
grant  to  the  citizens  of  York ;  by  which  it  would  appear 
that  they  had  greatly  favoured  this  monarch's  cause. 
The  patent,  dated  at  York  the  10th  of  June,  1464,  ex- 
presses the  King's  concern  for  the  sufferings  and  hard- 
ships the  city  had  undergone  during  these  wars,  and 
for  the  poverty  which  they  had  occasioned,  on  account 
of  which  he  not  only  relinquished  his  usual  demands 
upon  that  city,  but  assigned  it  for  the  twelve  succeed- 
ing years,  an  annual  rent  of  £40,  to  be  paid  from  the 
Customs  of  Hull.* 

The  fortunate  Montague  met  the  King  on  Trinity 
Sunday  at  York,  who  rewarded  him  with  the  earldom 
of  Northumberland,  and  the  estates  and  honours  be- 
longing to  Sir  Ralph  Percy.  He  then  dismissed  him, 
with  his  brother  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  the  Lords 
Scroop  and  Fauconbriclge,  to  recover  the  places  which 
still  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  Lancastrians. 
They  quickly  regained  the  castles  of  Dunstanburg  and 
Alnwick.  That  of  Bamborough,  where  Queen  Mar- 
garet and  many  of  the  Lancastrian  adherents  had 
taken  refuge  with  Sir  Ralph  Grey,  was  closely 
besieged.  This  fortress  was  strong  enough  to  defend 
itself,  and  the  siege  continued  until  July,  but  a  wall 
accidentally  falling  on  the  commander,  placed  the  life 
of  Sir  Ralph  Grey  in  great  danger,  and  his  adherents 
finding  themselves  left  to  their  own  discretion,  im- 
mediately surrendered  the  castle,  on  condition  of 
pardon  from  the  King.  They  made  no  stipulation 
for  the  life  of  their  commander,  who  only  recovered 
from  the  severe  contusions  he  had  received  to  suffer 
the  punishment  of  his  desertion  from  Edward.  He  U64. 
had  no  hopes  of  pardon.  He  was  led  into  the  presence  ^e;r . 
of  the  incensed  monarch,  at  Doncaster,  and  Lord  Rfpm; 
Worcester,  a  ready  minister  of  King  Edward's  cruel-  Hutchin- 

*  Ridpath  ;  Baker  ;  Carte  ;  Allen's  York. 


170  MAKGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

ties,  pronounced  his  sentence,  which  was  speedily  exe- 
cuted. His  knightly  spurs  were  struck  off,  the  heralds 
in  attendance  took  from  him  his  coat  of  arms,  which 
they  reversed,  and  compelled  him  to  wear  them  thus 
to  the  place  of  execution ;  they  also  broke  his  sword 
over  his  head.  Thus  disgraced,  he  was  conducted  to 
the  end  of  the  town,  where  the  executioner  terminated 
his  earthly  sufferings.  This  knight,  and  Sir  Humphrey 
Neville,  were  the  only  exceptions  to  the  general  pardon 
which  King  Edward  had  offered  to  all  those  who  had 
been  in  arms  against  him. 

From  Bamborough  the  Earl  of  Warwick  advanced 
to  Berwick.  He  took  the  town,  and  laid  waste  the 
adjacent  country.  He  then  burnt  the  towns  of  Jed- 
burg,  Lochmaban,  and  others,  taking  revenge  of  the 
Scottish  borderers,  to  whom  probably  the  late  inroad 
into  England  was  mainly  attributable." 

In  the  escape  of  the  unfortunate  Henry  VI.  from  the 
battle  of  Hexham,  he  was  so  closely  pursued,  that  three 
of  his  servants  who  accompanied  him,  and  rode  on  his 
horses  of  state,  were  taken  prisoners.  They  were 
dressed  in  gowns  of  blue  velvet,  and  one  of  them 
carried  King  Henry's  cap  of  state,  called  "  Abacot,"| 
adorned  with  two  rich  crowns  of  gold,  and  ornamented 
with  pearls,  which  was  taken  immediately  to  King 
1464.  Edward,  and  with  which  this  monarch  caused  himself 
Lmgard.      .£0  ^e  crownec[  with  great  solemnity  at  York. 

Many  writers  affirm  that  King  Henry,  after  the  battle 
of  Hexham,  returned  to  Scotland,  where  he  found 
a  temporary  asylum  .J     This  report  seemed  to  be  pro- 

*  Biondi  ;  Stow  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Carte  ;  Rymer ;  Baker ;  Bidpath  : 
Hutchinson's  Durham  ;  Fabyan  ;  Bapin  ;  Henry ;  Historical  View  of 
Northumberland. 

f  This  word  "  Abacot,"  Spelman  says,  signified  "  a  royal  cap,  ensigned 
with  two  crowns,"  which,  doubtless,  were  those  of  England  and  France. 

+  Biondi ;  Baker  ;  Holinshed  ;  Fabyan  ;  Grafton  ;  Lingard  ;  Pinkeiton  ; 
Allen's  York  ;  Henry  ;  Barrow. 


MARGAKET    OF    ANJOTJ.  171 

bable,  as  the  interval  between  the  two  last  battles  had 
been  passed  by  him  in  that  country.  Subsequently, 
however,  he  went  southward,  and  arrived  in  a  part  of 
the  country  called  Craven,  then  but  little  known ;  or, 
as  others  affirm,  at  the  castle  of  Harlech. 

The  Scots  had  hitherto  shown  much  affection  for  the 
House  of  Lancaster,  but  the  issue  of  the  late  battle  of 
Hexham  had  rendered  their  cause  more  irretrievable, 
and  had  cooled  the  ardour  and  friendship  of  these  allies. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  had,  in  the  preceding  year, 
with  consummate  art  shaken  the  attachment  of  Mary 
of  Gueldres  to  the  interests  of  Henry  by  proposing 
her  marriage  with  King  Edward,  and  the  Scottish 
Queen  met  that  nobleman  at  Dumfries  on  the  subject ; 
she  even  advanced  as  far  as  Carlisle  to  hasten  the 
negotiations,  and  at  this  place  she  was  met  by  some  of 
the  chief  nobility  of  England.  Mary's  doubtful  repu- 
tation, however,  and  the  ruin  of  King  Henry's  affairs, 
occasioned  this  match  to  be  broken  off,  and  the 
mortified  Queen  fell  a  victim  to  her  feelings.  She 
died  in  the  flower  of  her  age,  on  the  16th  of  November, 
1463.* 

The  English  and  Scotch  ambassadors  met  at  York, 
and  concluded  a  truce  for  one  year,  which  was  after- 
wards prolonged  to  fifteen  years.  By  this  treaty,  it 
was  agreed  that  the  Scots  should  abandon  the  cause 
of  King  Henry,  and  no  longer  afford  protection  to  this 
monarch,  to  his  Queen,  his  son,  or  to  any  of  their 
followers.  King  Edward  resigned  the  friendship  of 
the  Earl  of  Douglas  in  order  to  confirm  this  treaty."]" 
Another  truce  was  concluded  by  King  Edward,  which 
was  also  for  one  year  ;  this  was  with  Louis  XL     The 

*  Pinkerton  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Lingard  ;  Gent's  Mag-.,  1841  ;  Paston 
Letters. 

f  Douglas  was  afterwards  seized  by  his  countrymen,  and  thrown  into 
prison,  where  he  remained  until  his  death  in  1488. 


'      172  MARGARET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

Duke  of  Burgundy  likewise  renewed  the  truce  of  com- 
merce with  England  and  the  Low  Countries,  and  it 
was  finally  agreed  that  these  several  kings  and  rulers 
should  lend  no  assistance  to  their  respective  enemies. 
This  truce  was  to  continue  until  the  year  1467.  The 
conclusion  of  this  truce  had  been  somewhat  hindered 
by  the  Count  of  Charolois,  who  showed  much  favour 
to  the  party  of  Queen  Margaret.* 
H64  After  these  reverses  Queen   Margaret  sailed,  with 

her  son  Prince  Edward,  from  Bamborough  to  Sluys 
in  Flanders.  The  Queen  was  accompanied  in  her 
flight  from  England  by  Edmond  Duke  of  Somerset, 
and  his  brother,  John  Beaufort,  their  elder  brother 
having  been  beheaded  at  Hexham ;  also  by  the  Duke 
of  Exeter,  Pierre  de  Breze,  Sir  John  Fortescue, 
Edmond  Mundford,  E.  Hampden,  Henry  Roos, 
Thomas  Ormonde,  Robert  AVhittingham,  knights ; 
John  Morton,  Robert  Mackeret,  doctors,  besides  many 
other  knights  and  gentlemen,  and  also  some  ladies  ; 
the  number  amounting  to  about  two  hundred.  They 
all  arrived  at  Sluys  in  safety,  f  From  thence  Queen 
Margaret  proceeded  with  her  son  to  Bruges,  where 
she  was  honourably  received. |  Leaving  Prince  Ed- 
ward at  this  place,  she  passed  on  to  Lisle,  where 
she  was  hospitably  entertained  by  the  Count  of 
Charolois,  who,  being  descended  by  his  mother's 
side  from  the  House  of  Lancaster,  showed  her  real 
kindness. 

From  Lisle  the  Queen  went  to  Bethune,  to  hold  a 
conference  with  Philip  "  the  Good,"  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, the  father  of  the  Count  of  Charolois,  and  the 
most  magnificent  prince   of  his  age.     Being   at   this 

*  Pinkerton  ;  W.    of    Worcester  ;  Lingard  ;   Ridpath  ;   Paston  Letters  ; 
Henry  ;  Carte  ;  Barrow. 

+  Biondi  ;   W.  of  Worcester  ;   Baker  ;   Ridpath  ;   Pinkerton  ;  Lingard  ; 
Barante  ;  Henry ;  Hume  ;  Femmes  Celebres. 

*  Monstrelet ;  Baudier. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  173 

time  at  St.  Pol,  the  Duke  dismissed  a  party  of  horse 
to  escort  Queen  Margaret  thither,  and  to  protect  her 
against  the  excursions  of  the  garrison  of  Calais.  They 
safely  lodged  her  near  the  Carmelites. 

The  Duke  received  her  with  much  outward  dis- 
tinction and  respect,  generously  overlooking  the  ani- 
mosities which  had  existed  between  their  families, 
in  order  to  afford  her  all  the  succours  she  required 
in  her  present  distress.  When  introduced  to  the 
Duke,  Queen  Margaret,  in  the  most  pathetic  manner, 
related  to  him  her  misfortunes  and  the  loss  of  her 
kingdom,  and  besought  him  to  assist  her  in  the 
recovery  of  her  possessions ;  but,  while  the  Duke 
sought  to  console  the  unhappy  Queen,  he  refused  to 
listen  to  her  solicitations  in  favour  of  her  husband. 
He  gave  her,  however,  a  supply  of  money  for  her 
present  expenses  ;  it  is  said  that  he  bestowed  upon 
her  2,000  crowns  of  gold  ;*and  gave,  at  the  same  time, 
1,000  to  Pierre  de  Breze  (called  the  Lord  of  Varennes), 
who  had  shared  her  misfortunes,  and  100  also  to  each 
of  the  ladies  who  had  attended  her.  The  Duke  also 
furnished  her  with  an  escort  to  the  duchy  of  Bar, 
in  Lorraine,  which  belonged,  at  this  time,  to  her 
brother,  the  Duke  of  Calabria.  Queen  Margaret  re- 
gretted much  that  she  had  not  earlier  thrown  herself 
upon  the  generosity  of  this  noble  Duke,  thinking  that 
her  affairs  might  have  been  more  prosperous.* 

At  length  she  settled,  with  her  son  and  her  principal 
followers,  in  the  Castle  St.  Michel,  in  Barrois,  which, 
with  the  estate  annexed  to  it,  was  bestowed  upon  her 
by  her  father,  Rene  of  Anjou.  From  this  period 
Queen  Margaret  remained  for  several  years  secluded 
from  the  world ;  yet  she  still  watched  with  anxiety 
the  course  of  events,  sustained  with  the  hope  of  one 

*  W.  of  Worcester  ;   Rot.  Pari. ;   Monstrelet  ;   Baudier  ;  Rapin ;  Hume  ; 
Lingard  ;  Fern  ale"  Worthies. 


174  MAEGAEET    OE   AXJOTJ. 

day  being  able  to  place  her  husband  or  her  son  on  the 
English  throne.* 

In  her  retirement  she  did  not  fail  to  exert  all  her 
influence  with  the  friends  of  her  family,  to  persuade 
them  to  assist  her  in  some  future  effort  to  wrest  the 
crown  from  Edward ;  and  her  active  mind  was, 
doubtless,  forming  continually  new  schemes  to  effect 
this  object.  She  was  also  employed  in  the  education 
of  her  son,  a  most  promising  boy,  who  had  for  his 
preceptor  Sir  John  Fortescue,  the  greatest  lawyer 
of  that  period,  and  who  has  been  described  as  "  the 
"  ornament  of  his  honourable  profession,"  and  "  as  one 
"  of  the  most  learned  and  best  men  of  the  age  in 
"which  he  flourished."  Sir  John  had  been  made 
Chief  Justice  of  the  King's  Bench  in  1-1-12,  and 
presided  in  that  court  many  years  with  wisdom  and 
integrity.  His  attachment  to  his  sovereign  had 
caused  him  to  be  attainted  of  high  treason  by  King* 
Edward,  in  1461  ;  and,  after  sharing  the  misfortunes 
of  his  master  when  he  fled  into  Scotland,  he  was 
there  made  Lord  Chancellor,  an  office,  nevertheless, 
which  he  was  unable  to  fulfil.  He  followed  Queen 
Margaret  to  her  retreat  in  France ;  and  there  sought 
to  soothe  and  cheer  her  solitude,  bv  assisting  her 
with  his  counsels,  and  superintending  the  education 
of  her  son.  It  was  for  the  instruction  of  the  young 
Prince  of  "Wales  that  he  composed,  during  his  exile, 
his  excellent  little  treatise  "  De  laudibus  legum 
Anglise/'f  The  following  passage  shows  the  author's 
motives  for  undertaking  this  work,  and  his  zeal  as  pre- 
ceptor, and  exhibits  a  good  specimen  of  this  excellent 
work,  which  blends  religion  and  morality  sd  admirably 
with  the  laws,  in  explaining  them  to  the  young  prince, 
of  whose  habits  it  gives  us  some  idea. 

*  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Pinkerton  ;\  Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  Hume, 
f  Pinkerton  ;  Morant  ;  Lingard  ;   Heniy. 


MABGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  175 

"  The  Prince,  shortly  after  growing  to  man's  estate, 
"  applied  himself  wholly  to  feats  of  arms,  much 
"  delighting  to  ride  upon  wild  and  unbroken  horses, 
"  not  sparing  with  spurs,  to  break  their  fierceness. 
"  He  practised  also  sometimes  with  the  pike,  and 
"  sometimes  with  the  sword,  and  other  warlike 
"  weapons,  after  the  manner  and  guise  of  warriors, 
"  according  to  the  use  of  martial  discipline,  to  assail 
"  and  strike  his  companions,  that  attended  upon  his 
"  person  ;  which  thing,  when  a  certain  ancient  knight, 
"  being  Chancellor  to  the  aforesaid  King  of  England, 
"  saw,  who  also  in  the  miserable  time  did  there 
"  remain  in  exile,  he  spake  thus  to  the  Prince  : 

"  Your  singular  towardness,  most  gracious  Prince, 
"maketh  me  right  glad,  when  I  behold  how  earnestly 
"  you  do  embrace  martial  feats ;  for,  it  is  convenient 
"  for  your  grace  to  be  thus  delighted,  not  only,  for 
"  that  you  are  a  soldier,  but  much  rather,  for  that  you 
"  shall  be  a  king.  For  it  is  the  office  and  duty  of 
"  a  king,  to  fight  the  battles  of  his  people,  and  also 
"  rightly  to  judge  them,  as  in  the  eighth  chapter  of 
"  the  First  Book  of  Kings,  you  are  plainly  taught. 
"  Wherefore  I  would  wish  your  grace,  to  be,  with  as 
"  earnest  zeal,  given  to  the  study  of  the  laws,  as  you 
"  are  to  the  knowledge  of  arms,  because,  that  like  as 
"  wars  by  force  of  chivalry  are  ended,  even  so  judg- 
"  ments  by  the  laws  are  determined.  Which  thing 
"  Justinian  the  Emperor,  well,  and  Wisely,  and  ad- 
"visedly  pondering,  saith  thus  :  It  behoveth  the 
"imperial  majesty,  not  only  to  be  guarded  with  arms, 
"  but  also  to  be  armed  with  laws,  to  the  end  that  he 
"  may  be  able  rightly  to  execute,  the  government  of 
'both  times,  as  well  of  war  as  of  peace.  Howbeit, 
"  for  your  most  earnest  endeavour  to  the  study  of 
"  the  law,  the  exhortation  of  the  chiefest  law  maker, 
"  Moses,  sometime  captain  of  the  synagogue,   ought 


1TG  MARGARET    OF    AXJOU. 

"  to  be  of  much  more  force  with  you,  than  the  words 
"  of  Justinian;  whereas,  in  the  seventh  chapter  of 
"  Deuteronomy,  he  doth,  by  the  authority  of  God, 
"  strictly  charge  the  kings  of  Israel  to  be  readers 
"  of  the  law,  all  the  days  of  their  life ;  saying 
"  thus  :  When  the  king  shall  sit  upon  the  princely 
"  seat  of  his  kingdom,  he  shall  write  him  out  this 
"  law  in  a  book,  taking  the  copy  there  of  the  priests, 
"the  Levites  ;  and  he  shall  have  it  with  him,  and 
"  he  shall  read  it  all  the  days  of  his  life,  that  he 
"  may  learn  to  fear  the  Lord  his  God,  and  to  keep 
"  His  commandments  and  ordinances,  written  in  this 
"  law.  And  Helynandus,  expounding  the  same,  saith 
"thus:  'A  prince,  therefore,  must  not  be  ignorant  of 
"  the  law,  neither  is  it  tolerable  that  he,  under  the 
"  pretence  of  warfare,  should  be  unskilful  in  the  law.' 
"  And  a  little  after,  he  is  commanded,  saith  he,  '  to 
"receive  the  copy  of  the  law  of  the  priests,  the 
"  Levites,  that  is  to  say,  of  Catholic  and  learned  men.' 
"  Thus  much  he :  for  the  book  of  Deuteronomy  is 
"  the  book  of  the  laws,  wherewith  the  kings  of  Israel 
"  were  bound  to  rule  and  govern  their  subjects.  This 
"  book  doth  Moses  command  kings  to  read,  that 
"  they  may  learn  to  fear  God  and  keep  his  com- 
"  mandments,  which  are  written  in  the  law."* 

It  may  be  conjectured  that  it  was  at  this  time  of 
Queen  Margaret's  retirement  from  the  world,  when, 
doubtless,  she  occasionally  indulged  in  a  melancholy 
retrospect  of  the  past,  or  dwelt  with  painful  interest 
on  the  condition  of  her  meek  and  patient  consort, 
whose  separation  from  her,  and  incarceration,  must 
have  been  a  source  of  grief  to  her,  that  the  little 
volume  called  "  Le  petit  Bocace  "  was  written  for  her 
diversion. 

This   rare    manuscript    was    composed   by    George 

*  Fortescue  :  De  Laudibus  Legnm  An^Kae. 


MAEGARET    OF    ANJOU.  1 77 

Chastelain,  historiographer  to  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy ? 
esteemed  one  of  the  best  writers  of  his  times  ;  and 
was  written  at  Tours.*  It  is  in  the  form  of  dialogues 
between  Jehan  Bocace  and  the  Queen,  introducing 
subjects  of  moral  and  religious  contemplation,  calcu- 
lated to  dispose  the  mind  to  resignation  under  the 
reverses  of  fortune. 

"  C'est  cy  le  temple  de  Bocace 

"  Miroir  pour  tons  tirans  de  la  terre, 

"  Auquel  la  reyne  d'Angleterre 

"  C'est  venu  plaindre  a  triste  face."  f 

Queen  Margaret  obtained  much  consideration 
amongst  her  own  countrymen  and  kindred ;  but 
when  she  received  the  news  of  the  capture  of  King 
Henry,  she  departed  secretly  to  the  court  of  King 
Rene,  her  father,  with  whom  she  remained  until, 
through  another  revolution  in  her  favour,  she  was 
enabled  once  more  to  reappear  in  England.  This 
was  her  last  attempt.:); 

The  scanty  documents  relating  to  the  exile  of  this 
Queen,  and  of  her  residence  with  the  good  King  Rene, 
afford  but  little  information  respecting  her  tastes  and 
occupations  during  this  season  of  seclusion  and  melan- 
choly. Neither  do  we  learn  how  far  she  was  able  to 
participate  in  the  recreations  of  her  respected  parent,  or 
solace  herself  by  the  society  of  her  friends  and 
kindred.  By  the  latter  she  was  always  esteemed  and 
had  much  attention  shown  her.  We  may  instance  a 
little  note  to  be  found  in  the  archives  of  Milan,  dated 
Chartres,  May  5th,  1467. 

Giovanni  Pietro  Panicherolla  to  the  Duchess  and 
"  Duke  of  Milan. 

"  The  Marquis  de  Pont,  son  of  the  Duke  John,  has. 

*  MS.  of  the  fifteenth  century,  dated  1498. 

+  MS.  in  the  library  of  the  late  Lord  Stuart  de  Rothsay. 

X  Sandford. 

VOL.   II.  N 


U 


ITS  MARGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

"  quitted  Nanci,  in  Lorraine,  and  is  gone  to  visit  his 
"  aunt,  late  Queen  of  England,  who  has  also  wiih- 
"  drawn  into  Lorraine,  with  a  son  of  hers,  aged  thir- 
"  teen,  having  no  other  place  of  refuge.  She  is  subse- 
"  quently  to  come  and  reside  here  at  the  court."  * 

It  was  while  in  attendance  on  the  Queen  and  Prince 
at  St.  Michel-in-Barrois,  in  Lorraine,  that  Sir  John 
Fortescue  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  then  in  Por- 
tugal. In  his  letter  he  does  not  speak  of  himself  as 
Chancellor,  but  merely  as  one  of  the  knights  who  were 
at  that  time  with  the  Queen.  Their  means  of  living 
must  have  been  much  straitened,  for  Sir  John  speaks  of 
their  great  poverty,  and  adds,  "  but  yet  the  Queen  sus- 
"  teyneth  us  in  mete  and  drinke,  so  as  we  be  not  in 
"  extreme  necessity."  Another  letter  was  also  sent 
from  Prince  Edward  to  the  same  nobleman,  urging  him 
to  intercede  with  the  King  of  Portugal,  to  assist  King 
Henry  in  the  recovery  of  his  kingdom,  and  subduing  of 
his  enemies.")" 

The  tastes  of  Prince  Edward,  so  different  from  those  of 
his  father,  and  his  love  of  martial  exploits,  seem  almost 
an  inheritance  from  his  maternal  grandfather  Rene, 
at  whose  court  he  probably  found  encouragement  for 
his  favourite  amusements.  Chivalry,  although  on  the 
decline  in  Europe,  was  still  maintained  in  its  original 
character  in  the  province  of  Anjou,  by  King  Piene,  of 
whom  Bourdigne  says,  "his  gentle  and  chivalrous 
"  heart  delighted  in  knightly  deeds  " — that  the  young- 
prince  must  have  been  stimulated  by  the  picturesque 
observances  of  chivalry ;  and  his  tutor  tells  us  that  he 
grew  up  "  in  a  warlike  spirit,  and  was  a  gallant  horse- 
"  man,  and  expert  in  the  use  of  the  lance." 

Queen  Margaret,  however,  had  resolved  that  her  son 
should  not  onlv  become  a  martial  character,  but  receive 

*  Sforza's  Archives  of  Milan. 

f  Archaeological  Journal  ;  Fosse's  Lives  of  the  Judges. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  179 

an  education  of  a  superior  kind,  and  with  this  intent 
had  placed  him  in  his  early  childhood  under  the  care  of 
Sir  John  Fortescue,  to  whom  no  little  honour  was  clue 
for  his  diligent  instructions  in  the  free  institutions  of 
his  native  land.  Much  praise  is  also  due  to  Queen 
Margaret  for  her  choice  of  such  a  preceptor  for  her  son  ; 
for  although  brought  up  in  arbitrary  doctrines,  her 
enlightened  mind  had  led  her  to  desire  that  her  son 
should  be  filled  with  noble  and  liberal  sentiments.  At 
this  period  of  her  seclusion  from  public  life,  the  care  of 
her  son's  education  must  have  afforded  no  small  satis- 
faction to  the  mind  of  the  dejected  Queen.  When  we 
consider  how  the  fortitude  of  Margaret  sustained  in 
her  breast  the  constant  hope  and  desire  for  the  restora- 
tion of  her  husband,  or  the  future  establishment  of  her 
son  on  the  throne,  her  perseverance  in  renewing  every 
possible  friendly  aid  to  this  end,  her  grief  at  the  King's 
imprisonment,  and  the  extreme  distress  and  ruin  of  her 
true  and  constant  adherents,  we  should  find  it  difficult 
to  pronounce,  as  some  writers  have  done,  this  period 
of  our  heroine's  existence,  which  she  passed  with  her 
father  and  her  son  at  Angers,  as  the  happiest  of  Queen 
Margaret's  life. 

The  most  considerable  noblemen  attached  to  the 
interests  of  the  Lancastrians,  amongst  whom  were  the 
Duke  of  Somerset,  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  Exeter, 
and  others,  who  had  all  escaped  with  Queen  Margaret 
to  the  Low  Countries,  suffered  great  distress.  Fearing 
that  their  rank  being  discovered,  would  cause  them  to 
be  delivered  up  to  King  Edward,  these  noblemen  en- 
dured, during  their  exile,  all  the  extremities  of  want 
and  poverty. 

It  is  related  that  the  Duke  of  Exeter,  whose  wife 
was  sister  to  King  Edward,  was  seen  following  the 
train  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  bare-footed  and  bare- 
legged, and  begging  his  bread  from  door  to  door.     In 

K    2 


180  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOTT. 

tlie  most  severe  weather  these  unfortunate  noblemen 
ran  about  as  errand  boys  to  the  lowest  classes  of  the 
people  ;  but,  when  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  learnt  their 
rank,  he  gave  to  each  of  them,  a  small  pension,  barely 
sufficient  for  their  support.* 

Let  us  now  turn  for  a  brief  space  to  the  interesting, 
yet  unfortunate  events,  of  the  life  of  this  heroine's 
father,  Bene  of  Anjou. 

Contented  at  beholding  his  beloved  daughter  raised 
to  one  of  the  first  thrones  in  Europe,  and  at  the  same 
time,  feeling  disgusted  with  war,  upon  beholding  the  ill 
success  of  all  his  efforts  to  secure  the  crown  of  Naples, 
Bene  appeared  from  this  period  in  a  new  character,  and 
his  life  assumed  a  different  aspect.  AVe  have  hitherto 
beheld  him  only  as  a  warrior,  the  very  plaything  of 
fortune,  by  turns  a  conqueror,  a  prisoner,  a  traveller, 
or  a  fugitive,  as  if  in  cruel  expiation  for  a  rapid 
exaltation  ;  and  only  consoling  himself  amidst  his  mis- 
fortunes, by  dispensing  benefits  around  him,  and  by 
the  consciousness  that  his  glory  was  untarnished,  and 
must  ennoble  him,  even  in  reverses. 

Bene  at  this  season  disposed  himself  for  tranquillity; 
and  we  have  now  the  more  agreeable  office  of  re- 
cording him  from  the  year  14^6  (for  we  are  reverting 
somewhat  to  the  past),  when,  as  the  philosopher,  he 
was  devoting  himself  to  letters,  to  poetry,  or  to  paint- 
ing, reviving  for  his  amusement  the  ancient  chivalry, 
and  leading  the  tournament!  For  the  first  time  in 
his  life  this  prince  found  himself  at  peace  ;  and  being 
in  quiet  possession  of  Lorraine,  Frovence,  and  Anjou, 
he  tasted  of  that  repose  which  he  had  so  dearly  bought, 
and  was  content  in  the  bosom  of  his  family,  and  in 
conferring  happiness  on  his  subjects.     In  yielding  to 

*  Philip  de  Comines  ;    Sandford  ;   Rapin  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Baker  ; 
Baudier ;  S.  Turner ;  Henry  :  Barrow  ;  Historical  View  of  Northumberland. 
f  Moreri  :  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Villeneuve  Bargernont ;  Bodin. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  181 

his  taste  for  chivalric  fetes,  this  Duke  of  Anjou  en- 
livened his  court,  both  in  Anjou  and  in  Provence ;  and 
passing  his  time  alternately  in  these  beautiful  pro- 
vinces, he  also  relieved  himself,  after  the  cares  of  go- 
vernment, in  cultivating  the  arts  and  belles-lettres  in 
his  hours  of  retirement,  having  previously  so  often  ex- 
perienced their  salutary  influence  while  under  the  pres- 
sure of  misfortune  and  in  imprisonment.* 

Banishing  all  ambitious  thoughts,  except  that  of 
making  himself  beloved,  Rene  determined  that  hence- 
forth his  abode  should  be  in  the  fertile  and  charming 
country  of  Anjou,  the  place  of  his  birth,  and  the  cradle 
of  his  ancestors.  In  this  favoured  province,  where 
nature  lavishes  her  treasures,  he  enjoyed  with  tran- 
sport the  liberty  of  frequenting  those  spots  where  he 
had  passed  his  childhood,  and  this  good  monarch 
created  for  himself  a  course  of  life  analogous  to  his 
tastes.  He  called  around  him  the  elite  amongst  the 
Angevins,  and  invited  to  his  court,  gentlemen,  literati, 
and  artists,  consecrating  to  pleasure  all  the  hours 
which  were  not  devoted  by  him  to  the  arts  or  litera- 
ture. These  occupations  and  amusements  of  Rene 
obtain  a  peculiar  interest  with  us,  by  their  showing  in 
a  remarkable  way  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  age 
in  which  he  lived. 

Rene  was  engaged  about  this  time  of  his  life  in  a 
poetical  correspondence  with  the  gifted  Charles,  Duke 
of  Orleans,  and  also  with  the  Dukes  of  Bourbon,  Bur- 
gundy, and  Nevers.  He  painted  landscapes,  portraits 
or  miniatures,  and  even  was  employed  in  drawing  out 
plans  for  the  gardens  of  his  palace ;  still  more  than  in 
all  these.,  did  he  enjoy  himself  in  the  marvellous  fetes 
which  he  instituted,  in  which,  without  incurring  clanger, 
much  honour  might  be  acquired.")" 

In  imitation  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  the  Go- 

*  Bodin  ;  Moreri.  t  Bodin. 


182  MAEOAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

vernors  of  the  Middle  Ages  had  introduced  military 
games,  the  object  of  which,  was  the  same  as  that  of 
the  ancients.  These  fetes,  or  "Tournays,"  as  they 
were  called,  afforded  for  several  centuries  infinite  de- 
light to  the  people  of  France ;  and,  indeed,  these  com- 
bats appeared  well  calculated  to  sustain  the  spirit  of 
the  young  cavaliers,  and  by  exciting  emulation  and  the 
love  of  glory,  to  prove  the  source  of  virtuous  and  great 
actions.  The  tastes  and  example  of  Rene  contributed 
much  to  this  passion  for  fetes  amongst  the  Angevins. 
He  composed  a  treatise  on  the  form  and  manner  of  the 
Tournays,  which  he  embellished  with  several  sketches 
by  his  own  hand,  representing  the  characters  in  the 
costume  and  attitudes  which  they  should  adopt  in  their 
different  parts.*  To  add  example  to  precept,  Rene" 
announced  the  first  of  his  military  fetes  in  1446,  called 
the  "  Emprise  de  la  gueule  du  dragon,"  or  the  "pas  de 
joute."f  To  increase  the  eclat  of  their  "  Emprise,"  four 
gentlemen  of  Anjou  chose  for  its  announcement  the 
time  when  Potou  de  Saintrailles,  Dunois,  Louis  de 
Beauveau,  and  Jean  de  Cossa,  followed  by  a  multitude 
of  other  lords  of  the  courts  of  Provence  and  Sicily, 
were  preparing  to  visit  their  beloved  monarch,  with 
whom  they  had  gained  laurels  in  their  youth.  Ever 
zealous  for  renown,  these  brave  chieftains  seized  with 
ardour  the  opportunity  of  again  distinguishing  them- 
selves with  him  while  partaking  his  pleasures.  Thus 
were  they  seen  to  rush  into  the  presence  of  Rene  and 
Isabella  at  the  moment  when  they  were  departing  from 
their  gothic  palace  at  Angers,  surrounded  by  a  brilliant 
cortege  of  ladies  of  honour,  officers,  and  pages,  and 
were  proceeding  to  the  spot  appointed  by  the  champions 
for  their  amusement . 

*  This  manuscript  vras  in  the  Royal  Library. 

+  The  entertaining  of  the  '*'  dragon's  mouth,  or  the  Pace  of  the  Tilt/* 
maintained  by  King  Rene  in  favour  of  the  ladies. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  183 

It  was  on  the  banks  of  the  beautiful  Loire,  on  a  vast 
plain,  enamelled  by  the  varied  flowers  of  spring,  beneath 
some  majestic  trees,  in  short,  amidst  some  of  the  most 
enchanting  scenery  of  this  province,  that  there  as- 
sembled, on  one  of  those  smiling  mornings,  whose 
serenity  is  unclouded  by  a  single  speck,  all  the  most 
illustrious  which  France  at  this  time  possessed  and 
gloried  in.  Here  were  to  be  seen  warriors  grown 
hoary  in  the  fight,  and  beside  them,  ladies  resplendent 
in  youth  and  beauty,  adorned  with  flowers,  golden 
diadems,  and  jewels. 

These,  mounted  on  white  palfreys,  covered  with  cloth 
of  velvet,  embroidered  with  gold,  animated  by  their 
graceful  movements  and  melodious  voices,  the  scenery 
around.  Near  them,  mounted  on  fiery  coursers,  was 
an  assembly  of  young  knights,  equerries,  or  suitors, 
entertaining  one  another  with  the  great  exploits  in  the 
field  of  departed  heroes,  and  seeking  to  attract  the 
notice  of  the  fair  ones,  by  letting  them  read  in  their 
eyes,  so  full  of  fire,  their  desire  of  signalising  them- 
selves, or  even  more  tender  sentiments.  It  may  well 
be  imagined  that  there  was  a  succession  of  enchant- 
ments on  the  banks  of  the  Mayenne  at  Chinon,  for, 
says  the  historian,  "  these  illustrious  knights  were  going 
"  to  strive,  for  the  acquisition  of  honour,  to  exercise 
"  themselves  more  and  more  in  the  noble  deeds  of  arms, 
"  and  testify  their  courage  and  valour  to  those  they 
"  loved  the  best." 

This  last  avowal  of  a  gallantry  quite  chivalric,  was 
by  no  means  foreign  at  this  moment  to  the  prince  who 
was  looked  upon  as  the  hero  of  the  tilt  announced. 
The  anonymous  manuscript  f  assures  us  that  Rene 
presented  himself  there,  with  the  intention  of  making 
known  his  devotion  to  the  ladies  in  general :  yet  truth 
constrains  us  to  mention  here  one  of  the  first  weak- 

*  Notes  written  by  Rene. 


184  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

nesses  of  the  heart,  remarkable  in  the  life  of  this 
monarch.  jlalgre  his  boundless  affection  for  his 
Queen  Isabella,  and  that  conjugal  fidelity  which  ever 
remained  unshaken,  Rene  could  not  encounter,  without 
experiencing  for  her  the  strongest  interest,  the  noble 
daughter  of  Guy  de  Laval.  This  princess  was  scarcely 
thirteen  years  of  age,  but  her  beauty,  graces,  and 
mental  qualifications  were  so  much  developed,  that 
Rene  was  captivated  by  them,  and  sought,  as  one 
writer  tells  us,  "  to  make  his  expertness  shine,  for  the 
"  esteem  with  which  it  inspired  the  young  and  beautiful 
"  Jeanne  de  Laval."  It  must,  however,  be  added, 
that  this  attachment  had  less  the  character  of  ardent 
passion  than  of  those  romantic  affections  "  on  which 
"  imagination  feasts,  and  which  each  knight  felt  him- 
"  self  obliged  to  feign,  if  he  did  not  actually  feel  it,  by 
"  addressing  his  vows  to  an  object,  which  was  often 
"  ideal,  under  the  name  of  '  lady  of  his  thoughts.' 

"  Thus  Isabella  of  Lorraine  had  nothing  to  cause 
"  her  alarm,  and  indeed  there  was  no  indication  that  she 
"  noticed  it,  for  she  always  treated  the  young  Jeanne 
"  de  Laval  with  marked  esteem  and  distinction.  It 
"  may  also  be  said,  en  passant,  that  if  Rene,  during 
"  the  rest  of  his  life,  was  accused  of  more  than  one 
"fault  of  this  kind,  he  surrounded  them  with  so  much 
"  secrecy  that  he  even  veiled  the  real  names  of  the 
"  objects  of  his  tenderness  from  observation."  In  an 
age  when  his  contemporary  princes  openly  boasted  of 
their  triumphs  over  the  fair  sex,  this  conduct  of  Rene 
was  the  more  remarkable. 

"  It  was  not  by  the  brilliancy  of  his  armour,  or  by 
"  the  magnificence  of  his  apparel,  that  Rene  sought  to 
"  distinguish  himself  in  the  eyes  of  Jeanne  de  Laval. 
"  Still  afflicted  by  the  loss  of  his  mother  and  his  son, 
u  and  grieved  at  the  departure  of  his  daughter,  Margaret 
"  of  Anjou,  he  appeared  in  the  lists,  dressed  in  armour 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  185 

"  entirely  black,  his  shield  being  sable,  studded  with 
"  silver  spangles.  His  lance  was  black,  and  his  horse 
"  was  caparisoned  in  black,  reaching  down  to  the 
"  ground. 

Of  the  other  circumstances  of  the  "  Emprise  de  la 
"  gueule  du  dragon,"  we  learn  from  the  same  author 
merely  "that  the  King  of  Sicily  went  and  touched  the 
"  shields  of  the  champions,  and  tilted  so  skilfully  and 
"  so  fortunately,  that  the  honour  and  prize  of  the  combat 
"  were  publicly  decreed  to  him."  * 

On  the  superb  plain  near  Saumur,f  chosen  for  the 
celebration  of  this  tournament,  Rene  had  caused  to  be 
constructed  a  spacious  palace  of  wood,  decorated  within 
and  without  with  elegance  and  splendour.  It  was 
furnished  with  rich  tapestry,  and  a  prodigious  number 
of  silk  and  velvet  cushions  for  the  accommodation  of 
the  ladies,  for  whom  especially  this  entertainment  was 
given.  In  this  royal  pavilion,  called  by  Rene,  in  imita- 
tion of  those  named  by  ancient  novelists  in  chivalry,  "  le 
"  chateau  de  la  joyeuse  garde/'  several  weeks  passed  in 
an  uninterrupted  succession  of  pleasures  of  all  kinds. 
The  Duke  of  Anjou  held  there  a  kind  of  plenary  court, 
inventing  daily  new  fetes,  cavalcades,  banquets,  and 
dances,  to  amuse  his  illustrious  guests,  while  they 
awaited  the  complete  assemblage  of  the  brave  champions 
called  by  honour  to  carry  off  the  prize  decreed  by  the 
Queen  of  Sicily,  and  which  was  announced  three  times 
in  a  loud  voice  by  the  poursuivant  d'armes. 

The  following  minute  details  have  been  given  by 
one  of  the  historians  of  Anjou  of  this  interesting  pas 
cTarmes. 

"  On  the  day  of  the  tournament  King  Rene  set  out 
"  from  his  castle  for  the  place  appointed  for  the  tilts, 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Bodin. 

+  It  was  between  Eazilly  and  Chinon.     This  fete  was  sometimes  called 
"  Emprise  de  la  joyeuse  garde." 


186  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

"and  in  the  following  order  was  the  procession  :  Two 
"  Turks  dressed  in  damask  of  carnation  and  white,  each 
"  leading  a  lion,  tied  with  a  huge  chain  of  silver,  marched 
"  first.  Then  followed  drummers,  fifers,  and  trum- 
"  peters  of  the  King  on  horseback,  all  dressed  in  the 
"livery  of  Anjou,  carnation  and  white.  Next  came 
"  two  kings-at-arms,  carrying  their  books  or  charters 
"  of  honour  and  nobility,  in  order  to  note  down  in  them 
"  the  high  deeds  and  valorous  combats  which  were 
' c  going  to  be  performed. ' '  After  these  came  four  judges 
of  the  camp,  mounted  on  superb  horses,  whose  cover- 
ings reached  to  the  very  ground,  and  were  ornamented 
with  richly-worked  coats  of  arms.  Two  of  these  judges 
had  been  chosen  from  amongst  the  oldest  and  wisest 
knights,  and  the  other  two  from  the  equerries,  all 
skilful  in  combat.  "  The  King's  dwarf  next  appeared, 
"mounted  on  a  beautiful  and  well-caparisoned  horse, 
"  bearing  the  shield  and  device  chosen  by  Rene  for  this 
"fete,  the  bottom  of  it  was  of  gules,  strewed  with 
"  pansies  c  au  naturel.'  Similar  to  the  coats  of  arms 
"  were  the  banners,  the  head-gear,  the  coverings  and 
"  caparisons  of  the  horses  of  the  knights,  the  equerries 
"  of  the  King,  and  all  the  champions.  A  very  beau- 
tiful young  lady,  dressed  magnificently,  and  mounted 
"on  a  superb  white  palfrey  then  followed ;  she  held 
"  in  her  hand  a  very  rich  scarf  tied  to  the  bridle  of 
"  the  horse  on  which  King  Rene  was  mounted.  This 
"  lady's  office  was  to  conduct  all  the  champions, 
"  when  the  time  came  for  them  to  tilt  against  the 
"  assailants.  The  King  was  followed  by  Ferri,  of 
"Lorraine,  the  Lord  of  Beauvau,  and  his  brother, 
"  Guy  de  Laval,  Lenoncourt,  Cossi,  Plessis,  and  many 
"  other  champions  of  renown. 

"  Arrived  at  the  spot  where  the  lists  were  esta- 
"  blished,  in  the  order  mentioned,  they  found  a  large 
"tent  erected,  richly  decorated,  also  scaffoldings  for 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  1ST 

the  judges,  for  the  kings-at-arms,  as  well  as  for  the 
ladies,  adorned  with  tapestries  and  cushions  with 
gold  lace,  which  were  placed  round  the  lists,  but 
separated  the  one  from  the  other  by  spaces  so  as  to 
allow  the  people  to  enjoy  the  brilliant  spectacle. 
There  was  also  a  stage  raised  several  steps,  and  a 
marble  column  placed  on  it,  to  which  was  appended 
the  shield  of  the  device.  Those  of  the  assailants  who 
wished  to  tilt  against  the  champions  were  obliged  to 
come  and  touch  the  shield  with  the  end  of  their  lance, 
and  at  the  foot  of  this  column  were  the  two  lions 
chained,  of  which  we  have  spoken. 
"  According  to  express  agreement  on  the  part  of 
both  champions  and  assailants,  each  of  the  vanquished 
was  obliged  to  present  a  diamond,  a  ruby,  or  courser, 
or  some  other  gift  previously  agreed  upon. 
"  These  prizes  were  intended  for  their  mistresses,  and 
we  learn  that,  at  this  fete,  there  were  no  less  than  fifty- 
four  diamonds  and  thirty-six  rubies  given  to  the  ladies 
by  those  who  were  vanquished ;  besides  these,  there 
were  two  principal  prizes  given  at  the  expense  of 
King  Rene,  which  were,  by  the  command  of  the  judges 
of  the  camp,  presented  to  the  conquerors  by  Jeanne 
de  Laval.  The  first  prize  was  a  noble  courser,  and 
was  gained  by  Florigny ;  the  second  was  a  clasp  or 
box  of  gold,  enriched  wTith  diamonds,  and  was  decreed 
to  Ferri  of  Lorraine."  • 

Of  those  who  assisted  at  this  tournament  w^ere  Mont- 
morency, Breze,  Daillon  du  Lude  d'Harcourt,  Tancar- 
ville,  de  la  Jaille,  Jean  de  la  Haye,  Guillaume  de  la 
Jumalliere,  Lord  of  Martigne,  Briant,  Florigny,  and 
Ferri  de  Vaudemont.  Above  all,  the  Duke  of  Alengon 
was  remarkable,  wearing  the  Order  of  the  Golden 
Fleece,  and  still  more  distinguished  by  his  fine  form 
and  noble  features,  which  gained  for  him  the  surname 
of  "  la  beau  prince." 


188  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

The  chevaliers  were  also  guided  by  Pontou  de 
Saintrailles,  the  brave  Gascon,  who  had  already  figured 
in  the  pas  cV amies  of  Razilly.  There  were  also  present 
Charles  of  Bourbon,  father-in-law  to  the  Duke  of 
Calabria,  the  Counts  d'Evreux,  d'Eu,  and  Charles 
d'Artois.  Lastly  should  be  mentioned  the  Count  of 
Nevers,  who,  having  vainly  aspired  to  the  hand  of  Mar- 
garet of  Anjou,  found  himself,  perhaps  unconsciously, 
the  rival  of  Rene,  in  addressing  at  this  time  his  secret 
vows  to  the  beautiful  heroine  of  the  fete,  Jeanne  de 
Laval. 

"These  tilts  terminated  fortunately  without  accident, 
"  which  seldom  happened.  Afterwards  the  King, 
"  Queen,  and  all  their  brilliant  assembly,  returned  to 
"the  castle  of  Saumur,  where  Rene  continued  for 
"  several,  some  say  fifteen,  days,  his  magnificent  balls 
"and  entertainments.* 

"  The  helmet  and  cuirass  were  now  laid  aside  by  the 
"  brave  knights,  who,  having  signalised  themselves 
"  before  in  the  combat  by  their  courage  and  agility, 
"  and  by  the  rudeness  and  simplicity  of  their  attire,  on 
"  this  occasion  vied  with  one  another  in  the  richness 
"  and  elegance  of  their  apparel,  and  their  gallantry 
"  towards  the  ladies.  The  gratification  of  these  heroes 
"  in  the  series  of  amusements  which  King  Rene  had 
"  prepared  for  them  was  great,  yet  we  may  justly  add, 
"  that  it  was  equalled,  even  surpassed,  by  the  satisfac- 
tion which  the  'merry  monarch,'  as  Rene  has  been 
"  styled,  experienced  himself  on  this  occasion,  in  the 
"presence  of  his  family  and  court,  and  placed  between 
"  his  much-beloved  Queen  Isabella,  and  the  fascinating 
"  Jeanne  de  Laval." 

The  joust,  thus  renewed  upon  the  return  of  this 
excellent  prince  to  his  native  province,  became  subse- 

*  A  picture  representing  this  Tonrn anient  was  painted  by  King  Rene, 
who  offered  it  to  his  brother-in-law,  King  Charles  VII. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  189 

quently,  in  a  degree,  the  expression  of  joy  at  his 
appearance  amongst  the  Angevin  nobility,  who  had 
retained  a  lively  inclination  for  these  ancient  amuse- 
ments of  their  own  sovereigns. 

It  is  easy  to  imagine  how  this  monarch,  brought  up 
in  hereditary  ideas  so  worthy  of  him,  would  indulge 
in  the  chivalric  spirit,  and  delight  in  and  occupy  him- 
self in  these  noble  games,  which  were  not  in  his  age 
regarded  as  vain  amusements. 

He  did  not,  however,  forget  his  duties  as  a  sovereign. 
Always  assiduous  to  render  his  people  happy,  he 
sought  every  means  of  ameliorating  their  condition, 
and  he  was  well  informed  of  all  the  events  which  con- 
cerned the  interest  of  his  subjects.* 

Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Angers,  a  frightful  drought 
desolated  nearly  all  Provence.  The  harvests  had  been 
destroyed,  the  springs  dried  up,  and  the  miserable 
inhabitants  of  Aix  had  to  send  to  a  great  distance  to 
have  their  corn  ground,  and  were  obliged  to  fetch 
water  several  leagues  distant.  Rene,  touched  with 
this  calamity,  immediately  ordered  his  grand  seneschal 
to  exempt  each  city  or  village  afflicted  by  this  scourge, 
from  taxation  during  a  year.  This  rare  example  of 
humanity  was  more  than  once  displayed,  on  similar 
occasions,  by  this  prince,  whose  disinterestedness  knew 
no  bounds ;  and  while  we  read  of  the  regal  pomp  and 
luxury  which  was  exhibited  at  the  celebration  of  his 
attractive  tournaments,  we  are  reminded  that  the  same 
monarch  who  commanded  these  expensive  tilts,  assisted 
in  drying  the  tears  of  the  distressed  and  indigent. f 

In  December,  1447,  Rene  was  engaged  in  a  holy 
tour  to  Provence,  to  collect  the  bones  of  saints.  In 
July  following,  he  assisted  at  the  council  held  by  the 
Archbishop  of  Tours.      The  termination  of  the  year 

*  Bodin  ;  Oodard  Faultrier  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 
f  Bodin  ;  Gcdard  Faultrier. 


190  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

1448  Rene  passed  in  tranquillity  at  Angers.  He  then 
traversed  Provence,  resting  at  Aix,  Marseilles,  at  Aries, 
and  lastly  at  the  chateau  of  Tarascon,  where  he 
announced  another  fete,  three  years  after  his  former 
one  in  1449.* 

This  tournament  at  Tarascon  has  been  described  by 
the  Seneschal  of  Anjou,  Louis  de  Beauvau.  At  this  epoch 
but  few  of  the  French  nobility  had  acquired  the  know- 
ledge of  reading  and  writing  ;  but,  at  the  court  of  Anjou, 
on  the  contrary,  most  of  the  great  people,  imitating  the 
example  of  their  king,  were  men  of  letters,  and  several 
of  them  have  left  honourable  traces  of  it. 

The  manuscript  of  Louis  de  Beauvau,  relating  to  the 
tournament  of  Tarascon,  is  written  in  verse,  and  ad- 
dressed to  Louis  of  Luxembourg.  A  miniature  etching 
placed  at  the  head  of  his  book  represents  the  first 
scene  of  the  fete.  It  exhibits  a  shepherdess  seated  in 
the  middle  of  the  landscape,  "  near  a  barn,  having  on 
"  a  grey  dress,  and  her  head  covered  with  a  little  red 
''  hood,  such  as  the  simple  bourgeoises  usually  wore ; 
"  her  lap  was  filled  with  white,  blue  and  red  flowers; 
"  her  clog  and  her  crook  were  near  her;  and  at  some 
"  distance,  appended  to  a  large  tree,  were  two  cuirasses, 
u  one  black,  the  other  white.  In  the  middle  distance 
"  was  seen  a  flock  of  sheep  in  a  fold." 

"  The  tournay  of  Saumur  had  been  quite  of  a  mili- 
"  tary  character.  That  of  Tarascon  was  almost  a  fete 
"  champetre.  The  knights  appearing  each  in  a  shep- 
"  herd's  dress,  which  they  wore  over  their  armour. 
"  The  prize  was  a  bouquet,  and  a  kiss  from  the  shep- 
"  herdess.  We  are  not  told  the  name  of  this  lady,  but 
"  the  author  gives  us  to  understand  that,  malgre  the 
"  simplicity  of  her  attire,  she  was  a  person  of  high 
"  rank.  Amongst  the  knights  who  figured  on  this 
"  occasion  were   Philippe    de   Lenoncourt,  Tauneguy 

*  Bodin  ;  G-odard  Faultrier  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  191 

"  Duchatel,  and  Ferri  cle  Lorraine.  Louis  de  Beauvau 
"  appeared  with  great  eclat ;  he  was  on  a  bay  horse, 
"  armed  in  red,  and  on  his  shield  were  these  words,  in 
"  golden  letters,  '  les  plus  rouges  y  sont  pres/  After 
"  a  violent  and  doubtful  combat  against  Philibert  cle 
"  Laigle,  he  at  last  shivered  to  atoms  the  lance  of  his 
u  adversary.  Philippe  de  Lenoncourt  next  entered 
u  the  lists.  Tauneguy  Duchatel,  carrying  with  great 
"  mirth  the  lady  of  Ponteve  behind  him,  advanced 
"  against  him.  They  attacked  each  other  so  vigorously 
"  that  their  lances  both  broke  at  the  same  instant,  and 
"  Lenoncourt  shivered  two  others  also  of  his  antagonist, 
"  who  then  yielded  him  the  victory,  and  departed,  with 
"  his  courageous  lady,  who  kept  her  seat  throughout 
"  this  terrible  encounter." 

"  The  fete  being  ended,  the  shepherdess  mounted 
"  her  horse,  and  to  the  sound  of  instruments,  twice 
"  made  the  tour  of  the  lists,  accompanied  by  her  two 
"  admirers,  and  preceded  by  the  heralds  and  judges. 
"  She  thus  arrived  at  the  house  of  Louis  de  Beauvau, 
"  who  furnished  her  with  a.  magnificent  supper.  She 
"  then  went  to  the  castle,  preceded  by  a  herald,  who 
"  bore  a  white  wand  in  one  hand,  and  in  the  other 
"  the  grand  prize,  which  was  a  golden  rod  and  a 
'  brilliant  diamond.  The  poursuivant-at-arms  de- 
,l  manclecl  of  the  King,  who  was  the  victorious  knight 
u  to  whom  he  adjudged  the  prize  ?  Guy  de  Laval  and 
"  Louis  de  Beauvau  had  each  of  them  broken  three 
''  lances,  the  number  prescribed  for  the  grand  prize, 
"  but  Ferri  of  Lorraine  had  broken  four,  and  it  was 
'  awarded  to  him.  This  valiant  knight  accepted  it, 
'  but  only  as  an  ornament  for  the  head  of  the  noble 
"  shepherdess." 

This  tournament,  which  was  executed  in  true  pas- 
toral style  and  good  taste,  and  which  attracted  nume- 
rous actors  and  spectators  to  Tarascon,  lasted  three 


192  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

davs  only ;  and  we  learn  from  the  poem  of  Louis  de 
Beauvau  that  the  handsome  women  of  Provence  saw 
with  regret  the  conclusion  of  the  "Emprise."  *  This 
was  Rene's  last  tournament. 

The  gratification  experienced  by  this  prince  in  these 
romantic  entertainments,  led  him  to  seek  "the  exalta- 
"  tion  of  knighthood,  and  to  found  an  Order  to  promote 
"  it  still  more  for  the  '  honour  of  God  and  of  the 
"  '  church/  and  that  '  all  noble  hearts  should  daily 
"  '  increase  and  augment  their  well  doings,'  in  courtesy 
"  and  fair  behaviour,  and  likewise  in  valiancy  and 
"  feats  of  arms." 

So  says  Bourdigne,  the  historian  of  Anjou ;  but  we 
do  not  learn  whether  the  young  prince,  Edward,  became 
a  member  of  this  "  Order;"  and  it  is  probable  he  did 
not,  as  his  arrival  in  France  with  the  Queen,  his  mother, 
was  about  the  time  of  the  suppression  of  this  Order  bv 
Pope  Paul  II.  f 

The  chivalric  fetes  were  suspended  in  1448,  when 
Rene  had  to  mourn  for  the  loss  of  his  two  relatives, 
Marie  Duchess  of  Calabria  and  Antoine  de  Vandemont ; 
the  former  was  an  amiable  princess,  adored  by  her 
husband,  family,  and  subjects.  The  latter  had,  before 
his  death,  entirely  overcome  the  enmity  which  had 
previously  existed  between  himself  and  Rene.J  It  was 
in  the  year  1448  that  Rene,  while  at  Angers,  instituted 
the  military  Order  of  the  Knights  of  the  Crescent,  which 
Pope  Paul  II.  suppressed  in  1464.§  The  knights 
of  this  Order  bore  on  the  collar  a  Crescent,  pendant, 
with  the  words  inscribed,  "Los  en  Croissant,"  after- 
wards familiar  to  King  Charles  VIII.  of  France. 

The  symbol  of  this  Order,  a  crescent  of  gold,  had 
"  the  word  '  Loz  '  enamelled  in  letters  of  blue,  which 
"  formed,  with  the  crescent  on  which  it  was  written,  a 

*  Bodin  ;  Godard  Faultrier.  t  Bourdigne. 

t  Yilleneuye  Bargemont.  §  Some  say  1460. 


MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  193 

"  sort  of  rebus,  signifying  that  one  acquires  '  Loz/ 
"  that  is,  praise,  by  growing  in  virtue."  The  knights 
attached  to  this  Crescent  a  tagged  point  of  gold,* 
enamelled  in  red,  after  each  action  in  which  they  had 
distinguished  themselves.  Their  costume  was  a  cas- 
sock and  a  mantle  "j"  of  white  velvet,  over  which  they 
wore  a  great  cloak  of  crimson  velvet ;  bordered  with 
ermine  for  the  princes,  and  with  linen  of  two  colours 
for  the  gentlemen.  Under  the  right  arm  they  wore 
the  decoration  of  the  Order  of  the  Golden  Crescent, 
suspended  from  a  chain  of  the  same  metal,  attached  to 
the  upper  part  of  the  sleeve,  j  St.  Maurice  became 
the  patron  of  this  new  Order,  and  the  south  wing  of 
the  cathedral  of  Angers  was  covered  with  heraldry, 
for  it  became  the  chapel  of  these  knights. §  The 
statutes  of  this  Order  commanded  fraternity  and  mutual 
succour. 

The  knights  swore  by  their  "  share  of  Paradise,"  and 
by  "  the  redemption  of  their  souls."  Their  chief  was 
called  Senator,  and  his  office  annual.  It  was  first 
filled  by  Guy  de  Laval.  The  object  of  Pope  Paul  II., 
who  was  the  enemy  of  Rene,  in  suppressing  this  Order, 
was  to  free  the  Neanolitan  knights,  who  were  members 
of  the  "  Crescent,"  from  their  oaths,  and  to  prevail  on 
them  to  unite  in  the  interests  of  Ferdinand  of  Arragon, 
against  Rene  of  Anjou,  who,  nevertheless,  continued  to 
bear  the  badges  of  this  Order  even  to  the  time  of  his 
death.  § 

The  rupture  of  the  truce  between  England  and 
France,  drew  Rene  of  Anjou  from  his  pleasing  occupa- 
tions, and,  at  the  head  of  his  veteran  troops  and  the 
Provencal  nobility,  he  came  to  the  aid  of  the  King 

*  Aiquillette. 
f  Mantlet. 

t  Moreri  ;    Bodin  ;   Monfaucon  ;  Dom  Calmet ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont  : 
Seidell's  Title  of  Honour. 
§  Godard  Faultrier. 
vol.  it.  O 


194  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

of  France  against  the  English.  He  was  present  at  the 
taking  of  several  cities,  and  when  King  Charles  VII. 
entered  in  triumph  the  city  of  Rouen,  Rene  marched 
on  his  right  hand,  and  the  Count  of  Maine  on  his  left. 
Rene  has  been  described  as  "  brilliant,  mounted  on  a 
"  palfrey,  with  a  horse-covering  of  azure  velvet,  inter- 
"  spersed  with  lily  flowers  of  gold,  and  the  cross  of 
"  Jerusalem." 

Rene  was  also  in  the  battle  of  Fourmigni,  and  at 
the  capture  of  Caen  and  Falaise.  The  valour  and 
conduct  of  the  Angevine  prince  in  these  wars,  may 
have  deserved  eulogium,  but  his  neutrality  would  have 
been  doubtless  very  serviceable  to  the  interests  of  his 
daughter,  Queen  Margaret,  who,  upon  the  loss  of 
Xormandy  and  Guienne,  was,  with  her  ministers,  sus- 
pected of  treachery ;  and  throughout  England  great 
disorders  arose  owing  to  the  discontents  of  the 
people.* 

AVhen  in  Anjou,  Rene  inhabited  by  turns  the  castles 
of  Angers,  Saumur,  and  Bauge.  He  was  popular  and 
liberal,  living  without  pomp,  whether  in  town  or 
country.  He  was  fond  of  building,  and  when  not  thus 
occupied  for  himself,  he  employed  himself  about  the 
houses  of  the  poorest  of  his  subjects,  or  for  those  who 
were  encumbered  by  a  numerous  family. 

A  writer  of  his  times  says,  that,  to  this  taste  of 
Rene  for  construction,  we  must  attribute  the  numerous 
escutcheons  on  the  houses  of  Anjou.  They  were 
placed  upon  the  houses  which  Rene  rebuilt  or  repaired, 
and  this  has  rendered  the  name  of  the  "Good  Duke-" 
so  popular  hi  Angers.")" 

Out  of  respect  to  his  patron  saint,  Rene  rebuilt  the 
Chateau  de  Possonniere  and  the  Chapelle  de  St.  Rene. 


*  Villeneuve  Bargemont :  Godard  Faultrier. 
f  Bodin  ;  Bourdigne. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  195 

This  reconstruction  was  in  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 
century.  The  charming  ogival  windows  of  the  chapel 
were  ornamented  with  coloured  glass,  and  one  of  them 
represented  the  resurrection  of  St.  Rene.*"*  The  Castle 
of  Bauge  was  also  built  by  Rene,  who  was  regarded  as 
the  founder  of  the  town  of  Bauge. 

In  the  midst  of  a  forest  a  beautiful  lodge  had  been 
erected,  in  former  times,  by  Foulques  Nerra,  around 
which  a  small  village  had  been  formed.  It  became  a 
bourg,  and  a  little  church  was  added.  The  name  of 
this  place  was  derived  from  the  muddy  soil  (the  resort 
of  wild  boars),  whereon  this  place  was  built,  and  in 
Rene's  time  it  became  a  handsome  town,  although 
without  commerce  or  manufactures.  Rene  was  greatly 
attached  to  this  place,  and  also  to  Saumur,  where  he 
built  a  house  in  the  Faubourg  of  the  Bridges,  called  by 
the  people  the  "  Palace  of  the  Queen  of  Sicily."  The 
front  of  this  dwelling  was  enriched  with  the  armorial 
bearings  of  King  Rene.  These  became  in  part  effaced 
by  time,  but  the  shield  long  remained  visible,  bearing 
the  decoration  of  the  Order  of  the  Knights  of  the 
Crescent.  Round  the  escutcheon  was  a  chaplet  of 
large  berries,  in  the  midst  of  which  were  the  words: 
"  Devot  lui  suis."  This  was  a  device  of  this  good 
king  to  testify  his  love  for  his  Queen  Isabella,  and  he 
afterwards  assumed  a  new  one,  expressive  of  his  grief 
for  her  loss.  Not  far  from  Angers,  where  his  consort 
resided,  Rene  constructed  the  charming  hermitage  of 
La  Baumette  j"  (named  by  him  from  Saint  Baume,  so 
celebrated  in  Provence),  and  this  he  caused  to  be 
erected  on  a  rock,  watered  by  the  Mayenne.  It  was 
to  divert  the  attention  of  Isabella  in  her  dangerous  ill- 
ness, that  Rene  undertook  this  work,  and  to  accom- 

*  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 

f  La  Baumette  (the  Little  Balna),  a  monument  of  conjugal  piety,  may 
still  be  seen  ;  and  at  Saumur,  "  La  maison  de  la  Reine  de  Cecile,"  though, 
defaced  by  time. 

o  2 


196  MAEGABET    OF   ANJOU. 

plish  a  vow  he  had  made  to  re-establish  it.  About 
the  same  period,  Rene,  indulging  his  taste  for  archi- 
tecture, built  a  little  manor  house  in  Reculee,  as  well 
as  a  hermitage,  afterwards  resorted  to  by  Queen  Mar- 
garet of  Anjou,  when  she  made  the  cession  of  her 
rights  to  Louis  XL* 

Isabella  of  Lorraine  had  been  for  some  years  subject 
to  attacks  of  a  disease,  which,  at  this  time,  returned 
with  increased  violence.  She  had  renounced  the 
pleasures  of  a  court  whose  ornament  she  had  been, 
and  had  been  living  in  Anjou,  in  the  most  profound 
solitude,  no  longer  joining  in  the  fetes  or  the  politics 
of  the  times,  her  only  amusement  being  the  educa- 
tion of  her  young  grandchildren,  and  religious  exer- 
cises. She  adopted  an  extreme  simplicity  in  her 
manner  of  living,  in  place  of  the  magnificence  formerly 
observed  in  her  palace.  She  also  put  a  stop  to  all 
superfluous  expense,  in  order  to  augment,  by  her  own 
economy,  the  money  requisite  for  the  King,  her  hus- 
band. Rene  still  preserved  for  his  consort,  after 
thirty-two  years  of  marriage,  the  most  tender  affec- 
tion ;  and  the  good  understanding  so  visible  in  their 
union,  contributed  to  increase  the  admiration  with 
which  his  subjects  regarded  him.  Often  would  he 
seek  to  delude  himself  on  the  subject  of  this  incurable 
malady,  which  bore  with  it  the  marks  of  a  decay 
which  Isabella  sought  by  every  means  to  conceal  from 
him  ;  and  at  times  he  would  try  to  escape  from  the 
cruel  thoughts  which  haunted  him,  by  hunting  in  the 
forests  of  Saumur,  Beaufort,  and  Bauge  ;  but  these 
scenes  were  even  less  frequently  the  witness  of  his 
skill  in  these  sports,  than  of  his  melancholy  reveries, 
excited  by  the  dangerous  condition  of  his  beloved 
Isabella.  Then  would  restlessness  and  vague  presenti- 
ments bring  him  back  to  her  side,  where,  with  new 

*  Bodin  ;  Godard  Fatiltrier. 


MAKGAKET   OF   ANJOTJ.  197 

ardour,  lie  would  return  to  those  pious  reflections 
which  had  never  been  extinguished  in  his  soul.  At 
length,  Isabella's  strength  visibly  diminished  from  day 
to  day,  and  she  expired  on  the  28th  of  February, 
1453.*  She  was  buried  in  the  church  of  St.  Maurice, 
at  Angers,  near  the  tomb  of  the  second  family  of 
Anjou-Sicily.| 

It  is  needless  to  dwell  on  the  grief  of  King  Rene 
when  bereft  of  his  beloved  consort.  In  solitude,  on 
the  banks  of  the  rivers,  amongst  the  willows,  and 
in  the  green  meadows,  he  would  indulge  his  sad 
thoughts  :  sometimes  fixing  his  eyes  on  the  water, 
he  would  give  himself  up  to  a  placid  reverie,  per- 
haps beholding,  in  the  now  tranquil,  now  noisy  wave, 
some  image  of  his  own  chequered  life.  To  those 
who  sought  to  console  him  he  only  replied  by  an 
Italian  device, J  in  imitation  of  a  verse  of  Petrarch  : 
"  Arco  per  lentare  defender e  piaga  non  sana"  § 
"  Relacher  l'arc  ne  guerit  pas  la  plaie." 

King  Rene  had,  by  Isabella  of  Lorraine,  nine 
children  :  five  sons  and  four  daughters.  Of  these, 
five  died  in  their  infancy.  ||  Those  who  were  distin- 
guished in  history  were  John,  Duke  of  Calabria,  the 
eldest  son  ;  Louis  de  Pont-a-Mousson,  Duke  of  Bar ; 
Yoland,  Duchess  of  Lorraine  ;  and  Margaret,  Queen 
of  England.^ 

To  sooth  his  grief,  and  in  remembrance  of  his  love 
for  his  consort,  Rene  painted  on  the  walls  some  vessels 
filled  with  fire,  with  these  words  :  "  Uardant  desir ; ': 

*  Some  date  this  event  on  the  22nd  of  February  ;  others  say  the  death 
of  Isabella  occurred  in  the  year  1452. 

+  Moreri ;  Monfaucon  ;  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Bodin  ;  Villeneuve  Barge- 
mont. 

X  This  new  device  was  a  bow,  of  which  the  cord  was  loose,  with  the 
Italian  saying-,  "  To  unstring  the  bow  does  not  heal  the  wound." 

§  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Bodin. 

||  They  were  Charles,  Rene,  Nicholas,  Isabella,  and  Anne. 

^[  Moreri. 


198  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOTJ. 

round  this  symbol  lie  put  a  cliaplet  of  pater-nosters,  in 
which  was  expressed,  in  Italics,  "  Devot  ltd  sv 

In  the  year  1453,  Rene  of  Aujou  again  took  up 
arms,  at  the  solicitation  of  Francois  Sforza,  Duke  of 
Milan,  and  of  the  Florentines,  his  old  allies,  who  were 
attacked,  at  this  time,  bv  the  Kins;  of  Arrasron  and 
the  Republic  of  Venice.  Sforza  held  out  hopes  to 
him  of  making  war  against  Xaples,  when  the  contest 
on  this  side  the  Alps  should  be  ended  ;  and  Rene 
again  flattered  himself  with  the  hope  of  chasing  Al- 
phonso  from  Italy.  He  repassed  the  Alps,  continually 
giving  proofs  of  his  talents  and  bravery  ;  but  was  soon 
induced  to  abandon  this  enterprise.  The  intrigues 
of  Alphonso  in  the  Milanese  camp,  and  amongst  the 
Milanese,  their  unjust  rivalry,  and  insufferable  pre- 
tensions, quite  disgusted  him,  and  he  returned  into 
France,  leaving  behind  him  his  son  John  to  maintain 
the  cause ;  but  even  he  also  became  displeased,  and 
withdrew  from  this  war. 

Some  write  that  the  Angevine  Prince  came  to 
Geneva,  with  but  two  vessels,  and  so  small  were  his 
forces,  and  mean  the  condition  of  his  court,  that  con- 
tempt only  was  excited  towards  him,  while  doubts 
arose  respecting  his  skill  and  capability  of  governing. 
This  opinion  was  also  adopted  by  some  of  the  French : 
the  Dauphin,  (afterwards  Louis  XL),  had  led  on  a 
body  of  infantry. 
1453.  The  French,  who  eagerly  undertook  this  enterprise, 

advanced  as  far    as  Asti  ;    but,   at  the  expiration  of 
three  months,  they  all  returned  to  their  own  country. 
apparently  without  any  reason. 

John,  Duke  of  Calabria,  was  extremely  chagrined 
to  see  himself  thus  abandoned,  and  especially  by  the 
King,  but  it  is  probable  that  he  might  have  perceived  the 
futility  of  these  struggles  for  the  kingdom  of  Xapl 

Daniel  ;  3Iariana  ;  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Moreri  ;   Bodin. 


Daniel. 


I— I  c- 1 


F 
I 


> 
P 


b 

C 

o 


3 

N3 


MARGARET   OF    ANJOU.  199 

Upon  his  return  from  Italy  Rene  gave  up  the  dueliy 
of  Lorraine  to  Ins  son,*  and  again  returned  to  his 
beloved  Anjou.  He  was  more  than  ever  disgusted  with 
public  affairs,  and  resigned  himself  to  the  arts,  especially 
to  that  of  miniature  painting  on  vellum.  Ennui  still 
followed  him  amidst  these  peaceful  occupations,  and 
yielding  to  the  susceptibility  of  his  heart,  he  united 
himself  in  marriage  with  Jeanne  de  Laval,  the  same 
Princess  who  had  been  so  much  distinguished  by  him 
at  the  tournament  in  Anjou,  eight  years  before. 

Rene  was  at  this  time  forty-seven  years  of  age,  and 
his  second  consort  was  twenty-two.  Their  marriage 
was  celebrated  in  the  Abbey  of  St.  Nicholas,  at 
Angel's,  on  the  16th  of  September,  1455.  The  Car- 
dinal of  Foix,  Archbishop  of  Aries,  officiated. 

Jeanne  de  Laval  was  the  daughter  of  Guy,  14th 
Count  of  Laval,  and  of  Isabella  of  Brittany,  his  second 
wife. 

Guy  de  Laval  succeeded  Raoul  de  Montfort,  his 
paternal  grandfather,  in  the  estates  and  titles  of 
Montfort,  and  obtained  such  favour  with  King 
Charles  VII.,  that  he  erected  his  barony  of  Laval 
into  the  seventeenth  county,  in  July,  1429.  This  was 
granted  with  Margaret  of  Brittany,  the  daughter  of 
John,  sixth  Duke  of  Brittany,  and  of  Joanna  of  France, 
the  sister  of  Charles  VII.  When  this  Princess  died, 
Guy  de  Laval  married  Isabella  of  Brittany,  elder 
sister  of  Louis  III.,  Duke  of  Anjou.f  The  offspring 
of  this  union  were  three  sons  and  seven  daughters. 
Of  these  the  third  daughter  was  married  to  Rene  of 
Anjou. 

The  articles   of  Rene's  marriage  were   signed,  3rd 

*  Some  write,  that  John  of  Anjou  reigned  in  Lorraine  from  the  time  of 
the  death  of  his  mother,  Isabella  of  Lorraine. 

+  G-uy  de  Laval  became  again  a  widower,  and  married  Francoise  de 
Dinan,  Lady  of  Chateaubriant,  only  daughter  of  Jaques  de  Dinan. 


200  MARGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

September,  1455,  by  Louis  de  Beauvau,  Guy  de  Laval, 
and  the  sire  of  Loue,  in  the  presence  of  Anne  de 
Laval,  the  grandmother  of  the  bride,  the  Counts  of 
Venclome  and  Tancarville,  the  Lord  of  Loheac,  Raoul 
de  Bosket,  and  Olivier  de  Feschal. 

The  dower  of  Jeanne  de  Laval  was  valued  at  40,000 
crowns  of  gold,  about  368,000  francs.* 

From  the  period  of  this  second  marriage  the  Ange- 
vine  Prince  appears  to  have  renounced  all  projects  of 
conquest.  He  conducted  his  new  wife  through  Anjou, 
and  into  Provence,  where  they  remained  several 
months  :  Rene  so  regulating  his  time  as  to  divide  it 
between  the  administration  of  his  States  and  the 
amusements  afforded  him  by  poetry,  painting,  and 
music. I  But  it  seemed  to  be  the  destiny  of  Rene 
never  to  be  allowed  to  taste  of  the  quietude  for  which 
he  so  constantly  longed. 

Italy  had  enjoyed,  for  some  time,  the  sweets  of  re- 
pose ;  but,  in  1456,  Alphonso,  King  of  Arragon,  again 
began  to  trouble  it.  He  ravaged  the  territories  of  the 
Siennois,  who  were  defended  by  the  Venetians  and 
the  Duke  of  Milan,  and  they  compelled  him  to  make 
compensation  for  the  injuries  he  had  done,  by  the 
payment  of  a  sum  of  money. 

Two  years  elapsed,  and  Alphonso  attacked  Genoa 
by  sea  and  land.  The  city  was  divided  into  two 
factions,  the  Fregoses  and  the  Adornes.  Of  these 
Alphonso  took  part  with  the  latter,  while  the  former 
was  supported  by  the  Duke  of  Calabria,  to  whom 
succours  were  dismissed  by  the  King  of  France ;  and 
King  Rene  came  in  sight  of  Genoa,  with  ten  galleys, 
to  the  help  of  the  commander,  who  had  been  acting 
on  the  defensive  with  great  valour. 

*  Monfaucon  ;  Moreri  ;  Bodin  ;  Hist,  de  Montmorency  et  de  Laval,  par 
Andre  Du  Chesne  ;  Godard  Faiiltrier  :  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 
t  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Mariana  ;  Daniel. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  201 

Rene's  fleet  consisted  of  1,000  good  soldiers,  united 
with  those  of  the  King  of  France,  amounting  to 
6,000  men,  sent  from  Dauphine,  with  other  reinforce- 
ments from  Savoy.  A  fierce  battle  ensued,  but  the 
Genoese,  by  a  stratagem,  obtained  the  victory,  and 
the  French  were  obliged  to  fly  to  their  galleys,  the 
Genoese  pursuing  them,  and  making  great  slaughter. 
The  city  was  on  the  point  of  surrender,  when  Alphonso 
was  attacked  by  a  malignant  fever,  which  in  a  few 
days  terminated  his  life,  in  July,  1458.  This  Prince 
left  no  legitimate  children,  therefore  his  brother,  Don 
John,  King  of  Navarre,  became  his  true  heir  ;  but 
Alphonso  had  bequeathed  the  kingdom  of  Naples  to 
his  natural  son,  Ferdinand,  who  took  peaceable  pos- 
session of  the  throne.*  The  Neapolitan  barons,  how- 
ever, began  to  cabal  against  his  succession,  and  even 
intreated  Don  John  to  come  to  Naples ;  but  this 
prince  contented  himself  with  the  kingdom  of  Arra- 
gon  and  the  island  of  Sicily,  which  his  brother  had 
left  him,  upon  which  the  lords  of  Naples  called  in 
the  Duke  of  Calabria,  son  of  Rene  of  Anjou.  This 
brave  Prince  was  easily  prevailed  upon  to  undertake 
the  invasion  of  Naples,  and,  accompanied  by  his  rela- 
tive, Ferry  de  Vaudemont,  hastened  into  Italy. 

Unfortunately,  at  this  crisis,  Pope  Calixtus  died ;  .  v  W6i. 
and  his  successor,  Pope  Pius  II.,  declared  for  the 
Arragonese,  and  gave  the  investiture  of  Naples  to 
Ferdinand,  at  which  King  Rene  was  so  indignant  that 
he  forbade  his  people  to  obey  the  decrees  which  might 
issue  from  the  Court  of  Rome. 

Florence  and  Venice  united  with  the  An ge vine 
prince ;  but  Sforza  continued  in  alliance  with  Fer- 
dinand, thinking  this  the  best  safeguard  for  his  own 
dynasty. 

Orsini,    Prince    of    Tarentum,    the   most   powerful 

*  Mariana:  Daniel. 


Daniel. 


202  MAHGABET    OF   AXJOTJ. 

vassal  of  the  crown,  and  a  large  proportion  of  the 
Neapolitan  nobles,  besides  Piccinino,  the  last  of  the 
great  Condottieri,  with  whom  were  the  veterans  of  the 
former  wars,  all  joined  in  supporting  the  banner  of 
Anjou.  But  in  spite  of  this,  the  Duke  of  Calabria  was 
destined  to  experience  the  fate  of  all  his  family,  in 
their  competition  for  the  throne  of  Naples.  He  had 
at  first  brilliant  success,  and  gained  a  battle  near 
Sarno ;  but  the  Pope  would  never  be  reconciled  to 
the  House  of  Anjou,  and  this  expedition  failed 
through  one  of  those  defections  so  common  amongst 
the  Italians.  The  desertion  of  the  Genoese,  on  whose 
enmity  to  the  House  of  Arragon  the  Duke  of  Cala- 
bria had  relied,  was  aggravated  by  this  Prince's  want 
of  resources  :  this  being  perceived  by  the  barons 
of  his  party,  they  all  returned,  one  by  one,  to  the 
allegiance  of  Ferdinand.* 

This  was  the  last  attempt  made  by  the  Angevine 
Princes  for  the  possession  of  their  Neapolitan  do- 
minions ;  and  Rene  was  the  last  sovereign  of  Naples, 
of  the  race  of  Anjou. f 

In  conclusion,  says  Bodin,  "  it  behoves  us  to 
destroy  a  calumny,  by  refuting  a  great  error  which 
has  escaped  Villaret  in  his  History  of  France. 
This  author  says,  '  that  at  the  time  of  the  expedition 
of  Charles  VII.,  in  1461,  against  the  town  of  Genoa, 
in  which  Rene  of  Anjou  commanded  a  thousand 
gens  d'armes,  whom  he  had  embarked  at  Marseilles, 
this  Prince  remained  during  the  action  on  board  his 
galleys ;  and  that,  seeing  his  troops  beaten  and  in  con- 
fusion, enraged  to  find  that  his  gens  d'armes  had  not 
gained  a  victory,  which  he  had  not  had  the  courage  to 
dispute  at  their  head,  he  commanded  that  his  vessels 

*  Hallanrs  Mid.  Ages  ;  Eccles.  Hist.  ;  Moreri ;  Universal  Hist.  ;    Mon- 
faucon  ;  Mariana  ;  Daniel. 

+  Bodin  ;  Villaret  ;  Mezerai  ;  Universal  Hist. 


MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU.  203 

"  should  set  sail  from  the  coast,  thus  abandoning  those 
"  unfortunate  French  to  the  discretion  of  the  con- 
"  queror.  This  action,  equally  cowardly  and  barbar- 
"  ous,  covers  the  memory  of  King  Rene  with  an 
"  indelible  shame.'  Happily,  this  act,  affirmed  on 
"  such  slight  evidence  by  Villaret,  and  contradicted  by 
"  the  well-known  character  of  the  Prince,  is  found 
"  only  in  one  single  contemporary  historian,  Jean 
"  Simonetta,  who,  in  reporting  it  in  the  life  of  Ludovic 
"  Sforza,  sworn  enemy  of  Rene,  still  gives  it  only  as  a 
"  popular  report,  to  which  he  dared  not  attach  credit. 
"  How  then  could  a  French  historian  admit,  without 
"  examination,  so  odious  a  calumny,  one  which  tends  to 
"  tarnish  the  glory  of  a  prince  whose  life  was  distin- 
"  guished  by  so  many  acts  of  bravery  and  humanity."* 

By  the  adoption  of  Queen  Joanna  I.,  the  only  ad- 
vantage derived  by  the  second  branch  of  the  House  of 
Anjou  was  the  county  of  Provence  ;  for,  after  so  many 
unfortunate  struggles  for  the  crown  of  Naples,  fortune 
decided  in  favour  of  the  crown  of  Arragon.f 

At  the  time  when  Louis  XL  ascended  the  throne 
Rene  was  residing  peaceably  at  Angers ;  and  had  it 
not  been  for  the  presence  of  their  Prince,  the  county 
of  Anjou  would  have  been  involved  in  fresh  troubles. 
The  nobles  detested  the  new  monarch  of  France ;  or 
rather  his  hostile  system  towards  the  feudal  families, 
and  they  readily  united  to  compel  him  to  modify  his 
government  4  Godard 

There  is  much  obscurity  in  the  writings  of  this  a  *ri0r' 
period  concerning  the  locality  in  which  King  Henry 
concealed  himself  during  this  season  of  his  adverse  for- 
tunes. The  first  account  we  have  quoted,  viz.,  that  he 
took  refuge  in  Harlech  castle,  conveys  no  further  par- 
ticulars of  his  stay  in  that  fortress,  or  of  the  time  of  his 
departure  from  it.     Stow's  account  differs  materially 

*  Bodin.  f  Gibbon.  J  Godard  Faultrier. 


im. 


204  MARGAEET    OF    AXJOTJ. 

from  the  other  historians.  He  says,  "  King  Henry  fled 
"  four  clays  before  the  battle  of  Hexham  into  Lancashire, 
"  where  he  and  others  lived  in  caves  full  hardly,  un- 
"  known  more  than  a  year."  It  is  certain  that  he  had 
in  Lancashire  and  in  Westmoreland  many  friends  ; 
the  natives  of  these  counties  were  sincerely  attached 
to  his  interests,  and  their  fidelity  enabled  him  to  con- 
ceal himself  for  some  months.* 

During  this  period,  however,  he  endured  many  priva- 
tions. He  was  often  secreted  in  the  house  of  John 
Machell,  at  Crakentkorpe,  in  Westmoreland.  He 
also  dwelt  at  Waddington  Hall,  in  Lancashire,  and 
memorials  of  his  presence  were  traced  at  Whalley  Abbey 
and  Bracewell ;  but  the  chief  residence  of  this  unfor- 
tunate monarch  appears  to  have  been  at  Bolton  Hall, 
in  Yorkshire.  One  apartment,  on  the  western  side  of 
the  court  which  he  occupied,  was  called,  "  King 
"  Henry's  room,"  and  the  canopy  |  still  remains  under 
which,  says  Whitaker,  "the  unhappy  Prince  ate  the 
"  bread  of  affliction  during  his  seclusion  from  the 
"  world." 

The  probable  cause  why  Henry  sought  refuge  at  Bol- 
ton has  been  thus  accounted  for :  the  proprietor  of  this 
hall,  Sir  Ralph  Pudsey,  had  married  Margaret  Tunstall, 
the  daughter  of  Sir  Thomas  Tunstall,  who  was  esquire 
of  the  body  to  the  King,  and  attended  him  on  this 
occasion.:):  Thurland  Castle,  the  residence  of  Tunstall, 
being  in  clanger,  and  in  a  less  retired  situation,  the 
King  came  to  Bolton,  where  the  loyalty  of  Sir  Ralph 
afforded  him  a  secure  asylum ;  nor  was  this  the  first 
occasion  upon  which  this  family  had  sheltered  their 
persecuted  sovereign.  The  race  of  thePudseys  had  been 

*  Stow  ;  Rymer  ;  Lingard  ;  Carte. 

t  This  canopy  resembles  those  in  the  halls  of  the  College  of  Manchester 
and  of  the  Carthusians,  the  Charter  House,  in  the  metropolis. 
±  Whitaker's  History  of  Craven. 


MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  205 

distinguished  by  a  course  of  loyalty  and  hospitality, 
and  the  fidelity  of  Sir  Ralph  was  never  impeached 
in  the  treacherous  proceedings  which  subsequently 
deprived  this  King  of  his  freedom.  The  dutiful 
attachment  of  Pudsey  was  not,  however,  sufficient 
safeguard  to  the  dethroned  monarch,  who,  probably, 
being  under  some  apprehension  that  his  retreat  was 
about  to  be  discovered,  quitted  Bolton  Hall,  where 
he  had  passed  some  months  in  security,  and  repaired 
to  Waddington  Hall. 

While  at  Bolton,  Henry  had  given  orders  for  a  well 
to  be  dug,  and  walled  round  for  a  bath  ;  this  well  still 
bears  his  name,  and,  even  at  the  present  day,  con- 
tinues to  be  venerated  by  the  peasants  for  many 
remarkable  cures  said  to  have  been  wrought  there.* 
Some  relics  of  interest  were  left  at  Bolton  by  King 
Henry ;  these  were  a  pair  of  boots,  a  pair  of  gloves, 
and  a  spoon.  The  gloves  reached  to  the  elbow,  and, 
by  them,  it  would  appear  that  the  hands  were  exactly 
proportioned  to  the  feet,  and  not  larger  than  those 
of  a  middle-sized  woman.j  It  has  been  remarked 
that  "  in  an  age  when  the  habits  of  the  great,  in  peace 
"  as  well  as  in  war,  required  perpetual  exertions  of 
"  bodily  strength,  this  unhappy  Prince  must  have 
"  been  equally  contemptible  from  corporeal  and  from 
"  mental  imbecility." 

His  enemies  probably  thus  regarded  him  ;  but  if 
this  were  the  case,  how  much  more  does  it  argue 
in  favour  of  the  benevolent  qualities  of  this  monarch, 
who,  undoubtedly,  inspired  much  respect  for  his 
character,   and  even  so  attached  those  to  him,   who 

*  Roby's  Lancashire  ;  Gent.'s  Magazine  ;  Stow. 

f  The  relics  left  at  Bolton  by  the  King  were,  for  their  better  preserva- 
tion, deposited  in  an  ark  in  the  year  1822,  which  was  constructed  for  the 
head  of  the  present  family.  The  ark  was  made  of  oak,  and  beautifully  de- 
signed and  executed  in  the  architecture  of  the  fifteenth  century.  On  a 
brass  plate  within,  an  account  is  given  of  the  circumstances  under  which 
these  relics  were  left. 


206  MARGARET    OF   ANJOU. 

were  his  immediate  attendants,  that  they  never  for- 
sook him,  and  even  shared  his  captivity.*  When 
Henry  fled  for  safety  to  the  "Peel  of  Bolton,"  as 
this  castle  was  called,  he  was  accompanied  by  Doctor 
Manning,  Dean  of  Windsor,  Doctor  Bedle,  and  young 
Ellerton,  who  all  shared  his  dangers  and  cheered  his 
solitude  ;  they  were  even  conveyed  with  him  on  his 
capture,  to  the  Tower  of  London. 

The  castles  of  Bracewell  and  Waddington,  at  this 
time,  belonged  to  Sir  John  Tempest ;  and  an  alliance 
having  just  been  formed  between  the  Tempests  and 
Talbots,t  it  may  be  inferred,  that  to  preserve  their 
estates,  they  consented  to  deliver  up  the  unfortunate 
monarch  to  Sir  John  Harrington,  for  after  this 
treacherv  thev  were  suffered  to  eniov  their  lands  in 
quiet  possession ;  while  Sir  John  Harrington  "  was 
"rewarded,"  as  expressed  in  the  grant  to  him,  "for 
"his  great  and  laborious  diligence  in  taking  our  great 
"  traitor  and  rebel  Henry,  latelv  called  Henrv  the 
"  Sixth,  with  the  estates  of  Sir  Richard  Tunstall,  of 
"  Thailand  Castle,  to  the  amount  of  £100,  by  King 
"  Edward  the  Fourth,  on  the  9th  of  July,  1465."|  After 
having  been  concealed  by  his  faithful  subjects  for 
many  months,  some  sav  even  for  a  whole  year,  while 
the  most  diligent  search  was  made  after  him,  Henry's 
retreat  was  at  last  discovered  through  the  perfidy  of  a 
black  monk  of  Abingdon;  and  Sir  John  Harrington,  with 
a  party  of  soldiers,  surprised  the  King  whilst  at  dinner, 
at  Waddington  Hall,  and  made  him  their  prisoner: 

The  account  of  Leland  concurs  with  the  tradition  of 
the  countrv,  that  he  was  betraved  by  Thomas  Talbot 

*  Roby's  Lancashire  ;  Gent.'s  Mag. ;  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  W.  of  Worcester. 

+  The  Tempests  and  Talbots  bad  annuities  out  of  Holland  and  Ticbel 
till  they  could  be  provided  with  lands.* 
J  Rymer. 

*  Rot.   Pari. ;   Baker  ;    Henrv  ;   Roby's  Lancashire  ;  W.   of  Worcester  ; 
Gent.'s  Magazine  ;  Stow. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  207 

and  his  cousin,  John  Talbot,  of  Colbey  (Salisbury) ; 
that  when  the  house  was  beset,  the  King,  by  some 
means,  escaped,  and  ran  across  the  fields,  when  he 
passed  the  Ribble  by  a  ford,  called  Bungerly  Hipping- 
stones,  into  Clitterwoocl,  and  there,  being  closely 
pursued,  was  taken.  He  was  treated  with  great 
indignity  by  his  captors,  who,  strictly  guarding  him, 
conveyed  him  to  London.  The  capture  of  King  Henry 
took  place  on  the  29th  of  June,  1465  ;  and  Sir  John  .  1465. 
Tempest  shared  with  the  Talbots  in  the  rewards  be-  Arundel' 
stowed  for  this  act  by  King  Edward. 

On  his  approach  to  London,  King  Henry  was  met 
at  Islington  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  formally 
arrested  him  as  "Henry  of  Lancaster,"  and  "forth- 
"with,"  says  the  chronicler,  "his  gilt  spurs  were 
"  taken  from  his  feet."*  The  Earl  of  Warwick  did 
not  come  out  to  meet  him  to  show  his  respect,  but 
to  see  him  conducted  in  safety  to  the  Tower.  He 
caused  his  legs  to  be  bound  with  leather  straps  to  the 
stirrups  of  the  small  pony  which  he  rode,  and  in  other 
respects  showed  him  much  indignity  :  a  great  barbarity 
towards  one,  whose  meek  and  patient  conduct  under 
adversity,  entitled  him  to  universal  respect.  In  this 
degraded  manner  King  Henry  entered  London,  by 
way  of  Chepe  and  Cornhill.  It  had  been  proclaimed 
that  no  man  should,  under  pain  of  death,  salute  him, 
or  pay  him  the  smallest  mark  of  respect.  His  public 
and  humiliating  entrance  into  the  metropolis,  exposed 
him  to  the  insults  of  the  fickle  multitude,  who,  on 
former  occasions,  had  been  accustomed  to  testify  their 
reverence  for  his  virtues  by  shouts  of  applause  ;  some 
of  the  citizens,  indeed,  were  much  disturbed  by  this 
proceeding,   but  did  not  dare  to  betray  their  senti- 

*  Holinshed ;  Stow  ;  Baker  ;  Carte  ;  Fabyan  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Pol. 
Vergil ;  Rymer  ;  Pinkerton  ;  G-ent.'s  Mag.  ;  Monstrelet ;  Lingard  ;  Barnes's 
Lancashire. 


208  MABGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

merits.  The  Earl  of  Warwick  not  only  behaved 
towards  him  in  the  most  insulting  manner,  but  even 
encouraged  the  mob  to  deride  him  :  he  preceded 
the  deposed  monarch  to  the  Tower,  crying  "  Treason! 
"treason!  behold  the  traitor!'  and  when  they 
reached  the  place,  King  Henry  was  led  three  tunes 
round  a  tree,  which  was  placed  in  the  front  of  the 
Tower  (in  the  manner  of  a  pillory),  and  then  confined 
within  that  fortress,  a  strong  guard  being  set  to  watch 
over  him. 

This  monarch's  personal  safety  at  this  time 
was  less  owing  to  the  generosity  of  the  Yorkists, 
than  to  their  opinion  of  his  inability  to  give  them  any 
uneasiness. 

"While  in  prison  King  Henry  was  treated  with 
humanity,  but  kept  in  the  most  rigorous  confinement. 
To  an  ambitious  mind,  a  tedious  imprisonment  in  the 
Tower  of  London  would  have  been  insupportably  irk- 
some ;  but,  to  the  gentle  and  unassuming  Henry  of 
Lancaster,  it  seemed  but  a  haven  of  refuge  from 
the   storms  and  troubles  of  life.* 

It  was  during  this  captivity  that  the  unfortunate 
monarch  probably  penned  the  following  lines,  which 
exhibit  the  composure  of  a  truly  pious  and  resigned 
heart. 

' '  Kingdoms  are  but  cares  ; 
"  State  ys  devoyd  of  staie  ; 
"  Ryches  are  redy  snares, 
"  And  hastene  to  decaie. 

1 '  Who  meaneth  to  remoffe  the  rocke 
"  Owte  of  the  slynrie  mudde, 
1 '  Shall  myre  hymself e  and  hardlie  scape 
"  The  swellynge  of  the  flodde."  + 


*  Biondi  ;  Fabyan  ;  Stow  :  Toplis  ;  Baker  ;  Addit.  MS.  ;  Rymer  ;  W.  of 
Worcester  ;  John  Rous  ;  Ridpath  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Hume  : 
Barante  ;  Root's  Lancashire  ;  Barrow  ;  Monstrelet  ;  Bayley's  Hist,  of  the 
Tower  ;  Daniel. 

t  Xugas  Antiqua?. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  209 

Fortune  appeared  now  to  have  utterly  deserted  the 
House  of  Lancaster  ;  yet  the  contest  between  the  two 
Roses  was  not  altogether  ended,  seeming,  rather,  to  be 
hushed  to  a  temporary  rest,  while  the  energies  of 
Queen  Margaret  reposed,  only  to  become  invigorated 
and  to  prepare  for  more  desperate  resolves.  Mean- 
while, one  might  exclaim,  in  the  language  of  the 
poetess, — 

' '  Oh  Rose !  who  long  hath  bloom'd  the  pride 

"  Of  England's  garden,  hang  thy  head ! 

"  The  dew  upon  thy  leaves  is  dried  ! 

"  The  generous,  bright,  exulting  red, 

' '  The  triumph  of  thy  cheek,  is  fled  ! 

"  And  one  less  beautiful  shall  raise 

"  Her  stem,  where  now  thy  bloom  decays  ! 

"  York's  rose  is  now  the  garden's  queen  ! 

' '  York's  star  to  fortune  lights  the  way  ! 

"  Nay,  Heaven  is  pledged  !     York's  eyes  have  seen, 

"  Responsive  to  their  glances  keen, 

"  Three  golden,  glorious  suns  at  once  illume  his  day."  * 

Many,  indeed,  were  the  British  hearts  by  whom  the 
Lancastrian  rose  was  still  cherished ;  but,  humbled 
and  abashed,  they  sought  refuge  at  a  distance  from 
the  gaze  of  a  court,  or  the  allurements  and  splendours 
of  society. 

*  Miss  Holford's  Margaret  of  Anjou. 


VOL.    II. 


CHAPTER  V. 

{King  Edward.) 

' '  Her  looks  do  argue  her  replete  with  modesty ; 
"  Her  words  do  show  her  art  incomparable  ; 
"  All  her  perfections  challenge  sovereignty; 
"  One  way  or  other  she  is  for  a  king, 
"  And  she  shall  be  my  love,  or  else  my  queen." 

Shakespeare, 

{The  Earl  of  WaricicL) 

"  Did  I  impale  him  with  the  regal  crown  ? 

' '  Did  I  put  Henry  from  his  native  right  ? 

' '  And  am  I  guerdon'd  at  the  last  with  shame  ? 

"  Shame  to  himself  !  for  my  desert  is  honour  ; 

"  And  to  repair  my  honour,  lost  for  him, 

"  I  here  renounce  him,  and  return  to  Henry. " 

Shakespeare. 

King  Edward's  marriage  projected — "Warwick  sent  to  demand  the  hand  of 
Bona  of  Savoy — Edward's  interview  with.  Elizabeth  Woodville,  and 
their  marriage — Warwick  offended — He  returns  to  England — Enmity 
between  Edward  and  Warwick,  who  withdraws  from  court — Jealousy 
of  the  nobility — Of  Clarence  and  Montague — Marriage  of  the  King's 
sister — Anger  of  Warwick  against  King  Edward — He  meditates  re- 
venge, and  engages  the  Archbishop  of  York  to  assist  him — Clarence 
marries — Insurrection  in  Yorkshire — Battle  of  Banbury — King  Edward 
in  prison — He  escapes — Lord  Wells  is  beheaded — Battle  of  Loosecoat 
Field — Vauclier's  manoeuvre — Louis  attempts  a  reconciliation — War- 
wick meets  Queen  Margaret  in  France — They  are  reconciled — Marriage 
of  Prince  Edward — Clarence  won  over  to  Edward — Warwick  returns 
to  England — His  army — Henry  VI.  proclaimed— Edward's  flight  — 
King  Henry  released  from  prison  and  restored  to  the  throne. 

The  youthful  Edward  was  now  enjoying  the  sun- 
shine of  prosperity,  acknowledged  as  the  lawful  sove- 
reign of  a  people  who  rejoiced  in  his  favour  and  success. 

No  longer  fearing  civil  discord,  this  monarch  gave 
himself  up  to  the  dissipations  and  amusements  of  his 
high  station.     He  lived  in  the  most  social  and  familiar 


MAKGARET    OF    ANJOU.  211 

manner  with  his  subjects,  especially  with  the  Lon- 
doners. His  gallantry  and  handsome  person  rendered 
him  a  general  favourite  with  the  fair  sex,  while  the 
young  and  gay  of  his  own,  found  him  all  condescension 
and  affability. 

It  was  during  this  season  of  tranquillity,  while  King- 
Henry  was  in  captivity  and  Queen  Margaret  banished 
the  kingdom,  that  Edward  was,  by  the  advice  of  his 
ministers,  persuaded  to  confirm  to  his  posterity  his 
right  to  the  crown,  by  his  marriage  with  some  foreign 
princess.  The  ladies  who  were  selected  were  Isabella 
of  Castile,  who  was  afterwards  married  to  Ferdinand 
of  Arragon,  and  Bona  of  Savoy,  the  sister  of  the  Queen 
of  France.  This  last  was  chosen  by  King  Edward, 
and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  was  dismissed  to  Paris  to 
demand  the  hand  of  the  lady.* 

The  King  of  France,  whose  thoughts  were  wholly 
occupied  in  his  project  of  making  himself  absolute,  was, 
in  pursuance  of  this  object,  engaged  in  many  quarrels 
with  his  barons.  He  was,  however,  highly  gratified 
with  the  proposal  of  an  alliance  with  England,  by  which, 
while  increasing  his  own  power,  his  vassals  were  pre- 
vented seeking  foreign  aid  in  their  wars  against  him. 
To  make  sure  of  his  advantage,  Louis  delayed  the 
negotiation,  while  by  the  help  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
he  secured  a  personal  friendship  with  King  Edward. 

This  wise  foresight  was,  however,  rendered  fruitless 
by  the  precipitate  conduct  of  the  English  monarch, 
who,  unaccustomed  to  control  his  passions,  had  during 
this  interval  wandered  to  a  new  object,  accidentally 
presented  to  him,  but  calling  forth  so  much  romantic 
sentiment  as  to  fix  at  once  his  affections. 

While  in  Northamptonshire  Edward  had  resolved  to 
pay  a  visit  to  Grafton,  the  residence  of  Jacqueline  of 
Luxembourg,  the  widow  of  the  Duke  of  Bedford.     Her 

*  Stow  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Baker  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume. 

p  2 


212  MARGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

second  marriage  to  Sir  Richard  Woodville  had  brought 
upon  her  much  censure  and  contempt,  because  of  her 
union  with  a  private  gentleman.  She  had,  however, 
obtained  the  favour  of  Queen  Margaret  for  her  daughter 
Elizabeth,  who  first  left  her  home  at  Grafton  to  visit 
the  court  of  this  Queen,  now  there  was  no  longer  any 
favour  or  promotion  from  the  House  of  Lancaster. 
The  brave  and  devoted  husband  of  Elizabeth  had  lost 
his  life  in  supporting  King  Henry's  cause,  and  his  inno- 
cent children  were  exposed  to  the  rancour  of  party 
feeling.  They  were  deprived  of  their  inheritance,  their 
lands  confiscated,  and  their  old  mansion  bestowed  on 
one  of  the  Yorkists,  who,  taking  possession,  obliged 
Elizabeth  with  her  children  to  seek  refuse  under  the 
paternal  roof.  While  she  continued  to  reside  there, 
and  was  dependent  on  her  father's  bounty,  she  devoted 
herself  to  the  education  of  her  sons,  the  eldest  of  whom 
was  but  four  years  of  age.  It  was  at  Grafton,  or,  as 
some  say,  in  the  forest  of  Whittlebury,that  King  Edward 
first  beheld  Elizabeth  ;  for  this  lady,  thinking  it  a 
favourable  opportunity  to  obtain  the  grace  of  the  young 
King,  threw  herself  on  her  knees  before  him,  and 
besought  him  to  restore  the  lands  of  her  husband,  and 
to  take  compassion  on  her  destitute  children.*  King 
Edward  was  instantly  smitten  with  the  charms  of  the 
beautiful  widow,  and,  touched  by  her  distress,  not  only 
granted  her  request,  but  assured  her  that  it  was  not  in 
his  power  to  refuse  her  anything.  Shortly  after,  in  a 
private  interview,  he  made  known  to  her  his  passion, 
which  had  so  suddenly  taken  root  in  his  breast  under 
the  guise  of  compassion  ;  but  all  his  importunities  were 
unavailing,  the  virtuous  Elizabeth,  while  she  modestly 
confessed  her  unworthiness  to  become  his  queen,  obsti- 
nately rejected  every  dishonourable  proposal. 

The  esteem  of  Edward  was  heightened  by  the  rigid 

*  Guthrie  ;  Wethamstede  ;  Hearne's  Chron. 


Baker. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  213 

inflexibility  of  the  lady,  and  he  at  last  resolved  to  share 
his  throne,  as  well  as  his  affections,  with  the  woman 
whose  personal  charms  and  dignity  of  character  ap- 
peared to  render  her  so  worthy  of  them.  King  Edward 
was  but  twenty-two  years  of  age,  and  he  did  not  question 
his  right  to  marry  a  subject. 

This  union  was  privately  solemnised  at  Grafton,  and 
for  some  time  it  was  kept  secret.*  We  are  assured 
that  none  were  present  at  these  espousals,  on  the  1st  of 
May,  1464,  except  the  Duchess  of  Bedford,  the  priest,  1464. 
and  two  gentlewomen,  with  a  young  man  to  assist  in 
singing."]"  It  was  not  until  this  monarch  prepared  for 
the  coronation  of  his  Queen,  that  his  marriage  was 
divulged  to  the  astonished  people,  who  were  expect- 
ing the  match  with  Bona   of  Savoy  to  be   speedily 

concluded.^ 

The  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  had  hastened  the  negotia- 
tions, when  they  were  drawing  to  a  conclusion,  dis- 
covered that  all  his  exertions  were  fruitless,  through  the 
unruly  passions  of  the  monarch  who  had  employed  him. 
He  could  not  brook  the  affront  which  was  put  upon  him. 
He  had  thought  that  King  Edward  entertained  too 
much  regard  for  him,  to  treat  him  so  unworthily,  and 
he  felt  indignant  at  this  conduct  in  one,  to  whom  he  had 
rendered  such  essential  services.  He  complained  to 
the  King  of  France,  who  could  not  fail  to  resent  the 
slight  thus  offered  to  his  family ;  and  his  anger  was 
augmented  by  this  monarch,  whose  situation  at  this 
time  not  allowing  him  to  demand  satisfaction,  he  wisely 


*  Some  say  that  this  marriage  was  not  even  known  to  Elizabeth's  father, 
Lord  Rivers.  Carte  places  the  date  of  this  marriage  on  the  1st  of  May, 
1463.  He  says  it  was  concealed  for  more  than  a  year  previous  to  the 
battle  of  Hexham.     The  same  date  is  given  in  Hearne's  Fragment. 

f  The  priest  who  married  them  was  buried  before  the  altar  in  the  church 
of  the  Minories,  at  London  Bridge. 

X  Baker  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  Stow  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Lin- 
gard  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Hearne's  Chron. ;  Ridpath  ;  Henry  ;  Paston  Letters. 


214  MAEGARET    OF    AXJOU. 

concealed  his  sentiments,  and  awaited  a  more  favour- 
able opportunity  of  revenging  himself.* 

Meanwhile,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  returned  to  Eng- 
land, but  with  a  heart  swelling  with  hatred  and 
revenge.  He  abhorred  the  ingratitude  of  Edward,  but 
perceived  the  necessity  for  concealing  his  sentiments ; 
yet  even  in  this  endeavour  he  could  not  help  betraying 
his  disgust,  and  the  King,  although  he  still  showed 
some  favour  to  the  Earl,  gradually  began  to  regard 
him  in  the  light  of  an  enemy.  Their  mutual  hatred, 
in  spite  of  their  attempts  to  disguise  it,  became  aggra- 
vated, and  caused  them  much  uneasiness. 

King  Edward  gave  the  Earl  great  occasion  for  com- 
plaint, and  this  he  did  either  to  gratify  himself,  or  to 
lessen  the  credit  of  the  Earl  with  the  people.  Warwick 
perceived  the  King's  design,  but  let  it  pass  unnoticed, 
lest  by  untimely  resentment  he  should  place  himself  in 
such  a  situation  that  he  could  not  revenge  the  insult 
which  had  been  offered  him. 

Finding  himself  no  longer  regarded  with  the  same 
favour  as  formerly,  Warwick  withdrew  from  Court, 
under  the  plea  of  indisposition  ;  and,  seizing  an  oppor- 
tunity, he  obtained  leave  to  retire  to  the  castle  of 
Warwick.  This  Earl  could  not  bear  to  witness  the 
exaltation  of  Sir  Richard  Woodville,  the  Queen's  father, 
who  was  created  Lord  Eivers,  and  engrossed  the  King's 
confidence,  to  the  exclusion  of  Warwick,  who  was 
scarcely  employed  in  public  affairs,  nor  could  the  latter 
endure  the  diminution  of  his  credit  at  Court.  His 
ambitious  mind  made  him  discontented,  although  the 
grants  which  he  had  received  from  the  Crown  had 
increased  his  patrimonial  estate  to  80,000  crowns  per 
annum  ;  and  he  was  displeased  at  beholding  King 
Edward,  jealous  of  the  power  which  had  supported 
him,   daily  advancing   the    authority  of    the  Queen's 

*  Daniel ;  Baker  ;  Hume  ;  Rapin. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  215 

relatives  as  his  rivals.  The  King  justified  his  partiality 
to  these  individuals,  seeking  thus  to  counterbalance 
the  great  influence  of  Warwick,  whom  he  had  before 
assisted  to  exalt.*  The  Earl,  on  his  part,  acted  with 
great  dissimulation. 

About  Michaelmas,  after  the  King's  marriage,  when  1464. 
Edward  desired  to  make  his  union  known  to  the  public, 
Warwick  and  Clarence  led  Elizabeth  by  the  hand  to  the 
Abbey  of  Reading,  in  the  King's  presence,  and  declared 
her  Queen  of  England  before  the  nobility  and  people  there 
assembled,  when  the  former  paid  her  their  compliments. 
Edward  passed  the  Christmas  at  Eltham,  and  thence 
removed  to  Westminster  ;  and  about  this  time  lands  to 
the  value  of  4,000  marks  were  settled  upon  the  Queen. 
Preparatory  to  her  coronation,  the  King  made,  on  1465. 
Ascension  Day,  at  the  Tower  of  London,  thirty-eight 
Knights  of  the  Bath,  amongst  whom  were  several  of 
the  nobility,  viz.,  Lord  Dumas,  SirBartelot  de  Ribaire, 
and  Sir  John  Wooclville,  the  Queen's  brother,  besides 
four  citizens,  viz.,  Thomas  Cooke,  Matthew  Philip, 
Ralph  Josselyn,  and  Harry  Waver. 

The  coronation  of  the  Queen  took  place  on  the  26th  B2m' 
of  May,  1465.  On  the  24th,  Elizabeth  was  met  at 
Shooter's  Hill,  in  her  way  from  Eltham  to  London,  by 
the  Lord  Mayor,  aldermen,  and  citizens,  nobly  mounted 
and  richly  attired,  who  conducted  her  to  the  Tower. | 
On  the  next  clay,  the  25th,  she  was  conveyed  in  a  horse 
litter,  preceded  by  the  new-made  knights,  to  West- 
minster, where,  on  Sunday,  the  26th,  she  was  crowned 
by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  with  the  accustomed 

*  Baker  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Rapin ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Carte  ; 
Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  Maitland's  London. 

f  In  Edward  IV.'s  reign  the  Tower  of  London  was  frequently  a  royal 
residence,  perhaps  from  its  proximity  to  the  city,  where  the  King  so  much 
sought  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  people,  who  had  assisted  in  his 
elevation.  He  kept  his  court  there  in  this  year  (1165),  and  on  other  occa- 
sions also. 


216  MARGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

ceremonies.  The  pomp  of  the  coronation  was  aug- 
mented by  the  presence  of  Count  James  of  St.  Pol,  a 
prince  of  the  House  of  Luxembourg,  and  the  uncle  of 
the  Duchess  of  Bedford,  who,  with  his  hundred  knights 
and  their  attendants,  had  been  especially  appointed  and 
sent  to  England  by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.* 

This  array  had  been  made  purposely  to  please  King 
Edward,  and  at  his  request,  to  show  the  high  descent 
of  his  Queen,  and  to  impress  on  the  minds  of  his  peers 
and  subjects  the  worthiness  of  the  object  of  his 
choice.  Thus  it  was  shown  that  the  relatives  who 
had  disdained  to  notice  the  Duchess  of  Bedford, 
because  she  married  a  private  gentleman,  although 
"  the  handsomest  in  England,"  were  ready  to  claim 
kindred  again  when  her  daughter  was  about  to  ascend 
the  throne  ;  and,  proud  of  their  connection,  their  en- 
mities were  all  forgotten.  The  coronation  was  suc- 
ceeded by  splendid  tournaments,  held  at  Westminster 
for  several  days.f 
1465.  At  this  time  King  Edward  kept  his  court  with  great 

splendour  at  the  Tower  of  London.  Here  it  was 
that  Edward  began  his  career,  by  bestowing,  with  a 
lavish  hand,  favours,  honours,  and  emoluments  on  the 
family  and  relatives  of  the  Queen. 

Her  father,  Lord  Rivers,  was  made  Treasurer  and 
Grand  Constable  ;  her  brother,  Sir  Anthony  Wood- 
ville,  was  united  to  the  greatest  heiress  of  the  land, 
the  only  daughter  of  Lord  Scales,  and  this  greatly 
offended  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  the  King's  elder 
brother,  who  thought  that  the  hand  of  that  lady 
should  have  been  bestowed  .on  himself.  Also  John,  a 
vounger  brother  of   the  Queen,   was  wedded  to  the 


*  At  the  dinner  and  jousts  which  followed  the  coronation,  tho  Etrl  of 
Warwick  and  his  two  brothers  were  not  present. 

f  Baker ;  Hearne's  Fragment  ;  Fabyan  ;  Henry  ;  Ridpath  ;  W.  of  Wor- 
cester ;  Lingard. 


MARGAKET    OF    ANJOU.  217 

wealthy  Dowager  Duchess  of  Norfolk,  who  was 
then  in  her  eightieth  year,  the  bridegroom  being 
only  twenty  years  of  age.  The  five  sisters  of  the 
Queen  were  also  bestowed  in  marriage  by  King 
Edward.  Catherine  was  given  to  the  young  Duke 
of  Buckingham ;  Mary  to  William  Herbert,  created 
Earl  of  Huntingdon ;  Anne  to  the  son  of  Gray, 
Lord  Ruthyn,  created  Earl  of  Kent ;  Margaret  to 
Thomas,  Lord  Maltravers,  son  and  heir  of  the  Earl 
of  Arundel ;  and  Jaquette  to  John,  Lord  Strange,  of 
Knocking. 

The  daughter  and  heiress  of  the  Duke  of  Exeter, 
who  was  the  niece  of  King  Edward,  was  affianced  to 
Sir  Thomas  Gray,  one  of  the  Queen's  sons,  and  4,000 
marks  were  given  to  the  bride,  by  Elizabeth.  This 
match  greatly  offended  Lord  Montague,  who  had 
been  treating  for  a  marriage  between  his  son  and 
that  lady,  and  he  took  it  as  an  affront  to  the  whole 
family  of  the  Nevilles ;  this  afforded  another  grievance 
also  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  Besides  this  Earl, 
many  others  of  the  nobility  were  dissatisfied  and 
jealous  at  the  sudden  elevation  and  favour  shown  to 
the  Queen's  relatives,  and  their  promotion  to  the  first 
offices  of  the  kingdom.  Lord  Montjoy  had  been  dis- 
placed from  his  office  of  Treasurer,  which  was  sup- 
plied by  Lord  Rivers ;  and  that  of  High  Constable, 
which  had  belonged  to  the  Earl  of  Worcester  had  been 
also  given  to  the  same  Lord  Rivers  ;  the  King,  mean- 
while, created  the  Earl  of  Worcester  Lieutenant  of 
Ireland,  under  the  Duke  of  Clarence.  Many  nobles 
also,  who  had  formed  projects  for  the  advancement  of 
their  own  children,  saw  themselves  superseded.  The 
affability  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  had  rendered  him 
popular,  and  the  nobility  had  become  accustomed  to 
his  magnificence  and  power,  but  sore  complaints  were 
raised  against  the  new  favourites.    Although  Warwick 


218  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

at  this  time  was  not  in  office,  his  brothers  were  per- 
mitted to  retain  their  former  position.  The  Marquis 
of  Montague  held  his  post  of  Governor  over  the 
northern  counties,  there  being  no  cause  for  apprehen- 
sion on  the  side  of  Scotland  ;  and  the  Archbishop  of 
York  was  still  Lord  Chancellor.* 

"We  may  regard  the  marriage  of  King  Edward  with 
one  of  his  subjects  as  the  origin,  in  a  great  measure, 
of  the  rise  of  the  middle-class  in  this  country.  The 
landed  aristocracy  was  at  this  time  all  powerful,  and 
fearing  their  influence,  King  Edward  sought  to  coun- 
terbalance it,  by  making  concessions  to  the  lesser 
gentry  and  rich  citizens,  looking  to  them  for  protection 
and  assistance.  He  continued  to  displace  from  office, 
and  reduce  the  authoritv  of  the  ancient  nobilitv,  who 
had  maintained  his  pretensions,  and,  indeed,  had  placed 
him  on  his  throne.  By  these  means  society  became 
changed,  and  soon  presented  a  new  phasis  ;  while  the 
peculiar  characteristics  of  feudalism  gradually  disap- 
peared in  England,  as  was  also  the  case  in  France, 
through  the  efforts  of  monarchical  power  to  remove 
vassalage  and  baronial  independence. 

It  was  the  policy  of' the  English  monarch  to  keep 
on  good  terms  with  the  foreign  princes,  that  he  might 
not  create  new  enemies  against  himself;  since  the 
Lancastrians,  although  subdued,  were  still  very  nu- 
merous. The  treaty  with  Scotland  had  been  pro- 
longed by  him ;  and  he  had  besides  entered  into  a  truce 
with  Brittany,  and  also  with  France.  After  the  affront 
which  Edward  had  put  upon  the  King  of  France,  he 
could  only  regard  him  as  a  secret  enemy,  who  would 
not  fail,  one  day,  to  revenge  himself;  however,  he 
resolved  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  him,  fearing  he 
might  yet  be  disposed  to  assist  the  House  of  Lancaster,  f 

*  Baker  ;  Stow  :  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Eapin  ;  Henry ;  Hume  ;  Lingard. 
f  Rapin. 


MAKGARET  OF  ANJOU.  219 

Still  more  did  King  Edward  desire  to  keep  fair  with 
Louis  at  this  time,  while  he  hastened  the  conclusion  of 
a  marriage  between  his  third  sister,  Margaret,  and  the 
Earl  of  Charolois.  Having  sprung  from  the  House  of 
Lancaster,  Charles,  Earl  of  Charolois,  had  ever  faith- 
fully adhered  to  King  Henry ;  but  policy  now  insti- 
gated his  alliance  with  Edward,  in  order  that  he  might 
strengthen  himself  against  the  power  of  France. 

This  marriage  did  not  meet  the  approval  of 
Warwick,  who  avowed  himself  the  enemy  of  this 
Earl;  and  it  has  been  said  that  this  was  the  com- 
mencement of  the  coolness  between  King  Edward  and 
his  haughty  subject.*  However  this  might  be,  we  w.  of  Wor- 
find  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  in  1466,  employed,  with  cester- 
Lord  Hastings,  [in  concluding  the  league  of  amity 
between  King  Edward  and  Charles  of  Burgundy,  and 
also  in  conferring  about  the  marriage.  He  had  like- 
wise been,  in  the  same  year,  negotiating  the  peace 
with  France.  The  French  ambassadors  returned 
with  the  Earl  to  London,  their  object  being  to  prevent 
the  marriage  of  King  Edward's  sister ;  but  they  had 
only  a  cool  reception  from  the  King,  who  then  left  the 
capital,  appointing  an  inferior  agent  to  reject  their 
proposals,  while  the  Earl  of  Warwick  endeavoured, 
by  his  attentions  to  them,  to  compensate  for  the 
King's  slight. 

Amongst  his  own  friends  the  Earl  spared  not  his 
menaces,  and  when  the  ambassadors  had  departed,  he 
retired  to  Middleham,  much  discontented."}" 

Warwick  hated  most  the  ingratitude  of  Kino:  Ed- 
ward.  Certainly  nothing  can  be  more  injurious  to  a 
monarch's  reputation  than  behaviour  which  exposes 
him  to  such  an  imputation.  No  king  ever  was  more 
indebted  to  a  subject  than  Edward  was  to  Warwick  ; 
and,   in    like    manner,    also    to    his    two    brothers  : 

*  Lingard.  f  Stow  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Ling-ard. 


Rapin 


220  MAEGAKET  OF  ANJOU. 

indeed,  to  the  exertions  of  these  three,  all  members 
of  one  family,  he  owed  his  crown  ;  they  were  noble 
relatives,  and  superior  characters,  cast  in  no  common 
mould. 

Had  the  King  esteemed  them  as  he  ought,  and 
as  sentiments  of  gratitude  would  have  dictated, 
they  might  have  survived  the  reign  of  faction,  and, 
like  valued  gems,  have  adorned  and  sustained  his 
crown.  The  King,  however,  permitting  his  passions 
to  rule  him,  allowed  these  distinguished  noblemen, 
whose  admirable  qualities,  great  fortunes,  and  digni- 
ties gave  them  naturally  astonishing  influence  in  all 
affairs  of  state,  to  be  depressed  and  superseded  by  the 
rising  power  of  the  Woodvilles. 

During  the  late  absence  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  in 
France,  the  bastard  of  Burgundy  had  come  to  London, 
under  the  pretext  of  performing  feats  of  arms  with 
Lord  Scales,  but  also  to  negotiate  the  proposed 
marriage. 

The  Parliament  met,  but,  under  the  plea  of  sickness, 
the  Chancellor  absented  himself,  when  Edward,  who 
had  become  suspicious  of  Warwick  from  his  con- 
ferences with  King  Louis,  went,  with  a  great  retinue, 
to  the  house  of  the  prelate,  and  required  him  to  give 
up  the  seals,  and  at  the  same  time  took  from  him  two 
manors,  which  he  had  previously  obtained  from  the 
crown.  The  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  one  of  the 
1467.      Queen's  friends,  was  then  appointed  Lord  Chancellor.* 

An  emissary  from  Queen  Margaret  having  been 
taken  in  Wales  about  this  time,  gave  information 
to  King  Edward  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick  was 
regarded  in  the  French  court  as  a  secret  partisan  of 
the  Lancastrians.  Warwick  refused  to  leave  Middle- 
ham,  and  the  accuser  was  brought  there  and  con- 
fronted with  him ;   but  the  charge  was  dismissed  as 

*  Firmer  :  Lingard  ;  Moustrelet  ;  Rapin. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  221 


groundless.  The  King*,  however,  ordered  a  body-  1467. 
guard  of  200  archers  to  attend  upon  his  person,  and  cester. 
a  rupture  seemed  inevitable  ;  but  it  was  prevented 
through  the  interference  of  their  common  friends,  the 
Archbishop  of  York  and  the  Earl  of  Rivers,  who  met 
at  Nottingham,  and  arranged  the  terms  of  a  recon- 
ciliation.* The  Archbishop  conducted  his  brother  to 
Coventry,  where  King  Edward  received  him  graciously, 
and  all  offences  between  him  and  the  Lords  Herbert, 
Stafford,  and  Auclley  being  reciprocally  pardoned,  the 
Archbishop  was  rewarded  for  his  services  by  the 
restoration  of  his  two  manors. 

Warwick,  after  this,  appeared  at  Court,  and  when 
the  marriage  of  King  Edward's  sister  was  finally 
settled,  in  1467,  and  she  departed,  she  rode  through 
London  behind  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  The  Princess 
Margaret  was  conveyed  to  Bruges,  being  accompanied 
by  her  two  sisters,  the  Duchess  of  Exeterf  and  the 
Duchess  of  Suffolk,  J  with  a  splendid  retinue. 

A  contemporary  writer  tells  us  that  the  Duke  of 
Somerset,  who  had  been  staying  with  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  "  departed  and  all  his  bands,  well  be  seen 
"  out  of  Bruges,  a  day  before  that  my  lady  the 
"  Duchess  Margaret,  sister  of  Edward  IV.,  came 
"  hither ;  and  they  say  that  he  is  to  Queen  Margaret 
"that  was,  and  shall  no  more  come  here  again,  nor  be 
"  holpen  by  the  Duke." 

From  this  time  King  Edward  took  part  with  his  new 
relative,  the  Earl  of  Charolois,  who,  at  this  time,  by 
the  death  of  his  father,  Philip  "the  Good,"  became 
Duke  of  Burgundy.  Edward  also  united  with  the 
Duke   of  Brittanv.     It  was   not  for   the   interest   of 


*  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Lingard. 

f  The  Duke  of  Exeter,  her  husband,  was  still  in  France,  in  great  distress. 
$  This  lady's  husband  was  the    son    of    Queen  Margaret's  favourite 
minister. 


222  MABGABET   OF   AXJOU. 

England  to  permit  these  Dukes  to  be  subdued,  by 
which  the  French  King  would  gain  a  great  ac- 
cession of  power,  and  become  formidable  to  Edward, 
who  neither  loved  Louis,  nor  cared  to  keep  well  with 
him  any  longer  than  policy  required.  We  also  find 
that  when  a  conspiracy  was  discovered  in  favour  of 
King  Henry,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  sat  amongst  the 
judges  upon  the  trial. 

In  spite,  however,  of  all  these  outward  appearances, 
no  real  confidence  existed ;  and  the  people,  who  per- 
ceived the  approaching  conflict,  pitied  their  favourite, 
and  blamed  the  ambition  of  the  Queen  and  her 
relatives.* 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  still  harboured  in  his  breast 
the  keenest  resentment.  He  resolved  to  make  known 
that  no  one  could  affront  him  with  impunity  ;  and  he 
secretly  meditated  revenge  upon  Edward. 

He  was  the  most  haughty  Earl  that  England  had 
ever  seen,  and  his  pride  was  augmented  by  the  services 
he  had  rendered  to  the  House  of  York.  The  insult  which 
the  King  had  offered  him,  by  marrying,  while  he  was 
negotiating  another  match,  could  not  be  forgotten  by 
him,  and,  besides,  he  had  not  been  consulted  by  the 
King  on  the  subject  of  his  choice.  Had  any  apology 
been  offered  by  Edward,  it  is  probable  that  the 
Earl's  anger  had  been  mitigated,  and  the  affair  over- 
looked ;  but  the  King  treated  him  with  contempt  and 
silence,  and  even  sought  to  lessen  his  credit  with  the 
people,  thus  greatly  increasing  the  Earl's  indignation. 
Another  cause  has  been  assigned,  by  some  authors, 
for  this  Earl's  displeasure,  viz.,  an  injury  of  a  private 
nature,  which  Edward  had  offered  to  one  of  his 
daughters,  and  which  does  not  seem  to  be  improbable; 
however   that    may  be,    the    Earl  of  Warwick   only 

*  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  :  Hume  ; 
Paston  Letters  ;  Ling-ard. 


MAKGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  223 

concealed   his   anger    more    surely  to    effect   his   re- 
venge.* 

It  appears  uncertain  whether  King  Edward,  who 
might  wish  to  get  rid  of  his  imperious  counsellor,  dis- 
missed the  Earl  of  Warwick  or  not ;  but,  in  the  month 
of  June,    1467,    he    was    engaged   in    a   negotiation  „  1^- 

1  .    .  .  -r  Commes ; 

relative  to  commerce,  and  visited  Louis  XL  at  Rouen.  Barante ; 
Some  writers  assure  us  that  it  was  by  invitation  of  Henry.' 
this  monarch,  who  sought  to  gain  over  a  nobleman 
so  influential  in  the  kingdom  ;  and,  indeed,  it  was  to 
the  interest  of  Louis  to  have  England  on  his 
side  in  his  quarrels  with  Burgundy.  To  this  end  he 
sent  rich  presents  to  Warwick,  and  sought  to  win  his 
friendship,  especially  as  he  observed  his  increasing 
discontent  with  Edward.  He  sent  messengers  with 
flattering  compliments  to  him ;  nor  was  the  Earl 
insensible  to  his  favours,  perceiving  how  much  the 
power  of  the  French  would  support  his  credit  in 
England,  which  was  then  on  the  decline.  He  there- 
fore accepted  the  invitation  of  Louis,  and,  quitting 
England,  landed  at  Harfleur.  The  French  King  ad- 
vanced to  meet  the  Earl  as  far  as  the  village  of  La 
Bouille,  on  the  Seine,  four  leagues  from  Rouen,  at- 
tended by  several  of  his  nobles.  At  this  place 
Warwick  arrived  on  the  7th  of  June,  where  a  splendid 
repast  had  been  prepared,  of  which  having  partaken, 
he  paid  his  respects  to  the  King,  and  then  proceeded 
to  Rouen  by  water,  while  the  French  King  went 
thither  by  land.  This  was  the  first  time  that  Louis 
had  beheld  the  haughty  Earl,  whom  he  so  much 
desired  to  conciliate. 

The  magistrates  of  Rouen,  "  in  their  formalities," 
advanced  to  receive  the  Earl  as  he  landed  at  the  Quay 
of  St.  Eloy,  and  then  the  priests  came  in  their  copes, 
bearing  crosses,  banners,   holy  water,    and   relics    of 

*  Monf aucon ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin. 


224  MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

saints,  and  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony  con- 
ducted him  in  procession  to  the  Church  of  Notre 
Dame,  where  he  made  his  offerings,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  an  apartment  prepared  for  his  reception, 
and  magnificently  ornamented,  at  the  Jacobins,  one 
of  the  religious  houses. 

Soon  afterwards  the  Queen  and  Princesses  came  to 
Eouen,  and  the  King  remained  there  during  a  fortnight, 
(some  say  twelve  days,)  with  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 
He  showed  him  all  the  respect  due  to  a  sovereign, 
appointed  him  a  residence  next  his  own,  and,  by  a 
private  door,  he  frequently  visited  him  secretly. 

When  the  Earl  took  his  leave  and  returned  to 
England,  he  was  accompanied  by  the  Admiral  of 
France,  the  Bishops  of  Laon,  St.  John  de  Pompain- 
court,  St.  Olivier  le  Poux,  and  several  others,  whom 
the  King  had  appointed  to  attend  him.  From  this 
time  the  Earl  of  Warwick  became  more  the  servant 
of  Louis  than  of  Edward,  and  daily  assumed  more 
boldness  in  manifesting  his  discontent. 

While  at  Eouen  the  Earl  of  Warwick  received  from 
Louis  XL  several  fine  and  costly  presents,  one  being 
a  piece  of  gold  plate,  and  another  a  large  gold  cup, 
set  with  precious  stones.  The  Duke  of  Bourbon  also 
presented  him  with  a  rich  diamond  ring,  and  other 
handsome  gifts.  He  had,  moreover,  all  his  expenses 
and  those  of  his  attendants  defrayed  by  the  French 
King,  from  the  time  of  his  landing  at  Harfleur  until 
he  embarked  for  England. 

In  return  for  the  handsome  gifts  made  to  the  Earl 
of  Warwick  and  his  suite,  King  Edward  afterwards 
sent  to  France  some  rich  presents  of  hunting  horns, 
bottles  of  leather,  &c,  and  this  seems  to  make  it 
probable  that  Edward  really  did  employ  Warwick 
at  the  French  Court.  The  potent  Earl,  if  this  was 
the  case,  doubtless  seized  the  opportunity  to  secure 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  225 

the  assistance  of  Louis  in  accomplishing  the  object 
nearest  his  heart,  viz.,  the  dethronement  of  Edward; 
and  from  this  time  the  Earl  maintained  a  constant 
correspondence,  in  secret,  with  the  French  monarch.* 

After  his  return  to  England,  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
began  to  carry  his  designs  into  execution.  He  first 
sought  to  win  over  his  own  brothers,  the  Archbishop 
of  York  and  the  Marquis  of  Montague.  He  repre- 
sented to  them  the  great  services  they  had  all  three 
rendered  to  King  Edward,  and  how  ill  he  had  requited 
them,  their  rewards  being  inadequate  to  their  merits. 
He  charged  the  King  with  ingratitude,  and  with  seeking 
to  degrade  their  family  in  a  manner  intolerable  to  men 
of  honour;  and  especially  in  the  insult  offered  to  himself 
in  the  affair  of  the  marriage  of  the  King.  He  concluded, 
by  assuring  them  that  he  had  resolved  to  let  King 
Edward  see  that  the  hand  which  could  assist  him  to 
a  throne,  was  not  less  powerful  in  pulling  him  down ; 
and  he  desired  only  their  help  in  his  undertaking. 

The  Archbishop  of  York  was  easily  prevailed  upon 
to  enter  into  this  project ;  Montague  hesitated,  made 
some  objection,  and  adduced  arguments,  to  which 
Warwick  replied  with  eagerness.  At  length  Montague 
conceded  ;  but  it  was  more  out  of  complacence  to  his 
brother,  than  from  his  desire  to  participate  in  this  plot.f 
The  Earl  next  proceeded  to  communicate  his  project 
to  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  who,  having  evinced  great 
dissatisfaction  at  the  conduct  of  the  King,  for  bestowing 
on  Lord  Scales,  the  Queen's  brother,  the  hand  of  the 
richest  heiress  in  the  kingdom,  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
had  reason  to  think  that  he  would  gladly  seize  the 
opportunity  of  revenging  himself;  nor  was  he  mis- 
taken.    Clarence  heartily  entered  into  his  views,  and 

*  Barante  ;  Monf  aucon  ;  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Monstrelet ;  Rymer  ;  Lin- 
gard  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Lussan's  Louis  XI. 

f  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Baker  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Rapin. 

VOL.  II.  Q 


226  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

the  Earl  of  Warwick,  to  secure  him,  proffered  him  the 
hand  of  his  daughter  Isabella,  to  whom  Clarence  was 
attached,  and  he  bestowed  a  considerable  fortune  as 
her  dower,  being  the  half  of  the  lands  which  Warwick 
held  in  right  of  his  wife.  Thus  the  King's  eldest 
brother  became  strictly  united  with  his  greatest  enemy, 
who  had  even  plotted  to  dethrone  him.  Surely  the 
ties  of  blood  and  of  affection  should  have  for  ever 
deterred  him  from  engaging  in  this  conspiracy.  It 
was  ambition  which  stifled  the  voice  of  nature ;  and 
pride,  wounded  pride,  urged  on  to  the  most  desperate 
and  unlooked-for  events. 

Warwick  even  attempted  to  prevail  on  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester  to  join  this  confederacy,  but  he  found  him 
so  reserved  that  he  dared  not  close  with  him.* 

The  Duke  of  Clarence  was,  at  this  time,  next  heir  to 
the  crown,  and  King  Edward,  who  was  not  ignorant 
of  Warwick's  ambition,  anxiously  endeavoured  to  pre- 
vent his  brother's  marriage  ;  but  in  vain. 
w1™  Soon  after  the  interview  between  the  Earl  of  Wor- 

cester, wick  and  Clarence,  they  proceeded  together  to  Calais, 
where  the  marriage  was  solemnised  in  the  church  of 
St.  Nicholas.  The  ceremony  was  performed  by  the 
Archbishop  of  York,  the  bride's  uncle ;  but  whether  in 
privacy,  or  with  the  King's  consent,  the  historians  have 
been  unable  to  decide.  There  is,  indeed,  much  room 
for  doubt  on  some  events  of  this  period. 

Some  authors  assert,  that  it  was  only  on  the  morning 
of  the  day  of  this  marriage  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
made  known  to  Clarence,  his  project  for  the  restoration 
of  King  Henry ;  and  that  the  Duke,  who  until  that 
time  was  in  ignorance  of  it,  then  agreed  to  it.  These 
two  noblemen  remained  at  Calais  for  some  time  after 
the  marriage ;  and  King  Edward  felt  much  secret  dis- 

*  Baker  ;   Milles's  Catalogue  ;   Pol.  Vergil ;    Eapin  ;    Hume  ;    Barante  ; 
Villaret. 


Stow, 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  227 

pleasure  towards  the  Earl  of  Warwick  on  account  of 
this  union. 

Others  write  that  the  Earl  and  Clarence  returned  to 
England,  and  enjoyed  the  favour  of  the  King,  who,  as 
if  regretting  his  former  misconduct  towards  Warwick, 
made  him  Justiciary  of  South  Wales,  and  afterwards 
Seneschal  of  the  whole  of  that  country.  Edward  must 
indeed,  if  this  were  true,  have  been  in  ignorance  of  the 
projects  formed  against  him.° 

In  the  year  1467,  a  servant  of  Robert  Whittingham,  w1t6ir 
named  Cornelius,  by  trade  a  shoemaker,  was  seized  cester; 
at  Queenborough,  and  letters  being  found  upon  him 
from  Queen  Margaret,  who  was  then  in  France,  he  was 
tortured  by  fire,  in  order  to  make  him  discover  the 
names  of  such  noblemen  and  gentlemen  as  corresponded 
with  the  exiled  Queen.  |  This  cruel  means  of  extort- 
ing confession  was  not  uncommon  in  England  at  this 
time ;  the  civil  warfare,  and  the  violence  of  party,  being 
a  great  hindrance  to  the  regular  and  impartial  adminis- 
tration of  justice  throughout  the  kingdom.  A  kind  of 
military  government  prevailed,  and  the  High  Constable, 
being  invested  with  authority  to  inflict  punishment, 
even  of  death,  upon  the  most  exalted  subjects,  without 
so  much  as  having  recourse  to  the  proceedings  of  law, 
he  not  unfrequently  acted  on  his  own  private  convic- 
tion of  their  guilt.  Persons  of  rank  were  sometimes 
put  to  death  without  any  inquiry  after  evidence ;  and 
occasionally  the  Constable,  in  order  to  obtain  a  show 
of  justice,  would  s#ek  for  proof  by  means  of  the  rack, 
as  in  this  case  of  Cornelius.^ 

One  of  the  letters  found  upon  Cornelius  was  from 
his  master,  Whittingham,  addressed  to  Thomas  Dan- 

*  Stow  ;  W.  of  Worcester;  Pol.  Vergil;  Baker;  Lond.  Chron. ;  Lingard; 
Barante  ;  Rapin  ;  Cont.  Hist. ;  Croyl. ;   Villaret. 
+  Henry  ;  W.  of  Worcester. 
%  Henry. 

Q  2 


228  MAEGAEET    OF   AXJOU. 

vers,  which  caused  the  latter  to  be  arrested  and  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower.  Many  confessions  were  made 
by  Cornelius,  which  occasioned  the  apprehension  of 
several  persons ;  and  amongst  them  of  one  John 
Hawkins,  on  a  similar  charge,  viz.,  of  receiving  letters 
from  Queen  Margaret.  Hawkins  impeached  Sir 
Thomas  Cooke,  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  of  treason,  and 
he  was  sent  to  the  Tower.  Lord  Rivers  was  appointed 
to  his  office.  Some  writers  assert  that  this  nobleman 
contrived  the  removal  of  Cooke,  and  was  assisted  in 
this  by  his  wife,  the  Duchess  of  Bedford ;  and  we 
further  learn  that  thev  also  obtained  the  dismissal 
from  his  office  of  Chief  Justice  Markham,  for  having 
decided  that  Sir  Thomas  Cooke  was  not  guilty  of 
treason.  These  circumstances  exhibit  the  his;h  autho- 
rity  assumed  by  the  new  favourites. 

This  was  the  same  Thomas  Cooke  to  whom  King- 
Edward  wrote,  in  confidence,  from  Stamford,  in  1462, 
calling  him  "  his  trusty  and  well-beloved  alderman  of 
London,"  and  earnestly  beseeching  his  assistance  at 
this  time,  when  he  felt  in  the  midst  of  perplexities  and 
alarms  respecting  the  "  designs  of  his  great  adversary 
"  Harry,  naming  himself  King  of  England,  who, 
"  through  the  malicious  counsel  of  Margaret  his  wife, 
"  naming  herself  Queen  of  England,  had  conspired 
"  with  others,  his  enemies,  against  him."  Since  that 
season  of  trial  and  difficulty  the  King  had  shown 
favour  to  Sir  Thomas  by  making  him,  with  others,  a 
Knight  of  the  Bath ;  this  was  at  the  Tower,  on  the 
15th  of  May,  previous  to  the  coronation  of  his  Queen. 
This  distinction  was  probably  to  reward  his  services ; 
but  how  were  the  times  now  changed  with  this  worthy 
mayor,  that  the  power  and  influence  of  a  party,  or 
family,  should  have  so  easily  displaced  him  from 
his  high  position  of  trust  and  authority !  The  mis- 
fortunes of  Sir  Thomas  Cooke  arose,  not  only  from  his 


MARGABET    OF   ANJOU.  229 

adherence  to  the  Lancastrian  interests,  but  also  from 
his  great  wealth  and  possessions,  at  a  time  when 
he  had  so  powerful  an  enemy  as  Lord  Rivers,  the 
Treasurer. 

The  affair  has  been  thus  related.  When  Hawkins 
came  to  Sir  Thomas  Cooke,  requesting  him  to  lend  a 
thousand  marks  on  good  security,  he,  hearing  that 
this  sum  was  designed  for  the  use  of  Queen  Margaret,* 
refused  to  lend  it.  Two  or  three  years  after,  the  said 
Hawkins,  being  imprisoned  in  the  Tower,  and  being 
brought  to  the  "  Brake  "  (called  the  Duke  of  Exeter's 
daughter*)"),  he  confessed,  amongst  other  things,  this 
demand  upon  Sir  Thomas  Cooke.  Hawkins  was  put 
to  death,  and  Sir  Thomas  was  sent,  first  to  the  Compter, 
in  Bread  Street,  and  thence  to  the  King's  Bench,  in 
South wark,  and  he  was  detained  from  Whitsuntide  to 
Michaelmas.  His  residence  in  Essex,  called  Gyddihal, 
was  spoiled,  and  the  deer  in  his  park  destroyed ;  and 
although  arraigned  upon  life  and  death,  and  acquitted 
on  his  trial  at  Guildhall,  he  was  not  set  free  until  he 
had  paid  to  the  King  £8,000,  and  to  the  Queen  £800. 
Some  writers  say  his  estates  were  confiscated.^  His 
lady  shared  in  his  misfortunes ;  for  upon  his  appre- 
hension she  was,  with  her  servants,  turned  out  of  her 
house,  and  only  regained  possession  upon  the  acquittal 
of  Sir  Thomas,  when  they  found  their  dwelling  in  an 
evil  plight,  the  servants  of  Sir  John  Fogg§  and  Lord 
Rivers  having  made  havoc  of  whatever  they  pleased ; 
and  this  they  had  done  at  their  town,  as  well  as  country 
residence.  They  seized  on  their  jewels  and  plate, 
and   chief  merchandise  in  cloth  of  silk,  and  cloth  of 

*  This  money  was  intended  to  pay  an  army  the  Queen  was  raising  in 
France. 

f  So  called  because  she  had  invented  the  torture. 

%  To  this  they  also  add  that  Cooke's  wife  was  committed  to  the  care  of 
the  present  mayor. 

§  Sir  John  Fogg  was  under-treasurer. 


230 


MAEGAEET   OP   ANJOU. 


1468. 
W.  of  Wor- 
cester. 


1468. 
Stow; 
Kudland. 


arras,  which,  being  discovered,  came  into  the  Treasurer's 
hands. 

Cooke  had,  at  an  earlier  period,  been  befriended  by 
the  Lady  Margaret,  the  sister  of  King  Edward  ;  but 
when  she  had  quitted  England,  all  these  troubles  fell 
heavily  upon  him.* 

Jasper  Tudor,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  held  Denbigh 
Castle,  and  other  places  in  Wales,  in  1459,  in  behalf  of 
King  Henry  VI.,  his  half-brother ;  but  in  1460,  when 
the  Yorkists  were  victorious,  they  wrested  them  from 
him.  In  the  year  1468,  this  Earl  of  Pembroke  re- 
turned with  fifty  followers,  and  but  little  money ;  yet, 
when  reinforced  by  2,000  Welshmen,  they  boldly 
marched  to  the  royal  palace  at  Denbigh,  which  they 
plundered,  and  set  on  fire,  and  burnt  the  town.  Their 
object  appeared  to  be  destruction  rather  than  conquest. 
Upon  the  arrival,  however,  of  Lord  Herbert,  in  North 
Wales,  with  an  army  of  10,000  men,  Jasper  Tudor  was 
defeated,  and  of  the  prisoners  taken,  twenty  were  be- 
headed.")" 

The  castle  of  Harlech  still  held  out  against  Edward. 
Davydd  ap  Jevan  ap  Eynion,  a  British  nobleman,  who 
sided  with  the  House  of  Lancaster,  was  still  in  posses- 
sion of  this  fortress.  This  governor,  a  man  of  great 
stature  and  dauntless  courage,  was  a  firm  supporter  of 
King  Henry's  cause  ;  and  when  Lord  Herbert  came, 
on  the  part  of  Edward,  to  summon  him  to  surrender 
this  castle,  he  gave  a  humorous  reply,  to  this  effect : 
"  That  having  held  out  a  castle  in  France,  till  all  the 
"  old  women  in  Wales  talked  of  him,  he  would  now 
"  defend  his  Welsh  castle,  till  all  the  old  women  in 
"  France  should  hear  of  it." 

To  effect  the  reduction  of  this  stronghold,  King 
Edward   had   supplied   Herbert,    Earl  of   Pembroke, 

*  Stow  ;  Baker  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Maitland's  London. 

f  Dugdale's  Baronage  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Carte  ;  Rudland's  Snowden. 


MAEGAEET   OF  ANJOU.  231 

with  a  powerful  body  of  men.  They  had  to  en- 
counter the  greatest  difficulties ;  their  march  was  truly 
formidable,  lying  through  a  rough,  alpine  territory. 
This  rugged  line  was  afterwards  called  "  Le  Her- 
bert," or  "  Herbert's  Way,"  by  which  the  castle  was 
invested. 

The  prosecution  of  the  siege  was  committed  by  the 
Earl  to  his  brother,  Sir  Richard  Herbert,  a  knight 
equal  in  prowess  and  valour  to  the  commander  of  the 
castle.  After  a  lengthened  siege,  beyond  the  ordinary 
duration,  this  fortress  was  found  to  be  impregnable, 
and  only  to  be  reduced  by  famine.  Then  the  general  of 
the  Yorkists  entered  into  terms  of  honourable  capitula- 
tion with  Davydd,  promising  him  safety  and  protection 
through  his  intercessions  with  the  King.  In  this,  how- 
ever, he  was  not  successful  at  first,  until  he  boldly 
offered  his  own  life,  and  threatened  to  reinstate  the 
Welsh  hero  in  the  fortress,  informing  King  Edward  of 
the  difficulty  of  gaining  possession  of  it.* 

William  Herbert,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  with  his  large 
army  wasted  and  desolated  the  counties  of  Carnarvon 
and  Merionethshire  to  the  utmost,  as  the  Welsh  rhyme 
bears  witness — 


"  Hardleck  a  Duibeck  pob  dor 

Yn  Cunnev 
"  Nanconway  yn  farvor 
' '  Mil  a  pkedwarcant  nae  Jor 
"  Athrugain  ag  wyth  rhagor." 

"  In  Harleck  and  Duibeck  every  bouse 

"  Was  basely  set  on  fire, 

"  But  poor  Nantconwy  suffered  more, 

' '  For  there  the  flames  burnt  higher  ; 

"  'Twas  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 

' '  Fourteen  hundred  and  sixty-eight, 

' '  That  these  unhappy  towns  of  Wales 

"  Met  with  such  wretched  fate." 

*  Barry's  Itinerary  of  Archbishop  Baldwin  through   Wales  ;    Lewis's 
Topographical  Dictionary  of  Wales  ;  Eudland's  Journey  to  Snowden . 


232  MARGAEET  OF  ANJOU. 

In  the  castle  of  Harlech  were  taken  Richard  Tunstallr 
Henry  Belingham,  and  William  Stoke,  knights,  Whit- 
tinghain,  and  others,  to  the  number  of  fifty  persons. 
They  were  conveyed  to  London  by  Lord  Herbert,  and 
imprisoned  in  the  Tower.  Two  of  these,  named 
Thomas  Elwick  and  Trublote,  were  beheaded  on  Tower 
Hill.* 
U68.  When  Queen  Margaret  learned  the  news  of  the  im- 

prisonment of  King  Henry  she  was  much  distressed  ; 
but,  far  from  desponding,  she  only  redoubled  her  solici- 
tations for  help  at  the  French  Court.  Rene  had  already 
given  her  all  the  assistance  in  his  power. 

With  only  a  small  force,  Margaret  and  her  son,  Prince 
Edward,  passed  through  Normandy  on  their  way  to 
England ;  for  the  Queen  had  resolved  to  make  an 
attempt  to  rejoin  her  husband.  Along  with  Prince 
Edward  she  visited  the  Abbey  of  Bee,  situated  nine 
leagues  from  Rouen,  and  stayed  five  days  in  that 
monastery,  where  they  were  received  by  Geofrey 
d'Espagne,  surnamed  Benedict,  who  is  said  to  have 
presided  over  this  abbey  for  twenty-four  years,  with 
the  greatest  wisdom  and  prudence. 

Queen  Margaret  afterwards  pursued  the  road  to 
Montfort,  and  thence  to  Honfleur,  where  she  was  to 

1  AGO 

w.  of  Wor-  embark  for  England.     This   was   about   the   end   of 

cester.        October,  1468. 

King  Edward  received  intelligence  at  this  time  of 
the  intention  of  Queen  Margaret  to  invade  England, 
and  that  with  her  son  and  some  troops  she  lay  at 
Honfleur,  and  he  immediately  sent  out  the  Lords 
Scales  and  Montjoy  with  5,000  men,  in  two  large 
vessels,  and  with  several  galleys  to  guard  the  seas,  and 
to  prevent  their  landing.  They  were  cruising  up  and 
down  continually  from  the  25th  of  October  until  the 

*  Sir  John  Wynne's  Hist,  of  the  Gweder  Family  ;  Barry's  Itinerary  i 
Stow  ;  W.  of  Worcester  ;  Rudland's  Snowden. 


MARGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  233 

end  of  November,  when  the  rough  weather  drove  them 
into  the  Isle  of  Wight,  of  which  Lord  Scales  was  the 
Governor.* 

After  this,  it  may  be  presumed  that  the  Queen  gave 
up  her  project. 

There  was  an  insurrection  in  Yorkshire  in  the  month  gj^69' 
of  October,   1469.     This  was  generally  attributed  to  j&ipath 

Rapin  • 

the  Marquis  of  Montague,  and  his  brother,  the  Arch-  Henry'; 
bishop  of  York;  some  historians  say,  it  was  preconcerted 
by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  was  preparing  to  assist 
in  it,  with  his  new  son-in-law,  the  Duke  of  Clarence. 

This  mutiny  was  raised  by  some  persons  who  had 
been  bribed  to  do  it.  They  caused  a  report  to  be  cir- 
culated that  the  funds,  which  were  raised  voluntarily 
to  maintain  an  hospital  at  York,  had  been  misapplied, 
and  were  only  used  to  enrich  the  directors  of  the  hos- 
pital ;  that  these  contributions,  which  had  in  course  of 
time  become  a  kind  of  right,  were  not  necessary,  the 
hospital  being  sufficiently  endowed.  Upon  this  slight 
pretext,  the  people  assembled  to  the  number  of  15,000, 
and,  after  killing  some  of  the  collectors,  proceeded  to 
York,  having  at  their  head  Robert  Holdern,  or  Hilyard, 
commonly  called  Robin  of  Riddesdale. 

Montague  collected  a  body  of  citizens,  and  sallied 
forth  to  meet  the  insurgents ;  he  despatched  a  great 
many,  and  seized  the  chief,  whom  he  ordered  to  be 
decapitated.  This  conduct  would  seem  to  remove  any 
suspicion  of  the  influence  of  Montague  in  raising  this 
rebellion,  but  his  subsequent  behaviour  bears  a  more 
decided  character.")' 

Wlien  the  news  of  this  insurrection  reached  King 
Edward,  he  instantly  dismissed  orders  for  Sir  William 

*  History  of  the  Abbey  of  Bee  ;  W.  of  Worcester ;  Bently's  Excerpta 
Historica ;  Female  Worthies. 

f  Howel  ;  Baker  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Ridpath  ;  Allen's 
York  ;  Barante  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  Henry. 


234  MABGAKET   OF   ANJOU. 

Herbert,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  Governor  of  Wales,  to 
assemble  all  the  forces  he  could  collect,  and  prepare  to 
march.  Still  the  King  did  not  suspect  his  own  brother, 
or  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  although  he  could  not  doubt 
that  these  commotions  were  occasioned  by  some  of  the 
Lancastrian  party. 
1469.  The  insurgents,  not  discouraged  by  their  late  failure, 

had  again  recourse  to  arms,  and  placed  at  their  head 
Henry,  son  of  Lord  Fitzhugh,  and  Henry  Neville,  son  of 
Lord  Latimer  ;  one  of  these  was  a  nephew,  the  other 
a  cousin-german  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  These  young 
commanders  were  guided  by  the  experience  of  Sir 
John  Conyers,  a  skilful  warrior  and  a  valiant  man. 
This  party  at  first  proposed  to  get  possession  of  York, 
but  suddenly  altered  their  minds  and  marched  towards 
London.  As  they  advanced  they  proclaimed  "  King 
Edward  an  unjust  prince  and  an  usurper."  No 
motive  could  be  assigned  for  the  change  in  their  course, 
and  the  affair  of  the  hospital  was  altogether  a  pretext 
to  assemble  the  people.* 

The  Earl  of  Pembroke  and  his  brother  set  out  to 
meet  the  disaffected,  whose  numbers  were  increasing 
in  their  march  to  the  metropolis.  The  forces  of  Pem- 
broke amounted  to  10,000  men,*)"  mostly  Welshmen, 
and  were  joined  by  Lord  Stafford,  with  a  reinforcement 
of  800  archers.  The  insurgents  first  gained  a  slight 
advantage  over  a  detachment  headed  by  Sir  Richard 
Herbert,  the  brother  of  Lord  Pembroke,  who  had  been 
dismissed  to  reconnoitre.  The  King  exhorted  Pembroke 
not  to  be  disheartened  by  so  inconsiderable  a  loss,  and 
promised  that  he  would  join  him  with  a  large  army. 

The  rebels,  meanwhile,  fearing  to  meet  King  Ed- 
ward's army,  resolved  to  withdraw  to  Warwick,  but 

*  Howel  ;  Baker  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Bidpath. ;  Allen's  York  ;  Bapin  ;  Lingard ; 
Hume  ;  Henry. 

f  Stow  says  18,000;  Baker  7,000. 


MAKGARET   OF   ANJOU.  235 

were  prevented  doing  so,  by  Pembroke,  who,  to  revenge 
himself,  marched  towards  them,  and  compelled  them  to' 
halt. 

The   two  armies  encamped  near  each  other    upon 
Danesmoor,   near  Hedgecote,   about   four  miles  from 
Banbury.     The  battle  which  ensued  has  been  variously 
called  by  the  name  of  Hedgecote,  Banbury,  or  Cots- 
wold,    and   took   place  on   the    26th  of  July,   1469.       1469. 
Before  its  commencement,  a  quarrel  arose  between  the  TopKs ; 
Earl  of  Pembroke  and  Lord  Stafford  about  quarters,  q™*™. 
and  the  latter  deserted  during  the  night  with  his  800  i^gard 
archers.     The  rebels,    having   received  news    of  this 
defection,  resolved  to  take  advantage  of  it,  and  on  the 
following  morning,  at  break  of  day,  they  advanced  in 
good  order  to  attack  the  royalists.     Henry  Neville,  one 
of  the    commanders,   eagerly  seeking  to   engage  the 
enemy,  lest  they  should  endeavour  to  withdraw,  was 
sharply  encountered,  taken  prisoner,  and  put  to  death 
in  cold  blood.     Irritated  almost  to  fury  by  this  bar- 
barity,  these  northern  adherents  rushed  impetuously 
upon  their  enemies,  who  seemed  on  the  point  of  victory, 
when  one  John  Clapham,   a   servant  of  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  joining  in  with  500  men,  set  up  a  cry  of  a 
Warwick  !  a  Warwick  !  and  then  displayed  the  colours 
of  this  nobleman,  with  the  white  bear  and  the  ragged 
staff,  which,  the  Welshmen  perceiving,  they  took  to 
flight,  believing  the  Earl  had  himself  come.     In  spite 
of  the  heroism  of  Sir  Richard  Herbert,  whose  conduct 
that  day  has   been  highly  commended,   the  Yorkists 
were  completely  routed.     The  Earl  of  Pembroke  *  and 
his  brother,  while  valiantly  fighting,  were  encompassed 
and  taken  prisoners.     They  were  conveyed  to  Banbury, 
and,  with  ten  other  gentlemen,  had  their  heads  struck 
off  to  avenge  the  death  of  Henry  Neville. 

Their  judges   were   Sir   John   Conyers   and   John 

*  Herbert,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  had  been  newly  created  to  this  title. 


236  MARGARET   OF   AXJOU. 

Clapharo  ;  but  some  tell  us  that  they  were  beheaded  by 
command  of  the  Duke  of  Clarence  and  the  Earl  of 
Warwick. 

After  this  signal  victory,  the  insurgents  continued 
their  march  to  Warwick,  where  they  were  joyfully 
received  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick.* 

King  Edward  was  justly  enraged  against  Lord 
Stafford  for  his  desertion  of  Pembroke  from  a  light 
quarrel,  and  for  thus  having  caused  the  late  defeat. 
He  gave  orders  for  his  public  execution,  which  took 
place  in  the  town  of  Bridge  water.  This  Earl  bore  the 
disgraceful  title  of  "  an  Earl  of  three  months'  standing 
1469  and  no  more."")"  A  few  days  after  the  battle  of 
Bidpath.  Banbury,  the  people  of  Northamptonshire  assembled  in 
great  numbers,  and,  joining  the  rebels,  proceeded  in  a 
tumultuous  manner  to  Grafton  House,  the  seat  of  the 
Earl  of  Rivers,  the  father  of  the  Queen.  They  seized 
this  nobleman  and  his  son,  and  brought  them  to  North- 
ampton, where  they  were  both  beheaded  in  the  most 
summary  manner.  J 

After  these  proceedings,  it  is  surprising  that  King 
Edward  did  not  discover  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
was  the  real  author  of  these  insurrections.  He  was 
well  aware  that  he  was  the  sworn  enemy  of  the  Earl 
of  Rivers,  and  the  insurgents  had  been  willingly 
received  into  the  town  of  "Warwick  ;  yet  the  King, 
although  acquainted  with  the  Earl's  discontent,  and 
that  of  his  brother,  the  Archbishop,  did  not  at  this 
time  suspect  them. 

The  citizens  of  Warwick  acted,  doubtless,  by  com- 

*  Sandf ord ;  Stow  ;  Baker  :  Pol.  Vergil  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Toplis  : 
Howel  ;  Ridpatli  ;  London  Chron.  ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Hume  ;  Henry  -r 
Paston  Letters. 

f  Stow  :  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Lingard  ;  Rapin  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Hume  ; 
Ridpath  ;  Baker  ;  Henry. 

J  Sandf  ord  :  Stow  :  Baker  ;  Ridpatli  :  Rapin  ;  Henry ;  Hume  ;  Barante  ; 
Bentley's  Excerpta  Historica  ;  Fabyan. 


MARGABET   OF   ANJOU.  237 

pulsion  in  favouring  the  Earl's  party ;  but  this  conduct 
was  afterwards  severely  visited  with  the  displeasure 
of  the  King,  who  deprived  them  of  their  privileges, 
and  made  them  pay  500  marks  to  recover  them.* 

In  proof  how  little  King  Edward  suspected  his 
brother  Clarence  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  when 
they  again  re-appeared  in  England,  (supposed  to  have 
been  in  the  month  of  February,  1470,)  he  employed  1470. 
them  soon  afterwards  to  levy  troops  against  the  rebels.  Hume.' 
This  commission  they  executed,  but  only  for  their  own 
purposes  ;  and  the  forces  they  raised  were  afterwards 
employed  to  augment  the  army  of  the  rebels. 

King  Edward,  meanwhile,  thinking  that  the  design 
of  Warwick  and  Clarence  was  to  fly  into  Ireland, 
issued  a  proclamation  forbidding  the  Irish  to  obey 
the  Duke,  and  commanding  them  to  take  him  prisoner, 
as  well  as  the  Earl  of  AVarwick,  should  it  be  in  their 
power.  As  a  reward  for  this  service,  he  offered  an 
annuity  of  £1,000,  or  £10,000  in  ready  money.  He 
also  conferred  the  government  of  Ireland  upon  the 
Earl  of  Worcester. 

After  this,  King  Edward  proceeded  to  levy  troops 
in  all  those  counties  which  acknowledged  his  au- 
thority. In  a  similar  manner,  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
and  Clarence  had  been  employed,  and  when  they 
received  intelligence  that  the  King  was  upon  his 
march,  they  united  their  forces  with  those  of  the 
rebels,  and  when  Edward  reached  them  he  found 
them  prepared  for  battle.")" 

The  power  of  the  Nevilles  was  most  formidable  in 
the  north,  for,  as  Wardens  of  the  Marches,  they  had 
successively  inherited  an  office  which  gave  great 
influence,  first  to  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland,  to  his  son 


*  Pennant ;  Hume  ;  Lingard ;  Rapin ;  John  Fordum  ;  Scoti  Chronicon. 
f  Ridpath  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  Villaret. 


238  MARGARET   OF   AXJOU. 

Salisbury,  and  then  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  whose 
brother,  John  Neville,  lastly  succeeded,  being  raised 
to  this  dignity  on  the  ruins  of  the  Percy  family.  This 
John  Neville  was  also,  at  that  time,  President  of  York- 
shire, and  his  brother  George  being  Archbishop  of 
York,  the  three  brothers  became  in  effect  masters  of 
the  most  warlike  part  of  the  kingdom.  King  Edward 
afterwards  adopted  the  policy  of  reducing  the  great 
authority  of  these  noblemen,  who,  although  they  had 
been  his  friends,  were  powerful  enough  to  act  against 
him. 
1469.  Soon  after  the  rebellion  in  Yorkshire,  the   King, 

aiiS?  ;  *°  eff"ect  this  object,  received  the  fealty  of  Henry 
York.  Percy,  the  son  and  heir  of  the  Earl  of  Northumber- 
land, who,  fighting  for  the  Lancastrians,  had  fallen 
in  the  battle  of  Towton.  From  the  time  of  this  battle 
Henry  Percy  had  been  detained  a  prisoner  in  the 
Tower  ;  but,  on  his  swearing  fealty  to  the  King,  he 
was  immediately  liberated,  and  went  to  his  residence 
at  Leckonfield. 

The  gentry  and  people  of  Northumberland  also 
petitioned  King  Edward  to  restore  Henry  Percy  to  the 
estates  and  honours  of  his  ancestors,  which,  being 
effected,  he  received,  in  addition  to  the  title  of  his 
ancestors,  the  AYardenship  of  the  East  and  Middle 
Marches,  which  John  Neville  resigned,  being  pro- 
moted to  the  higher  title  of  Marquis  of  Montague. 
Of  these  appointments  Montague  would  never  have 
consented  to  be  deprived,  merely  for  an  empty  title, 
had  not  other  inducements  been  held  out  to  gratify 
his  ambition ;  but  King  Edward,  seeking  to  attach 
him  to  himself,  and  alienate  him  from  his  brother's 
interests,  had  previously  signified  his  intention  to 
unite  his  eldest  daughter,  then  apparent  heir  to  the 
crown,  to  George,  the  only  son  of  the  Marquis  of 
Montague,  who  was  male  heir  of  all  the  three  Nevilles, 


MARGARET  OF  ANJOU.  239 

and  upon  whom  he  conferred  the  dignity  of  Duke  of 
Bedford.* 

During  the  late  internal  commotions  King  Edward 
must  have  felt  his  crown  somewhat  insecure,  the 
insurgents  being  numerous  in  those  places  where  he  had 
fixed  his  quarters.  On  this  account,  while  he  was  at 
Fotheringay,  being  alarmed  at  their  numbers,  the 
Wydvilles  had  withdrawn  from  the  army,  and  retired 
to  their  country  places. 

At  Newark  the  disaffection  was  so  great  that  the  W6. 
King  fled  to  the  castle  of  Nottingham,  from  whence  Letters, 
he  wrote  to  request  Clarence,  Warwick,  and  the  Arch- 
bishop to  hasten  to  him  there,  with  their  usual  at- 
tendants in  time  of  peace.  To  Warwick  his  note 
conveyed  these  significant  words  :  "  And  we  do  not 
"  believe  that  ye  should  be  of  any  such  disposition 
"towards  us,  as  the  rumour  here  runneth,  considering 
"  the  trust  and  affection  we  bear  you.  And,  cousin, 
"  do  not  think  but  ye  shall  be  to  us  welcome.  "| 

In  obedience  to  this  summons  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
the  Duke  of  Clarence,  and  the  Archbishop  repaired  to 
King  Edward,  whom  they  found  at  Olney,  in  great 
distress  at  the  defeat  of  Pembroke  and  the  murder 
of  the  Wydvilles,  as  well  as  the  desertion  of  his 
adherents.  He  freely  told  them  his  suspicions  and 
displeasure ;  but,  though  he  was  deceived  at  first  by 
their  expressions  of  respect,  he  quickly  perceived  his 
imprudence ;  finding  himself  actually  in  their  power, 
he  accepted  their  excuses,  which  it  would  not  have 
been  safe  to  refuse.  The  few  who  had  supported  him 
dispersed,  by  permission  of  Warwick.  By  his  com- 
mand also  the  insurgents  withdrew  to  their  houses, 
laden  with  booty,  and  King  Edward  accompanied  the 
two  brothers  to  Warwick  as  their  prisoner.     He  was 

*  Ridpath ;  Stow  ;  Rot.  Pari. ;  Allen's  York  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Lingard. 
f  Paston  Letters  ;  Lingard. 


240  MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU. 

soon  after  removed,  for  greater  security,  to  Middleharn 
Castle,  and  entrusted  to  the  care  of  the  Archbishop  of 
York. 

By  some  writers,  however,  we  are  informed  that 
King  Edward  was  surprised  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
in  the  night,  and  taken  in  his  bed,  at  a  place  called 
Woolney,  four  miles  from  Berwick ;  but  these  authors 
all  agree  that  he  was  conveyed  to  Middleharn,  and 
placed  in  the  custody  of  the  Archbishop. 
i4<39.  England  exhibited  at  this  period  the  novel  spectacle 

of  two  rival  monarchs,  each  of  them  a  prisoner,  the 
one  in  the  Tower  of  London,  the  other  in  York- 
shire.5* 

Thus  terminated  the  war,  for  the  two  victorious 
Lords,  trusting  in  their  good  fortune,  disbanded  their 
forces.  They  next  turned  their  attention  to  affairs  of 
government,  yet  they  did  not  evince  any  anxiety  to 
restore  King  Henry,  and  whatever  their  inten- 
tions might  have  been,  they  were  unexpectedly  de- 
feated. 

While  in  the  custody  of  the  Archbishop  of  York, 
King  Edward  conducted  himself  in  so  affable  and 
obliging  a  manner,  that  he  prevailed  on  that  prelate  to 
permit  him  the  liberty  of  occasionally  hunting  in  the 
park,  attended  by  only  a  few  persons. 

Having  thus  far  succeeded  in  the  design  he  had 
formed,  Edward  next  conveyed,  by  means  of  one  of 
his  keepers,  a  letter  to  two  of  his  adherents,  who 
dwelt  in  that  neighbourhood,  to  whom  he  made  known 
a  means  of  aiding  him  in  his  release. 

These  gentlemen,  who  were  delighted  to  serve  the 
King  in  this  affair,  privately  assembled  their  friends, 
and,  lying  in  ambush  near  the  park,  seized  the  oppor- 

*  Sandford  ;  Baker ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Hall  ;  Stow  ;  Howel ;  Paston 
Letters  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Allen's  York  ;  Lingard  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Eapin  ; 
Barante  :  Cont.  Hist.  Croyland. 


MAKGAKET   OF   ANJOU.  241 

tunity  while  King  Edward  was  out  on  his  diversion,  to 
carry  him  off. 

King  Edward  having  thus  regained  his  freedom, 
proceeded  instantly  to  York.  In  this  city  he  did  not 
long  remain,  perhaps  not  confiding  in  its  fidelity,  but 
hastened  into  Lancashire,  where  he  was  joined  by 
Lord  Hastings,  his  High  Chamberlain,  with  some 
troops.  Taking  a  circuitous  route  in  order  to  elude 
the  Earl  of  Warwick,  Edward  went  to  London,  where 
he  was  readily  admitted  by  the  citizens,  to  the  great 
astonishment  of  the  Earl,  who,  little  expecting  such 
a  circumstance,  had  not  provided  for  the  defence  of 
the  place.*  He  could  hardly  forbear  suspecting  the 
Archbishop,  his  brother,  of  having  yielded  to  bribery, 
so  much  was  he  amazed  at  his  want  of  discretion  ;  but 
Warwick  had  no  time  now  to  arraign  him,  being  com- 
pelled to  reassemble  his  forces  with  the  utmost  expe- 
dition, to  meet  the  King  in  battle. 

Edward  also  raised  an  army  with  great  exertions. 
Meanwhile,  some  of  the  most  pacific  of  the  Lords  at- 
tempted a  mediation  between  the  two  parties  ;  but  this 
failed,  although  at  first  it  was  acceded  to;  and  when  a 
conference  was  held  at  Westminster,  the  King  and 
his  opponents,  Clarence  and  Warwick,  spent  the  time 
in  mutual  reproaches,  tending  to  widen  the  breach 
between  them.f 

After  this,  King  Edward  allowed  the  Archbishop  to      1470. 
remain  at  his   seat,  The  Moor,  in  Hertfordshire,  but  Letter! 
left  some  of  his  own  servants  with  him  to  watch  him. 
He  treated  the  Earl  of  Oxford  in  the  same  manner. 

Courtney,  Earl  of  Devonshire,  and  his  relatives 
about  this  time  landed  in  Devonshire,  and  there 
obtained  some  power. 

*  Stow ;  Baker ;  Hall  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin  ;  Allen's 
York  ;  Comines  ;  Rot.  Pari, 
t  Baker  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Rapin. 
vol.  11.  R 


242  MAKGARET  OF  ANJOU. 

In  the  North  there  were  also  so  many  in  arms,  that 
Percv  was  unable  to  resist  them,  and  King  Edward 
purposed  to  assist  him. 

Some  conferences  were  held  at  this  time  at  Barnard's 

Castle,  under    the    mediation  of  Cecily,  Duchess  of 

York,  the  King's  mother,    and   a  reconciliation   was 

effected  between  King  Edward,  the  Earl  of  Warwick 

and  his  party :  but  it  proved  altogether  insincere.* 

The  Duke  of  Clarence  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
repaired  to  Lincoln,  where  they  assembled  their  forces, 
under  the  command  of  Sir  Robert  Wells,  son  of  Lord 
Wells.  This  family  having  great  interest  in  Lincolnshire, 
the  people  readily  collected  under  their  leader,  who 
was  a  man  of  valour  and  experience,  and  as  they 
sought  to  arouse  the  gentry  and  people  to  join  their 
standard,  they  everywhere  proclaimed  "  King  Henry !  " 

On  being  informed  that  Sir  Robert  Wells  had  taken 
up  arms  against  him,  King  Edward  sent  an  express  to 
Lord  Wells  to  appear  at  Court  immediately,  intending 
to  compel  him  to  use  his  influence  with  his  son  to  induce 
him  to  abandon  the  rebels.  Lord  Wells,  however, 
having  reached  London,  learnt  that  the  King  was  greatly 
enraged  against  his  son,  and  fearing  to  meet  him,  took 
sanctuary  in  Westminster  Abbey ;  but  when  King 
Edward  sent  him  a  safe  conduct  he  immediately 
appeared  before  him,  and,  in  compliance  with  this 
1470.  monarch's  wishes,  he  wrote  to  his  son  to  prevail  on 
stow.  Yiim  to  desert  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  dismiss  his 
followers.  Youno;  Wells  refused  to  obey  these  com- 
mands,  which  so  much  incensed  the  King  that  he 
ordered  Lord  Wells  to  be  beheaded,  together  with  his 
brother-in-law,  Sir  Thomas  Dymock,  who  had  accom- 
panied  him.f      A    summons   was   then   sent   to   Sir 

*  Lingard  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Stow. 

t  Stow  ;  Baker ;  Howel ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Lingard  ;  Henry ;  Rapin  ;  Fabyan  ; 
Hume. 


MAEGAEET  OF  ANJOU.  243 

Robert  Wells,  from  whom  the  King  received  the 
indignant  reply  "  that  he  never  would  trust  the  per- 
"  fidy  of  the  man  who  had  murdered  his  parent." 

It  has  been  alleged,  in  excuse  for  King  Edward's 
cruelty,  that  he  suspected  these  noblemen  of  con- 
niving at  the  proceedings  of  his  enemies  ;  nor  was 
he  mistaken,  for  these  unfortunate  persons  acknow- 
ledged, in  their  last  moments,  that  they  had  been 
encouraged  in  their  rebellion  by  Clarence  and 
Warwick. 

This  act  of  cruelty  was,  nevertheless,  very  injurious 
to  the  reputation  of  King  Edward.* 

Young  Wells,  when  he  heard  the  news  of  his 
father's  death,  was  inspired  with  so  violent  a  thirst 
for  revenge  that  it  occasioned  his  ruin,  and  was  of 
great  prejudice  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 

Sir  Robert  Wells  was  encamped  near  Stamford, 
whither  the  King's  troops  had  advanced,  with  intent 
to  come  to  an  engagement  before  Clarence  and  War- 
wick could  bring  him  succour.  Wells  would  have 
withdrawn  to  Stamford,  but  his  impatience  to  revenge 
his  father's  death,  made  him  run  all  hazards  rather 
than  retreat.  He  fought  with  great  valour  while 
supported  by  his  followers,  30,000  in  number,  and  at 
length,  finding  himself  defeated,  he  urged  his  enemies 
to  take  his  life,  but  this  they  refused  to  do,  reserving 
him  for  an  ignominious  death,  a  few  days  after,  on 
the  scaffold.  Lord  Willoughby  was  also  beheaded  at 
Doncaster,  and  several  knights  and  gentlemen  were 
put  to  the  most  barbarous  and  ignominious  death  by 
command  of  Lord  Worcester,  who  was  High  Constable 
at  this  time. 

This  battle,  which  took  place  on  the  13th  of  March,      wo. 
1470,   was  fought  at  Ernpyngham,  in  a  field  called  TopS- 
'  Home  Felde,"  about  five  miles  north-west  of  Stam-  Howei- 

*  Lingard  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry. 

r  2 


244  MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

Hume;       ford,  near  the  road  to  York,  and  it  still  retains  the 

Liters;      name  of  "  Bloody  Oaks."     Some  of  the  Lancastrians, 

L\nSA       wnen  Aymo  from  the  field,  threw  off  their  coats,  that 

they  might  not  be  encumbered    by  their  weight  in 

their  flight ;  and  this  occurred  in  a  field  which,  from 

this  circumstance,  has,  by  tradition,  been  erroneously 

considered  as  the  place  of  the  engagement,  and  thence 

this  was  called  the  battle  of  "  Loose-coat-field."  *    The 

victory  was  decisive  for  King  Edward,  and   10,000  of 

his  enemies  were  slain,  f 

1470.  The   King   was  prevented   by    want  of  provisions 

from  following  after  Warwick  and  Clarence,  who,  with 

their  adherents,  had  gone  to  Manchester,  to  solicit  the 

aid  of  Lord  Stanley,  who  had  married  the  sister  of 

Warwick. 

A  proclamation  was  now  issued  by  King  Edward 
against  the  rebellious  party,  enumerating  their  offences, 
and  exhorting  them  to  return  to  their  duty  within  a 
certain  time. 

The  King  assured  them,  that,  if  they  would  vindicate 
themselves  he  would  admit  their  justification  with 
pleasure ;  and  if  not,  he  should  still  remember  that 
they  were  allied  to  him  by  blood,  and  had  been  once 
numbered  amongst  his  dearest  friends. 

The  measures  of  Clarence  and  Warwick  had  been 
interrupted  by  the  defeat  at  Ernpyngham,  and  they 
were  hardly  prepared  to  meet  the  King,  when  he 
might  be  on  the  road  to  attack  them.  They  found 
that  they  had  no  alternative  but  to  screen  themselves 
by  flight,  and  accordingly  they  proceeded  rapidly  to 
Exeter,  taking  with  them  the  Countess  of  Warwick 

*  This  field,  called  "  Loosecoat  Field,"  was  between  Stamford  and  Little 
Casterton  :  perhaps  they  were  here  closely  pursued  by  the  enemy.  This 
battle  is  sometimes  called  the  battle  of  Stamford. 

f  Sandford ;  Toplis  ;  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Howel  ;  Blore's  Rutland  ;  Pol. 
Vergil  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  London  Chron. ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Hume  ; 
Lingard  :  Henry  ;  Rapin. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  245 

and  her  two  daughters.      Here  they  arrived  on  the 
3rd  of  April,    1470,   but  only  stayed  while  shipping      147°- 
was  provided  for  them,  when  they  embarked  at  Dart- 
mouth, and  sailed  to  Calais. 

Meanwhile,  King  Edward,  with  all  speed,  had  mus- 
tered his  forces,  consisting  of  40,000  men,  and  fol- 
lowed to  the  city  of  Exeter,  which  he  reached  on  the 
14th  of  April,  but  too  late  to  overtake  his  adversaries. 
He  had  with  him  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  the  Dukes  of 
Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  the  Earls  of  Arundell,  Wiltshire, 
Worcester,  and  Shrewsbury,  Lord  Hastings  and  others. 
The  Mayor  and  four  hundred  citizens  gave  the  King 
a  most  gracious  reception  ;  clad  in  red  gowns  (the 
city  livery),  they  assembled  at  the  south  gate,  await- 
ing his  arrival.  The  Recorder,  in  a  humble  oration, 
congratulated  his  coming  ;  the  Mayor,  yielding  the 
keys  of  the  gates  and  mace  of  his  office,  with  them 
presented  a  purse  of  one  hundred  nobles  in  gold,  which 
was  thankfully  accepted  by  Edward,  who  restored  the 
keys  and  mace.  The  Mayor  then,  bare-headed,  bore 
the  mace  through  the  city,  as  he  conducted  his  sove- 
reign to  his  lodging.  King  Edward  on  the  next  day, 
being  Palm  Sunday,  attended  divine  service  in  the 
church  of  St.  Peter,  and  afterwards  went  in  procession, 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  day,  round  the  church- 
yard, "  to  the  great  joy  and  comfort  of  all  the  people." 
Three  davs  after  Kino;  Edward  returned  to  London. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick's  design  was  to  return  to 
Calais,  where  he  had  left  Vaucleir,  deputy  Lieutenant, 
in  his  absence.  He  trusted  much  in  the  fidelity  of 
this  person ;  but  what  was  his  astonishment  when, 
upon  his  approach  to  Calais,  he  was  fired  upon  from 
that  town ! 

He  sought  to  move  Vaucleir  by  representing  the 
situation  of  the  Duchess  of  Clarence,  who  had  just 
given  birth  to  a  son ;  but,  in  return,  Warwick  could 


246  MARGAEET  OF  ANJOTJ. 

olny  procure  from  liim  some  wine  for  the  relief  of  his 
daughter.  This  was  sent  by  a  trusty  messenger,  who 
informed  the  Earl,  that  Vaucleir  was  still  attached  to 
his  service,  but  was  compelled  to  act  thus,  because  had 
he  permitted  the  Earl  to  enter  Calais,  he  would  not 
have  been  safe  there  ;  and  he  added,  also,  assurances 
of  his  future  fidelity. 

King  Edward,  being  ignorant  of  the  motives  for 
this  conduct,  was  so  gratified  by  it,  that  he  made  Vau- 
cleir Governor  of  Calais,  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 
voluntarily  added  the  annual  pension  of  1000  crowns. 

Thus  repulsed  at  Calais,  the  Earl  and  his  party 
landed  at  Dieppe,  and  proceeded  to  Honfleur,  in  Nor- 
mandy, where  they  were  kindly  and  hospitably  received 
by  the  French  Admiral,  the  bastard  of  Bourbon,  who 
provided  good  accommodation  for  the  ladies  and  their 
attendants  at  Valongis,  and  conducted  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  Jasper  Tudor,  Earl 
of  Pembroke,  and  John  de  Vere,  Earl  of  Oxford,  to 
the  court  of  Louis,  at  Amboise,  where  the  French 
King  gave  them  a  cordial  reception.* 

Louis  XL  had  beheld  with  a  jealous  eye  the  strict 
alliance  formed  between  King  Edward  and  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy ;  he  also  still  harboured  the  desire  of 
revenging  the  affront  he  had  received  in  the  affair  of 
King  Edward's  marriage,  and  he  now  found  it  would 
be  to  his  interest  to  oppose  both  these  powers.  He 
was  likewise  offended  at  the  assistance  given  by  the 
English  monarch  to  the  Duke  of  Brittany,  and  he 
feared  that,  should  the  former  remain  on  the  throne, 
his  protection  would  be  readily  procured  by  the  French 
Princes,  whom  he  was  anxious  to  subjugate.     These 


*  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Ryrner  ;  Baker  ;  Monfaucon  • 
Rot.  Pari.  ;  Henry  ;  Monstrelet  ;  London  Chron. ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Hume ; 
Holinshed  ;  Villaret  ;  Jean  de  Troye  ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Chastellain  ; 
Barante. 


MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU.  247 

various  motives  induced  Louis,  not  only  to  treat  the 
English  nobles  with  civility,  but  also  to  promise  them 
his  assistance  in  rekindling  the  civil  war  in  England. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  he  might  even  have  pre- 
viously concerted  measures  with  Warwick  for  that 
purpose,  especially  as  he  hoped  that,  by  raising  fresh 
troubles  in  England,  he  might  prevent  Edward's  inter- 
fering in  his  affairs. 

It  was  no  easy  task  which  the  King  of  France  had 
at  this  time  undertaken.  His  object  was  to  effect  a 
reconciliation  between  two  of  the  most  bitter  enemies 
that  perhaps  ever  existed,  namely,  Queen  Margaret  of 
Anjou,  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 

The  Earl  regarded  Margaret  as  his  mortal  foe ;  yet 
this  Queen  had  even  more  just  cause  for  resentment, 
since  she  might  attribute  to  Warwick  her  greatest 
misfortunes. 

Queen  Margaret  had  been  residing  for  some  time  H  ^47°- 
with  her  father,  the  King  of  Sicily,  at  Angers,  having  Monstreiet. 
her  son  with  her,  when  the  messenger  of  Louis  XL 
arrived,  with  orders,  to  conduct  King  Rene,  his  daugh- 
ter, Queen  Margaret,  and  her  son,  Prince  Edward, 
to  the  court  at  Amboise.*  The  summons  was  readily 
obeyed.  The  King  of  France  sought  to  induce  Queen 
Margaret  to  comply  with  the  terms  of  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  but  great  was  his  astonishment  to  find  she 
objected  firmly,  even  to  the  very  first  article. 

Margaret  of  Anjou  was  unfortunate,  an  exile,  and 
beheld  all  her  hopes  blighted ;  yet  was  she  high- 
minded,  resolute,  and  resentful.  She  had  been  de- 
throned by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  could  not  forgive 
him  or  feel  confidence  in  him,  neither  could  she  suffer 
herself  to  be  governed  by  him. 

Three  conditions  were  required  by  the  Earl.     First, 

*  Stow  ;  Baker  ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Jean  de  Troye ;  Sharon  Turner ;  Lingard  : 
Henry;  Monfaucon  ;  Chastellain  ;  Monstreiet;  Baranbe  ;  Villaret. 


248  MARGARET    OF   AXJOU. 

a  complete  pardon  from  the  Queen  and  her  son ; 
secondly,  that  Prince  Edward  should  marry  his 
younger  daughter,  Anne  ;  and  thirdly,  that  she 
should  send  a  strong  army  to  England  to  support  her 
rights. 

To  the  first  point  the  Queen  made  reply  to  the 
King,  in  the  presence  of  the  Duke  of  Guienne  and 
many  others,  that  she  could  not,  consistently  with  her 
own  and  her  son's  honour,  pardon  the  man  who  had 
been  the  chief  cause  of  the  downfall  of  the  King,  her 
husband,  herself,  and  her  son,  and  that,  from  her 
heart,  she  could  never  forgive  him,  or  be  reconciled 
to  him. 

She  declared  that  it  would  be  prejudicial  to  their 
interests  to  join  with  the  Earl,  having  many  adherents 
who  would  desert  her,  should  she  enter  into  such  a 
treaty,  which  might  cause  more  hindrance  to  their 
cause  than  the  union  of  the  Earl  and  his  followers 
might  advantage  them ;  wherefore  she  entreated  the 
King  to  desist  from  urging  this  alliance. 

This  refusal,  although  dictated  by  resentment,  was 
dignified  and  consistent.  Never  did  Queen  Margaret 
upon  her  throne  exhibit  the  lofty  superiority  of  her 
character  so  much  as  she  did  in  rejecting  these  pro- 
posals of  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 

When  the  Queen's  disdainful  answers  were  conveyed 
to  the  mortified  Earl,  he  acknowledged  that  he  had 
deserved  them;  but  in  excuse  he  said,  that  King  Henry 
and  his  Queen,  influenced  by  evil  counsels,  had  sought 
his  destruction  and  that  of  his  party,  without  cause ; 
he  urged  that,  by  their  ill-treatment  of  him,  they  had 
furnished  him  with  sufficient  motive  to  labour  for  their 
injury ;  and  finally,  he  justified  his  conduct  as  being 
that  of  an  injured  and  persecuted  nobleman.  He 
acknowledged  that  he  had  been  the  means  of  placing 
King  Edward  upon  the  throne,  but  that  his  treatment 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOIL  249 

of  him  had  been  such  that  he  would  now,  with  all  his 
might,  labour  for  his  dethronement  and  banishment ; 
and  then,  beseeching  the  Queen  and  Prince  to  believe 
him  and  forgive  him  that  which  in  time  past  he  had 
done  against  them,  he  offered  himself  to  be  bound  to 
be  their  true  and  faithful  subject  in  time  to  come,  and 
required  of  Louis  to  be  his  surety;;  for  the  fulfilment 
of  this  promise. 

To  this  the  King  of  France  readily  agreed,  and  he 
also  "prayed  the  Queen  at  his  request  to  pardon  the 
"  Earl  of  Warwick,"  representing  to  her  "  the  great 
"  love  which  he  had  unto  him,"  and  "that  he  was  more 
"bound  and  beholden  to  this  Earl  than  to  any  other 
"  man,  and  therefore  would  do  as  much  and  more  for 
"  him  than  for  any  man  living."  After  the  Queen  had 
been  thus  required  by  the  King,  many  were  the  treaties 
and  interviews  which  took  place  with  her  relatives,  and 
the  servants  of  her  father,  King  Rene ;  yet  Margaret 
continued  to  resist  these  importunities.  She  could  not 
forget  the  wrongs  she  had  experienced  from  this  Earl, 
who  now  sought  her  friendship.  She  could  only  think 
of  him  as  the  Earl  of  Warwick  who  had  deprived  her 
husband  of  his  throne,  and  exalted  his  own  friend,  the 
Yorkist,  to  the  regal  power.  She  dwelt  on  his  personal 
treatment  of  her  beloved  lord,  the  meek  King  Henry, 
with  such  insult  and  .contempt  at  the  time  when  he 
conducted  him  to  the  Tower  of  London,  where  he  had 
since  remained  a  prisoner.  Then,  again,  the  Queen 
remembered  that  when  flying  from  England  with  her 
beloved  son,  she  had  to  endure  all  the  obloquy  cast 
upon  the  birth  of  this  child  by  the  same  Earl  of  War- 
wick, who,  from  some  political  motive,  chose  to  declare, 
in  the  most  public  manner,  that  he  was  not  the 
King's  son,  and  thus  traduced  the  character  of  Margaret 
herself. 

At  length,   through  the  united  persuasions   of  her 


250  MARGARET   OF   AXJOU. 

father's  friends  and  others,  the  Queen  yielded  a  reluct- 
ant consent  to  the  request  of  Louis ;  but  this  was  con- 
ditionally, that  Warwick  should  publicly,  before  kings 
and  princes,  declare  that  he  had  sworn  falsely  and 
injuriously  of  her  person,  and  that  he  should  do  the 
same  in  England  and  also  before  all  the  people,  all 
which  the  Earl  of  Warwick  promised  to  fulfil.  Then 
the  Earl  came  to  Queen  Margaret,  and  falling  on  his 
knees  before  her,  said  all  that  could  touch  her,  and 
prayed  humbly  for  her  mercy  and  pardon.  To  all  this 
the  Queen  would  scarcely  reply,  although  the  proud 
Earl  knelt  to  her  a  quarter  of  an  hour  ;  but  at  last  she 
pardoned  him,  as  did  her  son  also.  After  that,  they 
pardoned  also  the  Earl  of  Oxford,  who  came  with 
Warwick ;  and  the  Queen  said  to  him,  "  that  his 
"pardon  was  easy  to  purchase,  for  she  well  knew  how 
"he  and  his  friend  had  suffered  for  King  Henry's 
"quarrels."  Finally,  it  was  agreed  that  Warwick 
should  go  to  England,  taking  with  him  supplies  from 
France. 

Queen  Margaret  still  continued  resolute  in  refusings 
her  consent  to  the  projected  marriage,  saying  that  it 
was  neither  honourable  nor  profitable,  for  herself,  nor 
for  the  young  prince  her  son.  Again,  she  would  assert 
that  she  could,  if  she  desired  it,  find  another  alliance 
more  advantageous,  showing  the  King  of  France  a 
letter  she  had  but  just  received  from  England,  in  which 
"  my  lady  the  princess,"  the  daughter  of  King  Edward, 
was  offered  to  her  son.  Thus,  during  fifteen  days 
King  Louis  perseveringly  supported  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick, while  the  haughty  Queen  endured  a  severe  con- 
flict. At  last,  overcome  by  the  importunities  of  all 
around  her,  she  gave  a  qualified  consent  to  the  marriage, 
but  required  the  throne  to  be  Anne's  dower. 

It  was  finally  determined  that  this  lady  should  be 
placed  under  the  care  of  Queen  Margaret,  and  that  the 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  251 

marriage  should  not  be  completed  until  the  Earl  had 
with  a  large  army  invaded  England,  and  had  restored 
King  Henry  to  the  throne. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  assured  the  King  of  France 
that  he  had  letters  from  England  promising  him  that 
when  he  landed  he  would  have  ready  for  his  service  an 
army  of  50,000  men.  He  required  only  a  few  troops, 
ships,  and  money  of  the  French  King  ;  and  he  proved 
that  he  was,  by  his  own  means,  providing  2,000  French 
archers,  and  provisions  for  66,000  men.  Astonishing 
as  this  appears  at  first,  it  will  seem  less  surprising  and 
improbable,  when  we  consider  how  much  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  had  always  been  the  favourite  of  the  people. 
Every  popular  ballad  contained  his  praises,  every 
pageant  or  public  exhibition  made  allusion  to  his 
virtues  and  misfortunes,  and  his  exile  had  made  him 
even  more  idolized  than  before  ;  nay,  it  was  "  as  if 
"  the  populace  had  lost  their  sun,  when  he  was 
"  absent." 

When  the  Earl  of  Warwick  first  resolved  to  dethrone 
King  Edward,  it  was  not  his  intention  to  restore  his 
rival,  but  to  place  the  Duke  of  Clarence  on  the  throne. 
He  found  this  plan,  however,  to  be  impracticable,  being 
equally  opposed  to  the  interests  of  the  Yorkists  and  of 
the  Lancastrians  ;  he  therefore  adopted  the  suggestion 
of  Louis  XL,  and  determined  to  restore  King  Henry,  in 
which  project  all  parties  would  be  disposed  to  render 
him  assistance.  The  hatred  which  had  rankled  in  the 
breast  of  Warwick  against  King  Edward,  with  the  in- 
dignities he  had  received  from  him,  added  to  his  present 
unfortunate  situation,  obliterated  the  remembrance  of 
the  injuries  he  had  previously  experienced  from  the 
Lancastrians,  and  especially  from  Queen  Margaret,  by 
whose  orders  his  father  had  been  executed.  Finding 
therefore  the  need  of  a  plausible  pretext  for  the  de- 
thronement of  Edward,  no  other  offered  so  effective  as 


252  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

the  restoration  of  Henry ;  but  in  this  enterprise  the 
Queen's  assistance  appeared  to  the  Earl  to  be  essen- 
tially requisite,  and  it  became  their  mutual  interest  to 
lay  aside  their  animosity.  The  joy  of  Louis  was  great 
in  the  success  of  his  endeavours  to  reconcile  these  two 
mortal  foes,  and  in  the  prospect  of  restoring  the  Lan- 
castrian dynasty.  This  monarch  had  also  another 
cause  for  infinite  satisfaction  in  the  birth  of  an  heir 
to  his  throne,  which  he  had  earnestly  desired.  It  was 
during  the  stay  of  Queen  Margaret  at  Amboise  that  the 
Queen  of  France  gave  birth  to  a  son.  This  infant  was 
1470.  born  on  the  30th  of  June,  1470,  at  the  castle  of  Am- 
boise, and  received  the  name  of  Charles  when  baptized 
by  the  Archbishop  of  Lyons,  who  was  his  godfather. 
The  other  sponsor  was  Edward,  Prince  of  Wales, 
and  the  godmother  was  the  Duchess  of  Bourbon. 
Queen  Margaret  also  was  present  at  this  ceremony, 
which  was  succeeded  by  public  fetes,  prolonged  to 
commemorate  the  arrival  of  the  royal  infant.* 

After  this,  the  noble  company  who  had  been  as- 
sembled by  the  King  of  France  at  Amboise  to  meet 
the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  others,  all  repaired  to  Angers, 
to  complete  the  contract  entered  into.  In  this  fine 
city,  the  birthplace  of  King  Rene,  the  English  exiles 
were  joyfully  welcomed  by  the  inhabitants,  who  rejoiced 
at  the  prospect  that  the  daughter  of  their  sovereign 
would  be  again  restored  to  her  kingdom.  "  They 
"  provided  them  all  right  willingly,"  says  Bourdigne, 
"the  choicest  wines,  the  rarest  meats,  and  every  de- 
"  lightful  pastime;  so  that  the  English  were  well  content, 
"  and  thought  no  place  in  the  world  like  Angers." 
Here  they  seem  to  have  stayed  some  time ;  and  while 
they  tarried,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  took  oath  upon  the 
cross,  in  St.  Mary's  church  in  Angers,  that  he  would 
faithfully  hold  to  the  party  and  quarrel  of  King  Henry, 

*  Jean  de  Troye  ;  Monstrelet ;  Monfaucon. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  253 

and  as  a  true  and  loyal  subject  serve  him,  the  Queen, 
and  the  prince.  Also,  "  the  King  of  France  and  his 
"  brother,  clothed  in  canon's  robes  in  the  said  church 
"  of  St.  Mary,  sware  that  they  would  help,  bear  and 
"  sustain  to  their  power,  the  said  Earl  of  Warwick  hold- 
"  ing  the  said  quarrel  of  Henry.  After  this,  the  said 
"  Queen  sware,  and  promised  from  henceforth  to  treat 
"the  said  Earl  as  true  and  faithful  to  King  Henry 
"  here,  and  the  prince,  and  for  the  deeds  passed  never 
"hereafter  to  make  him  reproach." 

Many  other  points  were  also  at  this  time  spoken  of 
relating  to  the  treaty  of  marriage,  and  finally  all  the 
parties  agreed  to  these  terms ;  viz.,  that  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  and  the  Duke  of  Clarence  should  endeavour 
to  their  utmost  to  restore  King  Henry  to  the  throne  ; 
that  Queen  Margaret  should  engage  by  oath  to  permit 
them  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  government  during  the 
King's  lifetime  ;  and  that  the  same  arrangement  should 
continue  during  the  minority  of  the  prince,  his  son, 
should  Henry  die  before  he  came  of  age  ;  lastly,  to 
confirm  this,  that  the  Prince  of  Wales  should  be  married 
to  Anne,  the  younger  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 
This  alliance  was  required  by  the  Earl  in  the  month  of 
July,  1470,  and  at  that  time  refused  by  Margaret ; 
and  it  has  been  doubted  by  many,  that  the  marriage 
took  place  before  Warwick  left  France.  In  the  month 
of  August,  however,  the  Queen  gave  her  consent  to 
this  union,  as  an  additional  contract  only,  and  not  for  its 
solemnization ;  indeed,  there  is  no  contemporary  account 
of  its  celebration  at  Angers,  where  most  historians 
assert  that  it  actually  took  place  immediately.  If  this 
were  the  case,  we  may  infer  that  the  scruples  of  the 
Queen  were  at  last  overcome,  and  that  she  deemed  the 
marriage  to  be  expedient  under  her  adverse  circum- 
stances. 

There  appears  to  be  much  presumptive  evidence  in 


254  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

the  absence  of  the  records  of  this  marriage  to  prove, 
that  it  really  was  celebrated  at  Angers.  The  presence 
in  this  city  of  the  royal  family  of  France,  together  with 
the  relatives  of  Queen  Margaret,  the  engagement  of 
the  Duke  of  Guienne  to  aid  the  Lancastrian  cause,  and 
his  approval  of  the  marriage  of  Prince  Edward  to  the 
daughter  of  the  Earl,  which  was  signed  by  the  Duke 

1470.  on  the  30th  of  July,  1470,*  seem  to  point  to  this  union 
as  called  for  and  urgent,  because  confirming  the  com- 
pact entered  into  by  all  parties.  The  Earl  of  Warwick 
did  not  quit  France  until  the  autumn,  and  on  the  6th 
of  October  released  King  Henry  from  his  prison  and 
replaced  him  on  the  throne.  Perhaps  the  Earl  tamed 
at  Angers  to  witness  the  espousals  to  which  the  Queen 
still  felt  so  repugnant :  it  might  possibly  be  that 
Warwick  had  his  private  opinion  or  hope  of  one  day 
seeing  his  daughter  with  the  prince  mount  the  throne, 
and  therefore  the  marriage  must  be  completed. 

By  this  union  the  Duke  of  Clarence  became  the 

1470       brother-in-law   of  Prince   Edward,  and   the   Earl   of 
c<mt.  Hist.  Warwick  equally  allied  to  the  Houses  of  York  and 

Croyland.  1         J  . 

Lancaster.  We  are  told  by  some  writers,  that  "  after 
"these  nuptials  Clarence  and  Warwick  took  a  solemn 
"  oath  never  to  cease  from  war  until  King  Henry  or 
"  his  son  should  be  established  on  the  throne.  In  like 
"  manner,  all  the  adherents  of  this  party  professed, 
"  and  engaged,  speedily  and  faithfully  to  observe  and 
"  execute  the  compact  of  their  leaders.  Then  was 
"  confidence  and  satisfaction  restored  to  all,  being 
"  confirmed  to  future  ages  by  the  marriage  of  the  prince 
"  and  the  Lady  Anne." 

In  this  contract  made  at  Angers,  it  was  resolved 
also  that  should  the  young  prince  die  without  heirs  the 
crown  should  devolve  on  the  Duke  of  Clarence.  A 
perpetual  alliance   was  likewise  made  between  Eng- 

*  This  document  is  still  preserved  in  the  British  Museum. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  255 

land  and  France,  and  a  league  offensive  which  should 
last  until  the  subjugation  of  the  House  of  Burgundy.* 

The  new  arrangements  were  not  satisfactory  to  the 
Duke  of  Clarence,  who  was  secretly  discontented ;  nor 
was  his  Duchess  better  pleased,  having  the  expecta- 
tion of  beholding  her  younger  sister  advanced  to  the 
throne,  while  she  would  thus  remain  only  a  subject. 

King  Edward  received  information  of  the  league 
which  had  been  formed  against  him,  from  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy ;  but  believing  that  Warwick  had  fled  for 
want  of  friends  to  support  him,  he  did  not  think  that 
he  could  so  suddenly  rise  into  favour,  neither  did  he 
concern  himself  about  the  preparations  which  they 
were  making  in  France.  Kelying  on  the  affections  of 
his  people,  and  neglecting  affairs  of  importance,  he 
resigned  himself  to  effeminate  and  voluptuous  plea- 
sures. He  could  not,  however,  help  feeling  uneasy  at 
beholding  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  united 
with  his  enemies,  and  fearing  it  might  in  time  produce 
fatal  consequences,  he  endeavoured  to  wean  him  back 
to  his  former  allegiance. 

For  this  purpose  he  gave  instructions  to  one  of  the 
women  belonging  to  the  Duchess  of  Clarence,  whom 
he  bribed  to  act  this  part,  and  giving  her  a  passport, 
dismissed  her  to  her  mistress.  This  woman  acted 
with  much  address,  and,  fortunately  for  King  Edward, 
she  was  successful.  When  she  reached  her  mistress, 
she  conveyed  to  the  Duke  of  Clarence  the  sentiments 
of  the  King,  his  brother,  viz.,  that  he  would  inevitably 
involve  himself  in  ruin  by  the  step  he  had  just  taken ; 
that,  even  should  the  Earl  of  Warwick  succeed  in  his 
designs,  it  could  not  be  expected  that  the  Lancastrians 


*  Chastellain  ;  Cont.  Hist.  Croyland  ;  Stow  ;  Hall ;  Baker  ;  Toplis  ;  Pol 
Vergil ;  Jean  de  Troye  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Comines  ;  Baudier  ;  Daniel  ; 
Paston  Letters  ;  Rapin  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Villaret ;  Monstrelet ;  Lingard  ; 
Hume  ;  Henry  ;  Sharon  Turner. 


256  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

would  trust  a  prince  of  the  House  of  York,  when  they 
should  perceive  that  he  was  no  longer  useful.  That 
his  life  would  not  be  safe  ;  that  he  ought  not  to  relv  on 

J  CD  xi 

the  oath  of  the  Queen,  which  might  be  only  intended 
to  ensnare  him.  That  he  might  expect  to  be  oppressed 
by  Warwick,  who  would  wish  to  despatch  him,  not 
liking  an  associate  in  the  government,  and  expecting 
that  he  might  one  day  seek  to  revenge  the  injuries 
done  to  his  family ;  also,  that  the  King  had  but  one 
daughter,  who  was  very  young,  and  in  case  of  her 
death,  he  would  inherit  the  crown ;  but  should  the 
House  of  Lancaster  be  restored,  he  would  lose  that 
prospect,  as  Prince  Edward  might  have  many  children. 
Other  arguments  were  added,  with  assurances  of  affec- 
tion, and  of  future  kindness  from  King  Edward. 
Clarence  was  won  over  by  this  reasoning,  and  per- 
ceived the  folly  of  his  conduct.  He  bade  the  woman 
inform  his  brother  that  he  would  declare  for  him,  on 
the  first  opportunity  for  doing  so  with  safety,  and  of 
thereby  rendering  him  any  service.* 

Having  received  this  reply,  King  Edward  made 
himself  quite  easy,  believing  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
would  attempt  nothing  without  the  aid  of  his  son-in- 
law  ;  but  while  he  thus  amused  himself  in  fancied  secu- 
rity, Warwick  was  making  very  great  preparations  for 
a  descent  upon  England.  To  forward  this  enterprise 
the  King  of  France  had  supplied  him  with  money  and 
troops,  and,  as  an  old  author  expresses  it,  "  Eene  also 
"  helped  the  same  what  he  might." 

All  the  Lancastrian  adherents  and  friends  were  in- 
formed of  the  Earl's  project,  and  he  could  not  doubt  of 
being  joined  by  a  strong  party  when  he  should  arrive 
upon  the  English  coast. f     His  attempt  was  difficult. 

*  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Eapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Daniel  ;  Henry ; 
Hume. 

f  Pol.  Vergil ;  Comines  ;  Eapin  ;  Morstrelet  :  Lingard. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ.  257 

The  fleet  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  lay  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Seine,  prepared  to  engage  the  French  whenever 
they  set  sail.  Louis  had  appointed  the  Bastard  of 
Bourbon  to  convey  the  Earl  of  Warwick  with  some 
ships  of  war ;  but  as  these  could  not  encounter  a  much 
larger  force,  the  Earl  repaired  to  Havre  de  Grace  to 
watch  an  opportunity  for  embarking.  Shortly  after  a 
great  storm  dispersed  the  Flemish  ships,  and  compelled 
them  to  seek  for  shelter  in  their  harbours.  Warwick 
and  Clarence  then  set  sail,  and  safely  arrived  at  Dart- 
mouth in  Devonshire ;  from  which  place  they  had 
departed  for  France,  four  or  five  months  before.  Be- 
sides these  two  chiefs,  there  were  of  this  party,  the 
Earl  of  Oxford,  Fauconbridge,  Jasper  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke, and  others,  some  of  whom  landed  at  Plymouth. 

When  the  Earl  of  Warwick  reached  England  he 
immediately  dismissed  a  body  of  his  partisans  two 
miles  up  the  country  to  seize  an  English  baron,  who 
was  peaceably  asleep  in  his  bed,  and  quite  unsuspect- 
ing the  new  invasion.  He  was  brought  into  the  pre- 
sence of  Warwick,  who  commanded  that  he  should  be 
instantly  decapitated.  Such  was  the  summary  ven- 
geance of  these  times.* 

King  Edward,  far  from  being  alarmed  at  the  arrival  14'°- 
of  his  enemies,  evinced  much  satisfaction,  not  dreaming 
of  the  Earl's  success.  He  fancied  that  he  had  now 
come  to  put  himself  into  his  power ;  and  under  this 
impression  requested  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  guard 
the  seas,  that  he  might  not  again  escape  to  France. 

Warwick,  however,  had  no  sooner  landed  than  he 
beheld  himself  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  60,000  men. 
From  Dartmouth  he  advanced  to  Bristol,  where  he  met 
with  a  favourable  reception,  for  it  was  at  this  place, 

*  Stow ;  Baker ;  Howel ;  Lond.  Chron.  ;  Hall ;  Holinslied ;  Paston  Letters  ; 
Hot.  Pari. ;  Rymer ;  Fabyan ;  Pol.  Vergil ;  Monfaucon ;  Monstrelet ;  Comines 
Jean'de  Troye  ;  Chastellain  ;  Buchan  ;  Hume ;  Henry ;  Linjrard. 

VOL.  II.  s 


258  MAEGAEET   OP   ANJOTJ. 

that  he  had  left  his  baggage  and  artillery  when  he  fled 
into  Normandy. 

As  the  Earl  proceeded,  he  caused  Henry  VI.  to 
be  proclaimed,*  and  in  his  name  gave  orders  for  all  his 
subjects  from  sixteen  to  sixty  to  arm  themselves,  to 
expel  the  usurper  Edward.  Numbers  were  ready  to 
obey  the  summons,  and  the  claims  of  King  Henry 
seemed  again  about  to  be  recognised. 

One  Dr.  Goddard,  a  chaplain,  had  ventured,  on  the 
Sunday  after  Michaelmas  day,  to  preach  at  St.  Paul's 
Cross  in  favour  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  to  assert, 
that  King  Henry  VI.  was  the  lawful  monarch  of 
England,  which  moved  many  of  his  auditors  to  favour 
the  Lancastrians. 

King  Edward  was,  at  length,  aroused  from  his  dream 
of  enjoyment  by  this  very  unexpected  turn  of  affairs ; 
and  he  gave  orders  for  his  troops  to  be  assembled, 
appointing  their  rendezvous  at  Nottingham.  Soon 
afterwards,  news  was  brought  to  him  that  the  Marquis 
of  Montague,  who  commanded  for  him  in  the  north, 
had  revolted  to  the  Lancastrians,  with  6,000  fol- 
lowers. He  had  advanced  almost  to  Nottingham, 
and  then,  alleging  King  Edward's  ingratitude  to  his 
friends,  he  withdrew  and  joined  in  the  cry  of  "  King 
Henry !  King  Henry !  a  Warwick !  a  Warwick  ! ' 

This  defection  gave  King  Edward  great  uneasiness, 
as  he  feared  that  it  would  be  followed  by  that  of 
others ;  and  scarce  knowing  who  were  his  real  friends 
he  sought  to  retire,  and  to  avoid  an  engagement.  He 
encamped  near  Lynn,  in  Lincolnshire,  by  the  sea-shore, 
and  lodged  himself  in  the  castle.  He  had  with  him 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  Lord  Scales,  and  Lord 
Hastings,  his  Chamberlain,  who  had  married  the 
sister  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  yet  adhered  to  King 
Edward. 

Warwick  approached  within  three  miles  of  the"  place 


MAEGAEET   OF    ANJOU.  259 

where  the  King  had  encamped,  making  the  air  resound 
with  shouts  of  "King  Henry  !  King  Henry  !  "  which, 
being  re-echoed  by  some  means  in  Edward's  camp, 
caused  that  monarch  to  close  the  gates  of  the  castle, 
and  to  hold  a  council  to  determine  how  he  should 
proceed ;  but  before  he  could  resolve,  the  acclamations 
became  louder  and  louder,  and  he  perceived  no 
alternative  but  to  embark  in  haste,  with  only  four  or  five 
hundred*  men,  in  three  vessels,  which  had  been  em- 
ployed to  bring  his  troops  provisions.  Lord  Hastings 
guarded  the  rear  while  they  embarked,  in  order  to  pro- 
vide against  any  attempt  to  arrest  them  in  their  flight. 
In  this  melancholy  situation.  King  Edward  gave  orders 
to  sail  to  Holland,  thinking  he  could  best  obtain  pro- 
tection from  the  House  of  Burgundy.  King  Edward 
and  the  few  Lords  who  attended  him,  but  seven  or 
eight  in  number,  amongst  whom  were  Lords  Hastings 
and  Say,  had  all  departed  in  such  haste,  that  they  were 
unprovided  with  provisions,  and  apparel,  except  what 
they  had  on ;  and  so  little  money  had  they,  that  the 
King  could  only  reward  the  master  of  his  vessel  with 
one  of  his  own  garments,  a  gown  lined  with  martins. 
While  crossing  the  seas,  the  ships  narrowly  escaped 
being  boarded  by  pirates,  who  were  only  restrained  by 
the  authority  of  Lord  Gruthyse,  Governor  of  Holland, 
who,  by  chance,  being  at  Alcmar,  waited  upon  the 
King,  and  defended  him,  also  showing  him  all  Jhe 
respect  due  to  his  rank,  he  conducted  him  to  the 
Hague.  Such  was  Edward's  precipitate  flight,  who, 
by  his  presumption  and  inactivity,  lost  his  crown,  with- 
out even  hazarding  a  battle  to  preserve  it.f 

When  Edward's  Queen,  who  had  remained  in  the 

*  Some  say  he  had  800. 

f  Baker  ;  Hall ;  Stow  ;  Howel ;  Pennant ;  Sandford  ;  Cont.  Croyland  ; 
Comines  ;  Barante  ;  Jean  de  Troye  ;  Monf  aucon  ;  Holinshed  ;  Lond.  Chron. ; 
Eapin;  Paston  Letters;  Chastellain;  Fabyan  ;  Monstrelet;  Lingard;  Allen's 
York  ]  Hume  ;  Henry  ;  Villaret. 

s  2 


260  MARGARET    OF   ANJOTT. 

Tower,  with  her  children  and  the  Duchess  of  Bedford, 
found  that  the  tide  of  lovaltv  had  turned  to  King 
Henry,  she  secretly  fled  by  night,  taking  with  her  her 
mother  and  three  daughters,  to  the  Sanctuary  of  West- 
U70  minster.  Here  also  took  refuge  with  their  Queen, 
those  Yorkists  who  were  in  London.*     It  was  under 

Letters. 

these  melancholy  auspices  that  Elizabeth  gaye  birth  to 
a  son,  the  heir  of  King  Edward's  throne.  This  child 
of  adversity  had  for  his  godfathers  the  Abbot  and 
Prior  of  Westminster,  and  the  Lady  Scroop  for  his 
godmother. 

Some  writers  affirm  that  there  were  500  Yorkists  in 
the  Tower,  and  that  all  the  great  and  powerful  inhabi- 
tants of  the  metropolis  favoured  King  Edward,  but 
when  they  found  this  monarch  did  not  come  to  their 
assistance,  they  took  part  with  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 
From  this  time  every  one  assumed  the  badge  of  this 
Earl,  "  the  bear  and  ragged  staff,"  and  no  one  dared 
to  appear  wearing  the  rose.")" 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  and  the  Duke  of  Clarence 

triumphantly  pursued  their  way  to  London,  and  in  like 

1470.      manner  entered  this  city  on  the  6th  J  of  October,  1470. 

Lingard.  They  proceeded  to  the  Tower,  attended  by  many  lords, 
and  also  by  the  Lord  Mayor,  Sir  Richard  Lee,  with  the 
Aldermen,  followed  by  a  great  concourse  of  people. 
The  Earl  of  Warwick  entered  the  Tower,  and  released 

Eapm ;  King  Henry,  who  had  been  detained  there  a  prisoner 
many  years,  and  restored  him  to  his  regal  dignity. 
^Warwick  first  showed  this  monarch  to  the  people, 
then  threw  himself  upon  his  knees  before  him, 
confessing    his   fault,    in  having    offended  so  good   a 

*  The  Bishop  of  Ely  and  other  Bishops  fled  to  St.  Martin's  ;  other  sanc- 
tuaries were  likewise  full  of  Edward's  party. 

f  Baker  :  Chastellain  :  Holinshed  j  Henry :  Stow  :  Paston  Letters  ;  Sand- 
ford  ;  Barley's  Hist,  of  the  Tower  :  Fleetwood's  Chron. 

%  Some  date  this  on  the  1st  October,  others  021  the  23rd  :  Stow  places 
the  event  in  1467. 


Hcurv. 


MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU.  261 

King,  and  asking  pardon  of  God,  and  of  the  English 
people. 

The  latter,  who  were  still  attached  to  Henry,  set  up 
a  shout  of  joy.  King  Henry  was  then  conducted  to 
the  Bishop's  palace,  where  he  remained  :  and  a  pompous 
court  was  held  there  until  the  13th  of  October,  on 
which  day  he  walked  in  solemn  procession  to  St. 
Paul's,  wearing  his  crown,  and  appareled  in  a  long 
gown  of  blue  velvet,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  bearing  up 
his  train,  and  the  Earl  of  Oxford  carrying  the  sword 
before  him,  while  the  people  cried,  "  God  save  King- 
Henry  ! ';  In  the  cathedral  the  confederate  lords  took 
their  oath  of  allegiance  to  their  King.  Henry  VI. 
was  then  solemnly  proclaimed,  and  King  Edward 
denounced  as  an  usurper,  and  his  goods  confiscated, 
and  his  adherents  as  traitors  to  God  and  their  King. 

In  London  great  rejoicings  were  made  upon  this 
sudden  change  in  the  restoration  of  Henry,  and  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  sent  all  the  French  prisoners  home 
free  of  ransom.  The  King's  friends  considered  that 
his  restoration  to  the  throne  was  the  undoubted  inter- 
nosition  of  heaven.* 

Thus  it  was  that  Warwick,  who  had  raised  King 
Edward  to  the  throne,  and  upon  a  slight  quarrel  had 
effected  his  downfall,  now  replaced  King  Henry  in 
that  dignity  from  which  he  had  before  been  the  means 
of  deposing  him.  From  these  circumstances  the  Earl 
of  Warwick  was  called  the  "King  Maker,"  a  title 
which  he  ever  after  retained.  In  all  these  acts,  from 
his  manner  of  doing  them,  he  obtained  more  and  more 
popularity  with  the  people.  Amongst  foreign  nations 
this  remarkable  revolution  of  events  excited  wonder  or 
ridicule.     To  Henry  himself  it  may  be  doubtful  if  it 

*  Stow's  Survey  ;  Baker  ;  Cont.  Croyland  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Holinshed  ; 
Sandford  ;  Female  Worthies  ;  Jean  de  Troye  ;  Barante  ;  Lingard  ;  Bayley's 
Tower  of  London  ;  Maitland's  London. 


262  MARGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

caused  joy  or  sorrow ;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  Earl 
of  Warwick  rejoiced  more  than  he  did.  Certain  it  is, 
that  Henry  of  Lancaster  only  exchanged  the  condition 
of  a  captive  to  Edward,  to  become  the  slave  of 
Warwick.* 


*  Stow  ;  Sandford  ;  Howel :  Baker  :  Pol.  Vergil  :  John  Rous  ;  Pastcn 
Letters  ;  S.  Turner  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Chastellain  :  Barante  ;  Monf  aucon  ; 
Comines  ;  Jean  de  Troye  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

{Clarence.) 

"  And  so,  proud  -hearted  Warwick,  I  defy  thee, 
"  And  to  my  brother  turn  my  blushing  cheeks  !" 

Shakespeare. 

{King  Edward. ) 

"  Yet,  Warwick,  in  despight  of  all  mischance 
"  Of  thee  thyself,  and  all  thy  complices, 
"  Edward  will  always  bear  himself  as  king  : 
"  Though  fortune's  malice  overthrow  my  state, 
"  My  mind  exceeds  the  compass  of  her  wheels." 

Shakespeare. 


Rejoicing-s  in  France — Queen  Margaret's  reception  in  Paris — Discontent  of 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy — He  sends  for  Vauclier — King  Edward  at  the 
Hague — Parliament  called  by  Warwick — King  Edward  and  his  party 
attainted — Alderman  Cooke  restored — Tiptoft,  Earl  of  Worcester,  be- 
headed— The  Grand  Prior  of  St.  John's  sent  to  France  to  fetch  over  the 
Queen — Warwick  waiting  at  Dover  to  receive  her — Affairs  in  France — 
The  League  "  du  bien  public  " — Rene's  conduct — John  of  Anjou — His 
wars  in  Spain — His  death — Rene's  letters — His  genius,  paintings, 
writings  in  prose  and  verse — His  good  nature — The  love  of  his  people 
and  rule  over  them — Improvements  in  the  arts — His  personal  appear- 
ance and  institutions,  la  Pelotte,  &c. — Duke  of  Burgundy's  policy — 
Affairs  in  England — King  Edward  returns  to  England — He  goes  to 
York — Is  joined  by  Clarence — Warwick  prepares  to  oppose  King  Ed- 
ward— Restoration  of  Edward — His  affability — Henry  the  Sixth  is  sent 
to  the  Tower. 


Queen  Margaret  beheld  with  extreme  delight  the 
return  of  good  fortune  to  her  "  House"  ;  her  husband 
again  restored  to  liberty  and  to  his  throne,  and  the 
cloud  which  had  overshadowed  the  destiny  of  her  son, 
suddenly  dispersed.  The  news  of  the  success  of  her 
party  was  first  conveyed  to  her  by  the  Earl  of  War- 


1-170. 


264  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

wick,  and  the  assurance  of  King  Henry's  freedom  by 
letters  from  himself.* 

So  strange  and  so  rapid  was  this  revolution  that 
any  one  might  have  been  called  mad,  who  had  asserted 
a  fortnight  before,  that  King  Edward  would  be  so  soon 
expelled  his  kingdom  by  the  power  of  Warwick,  yet  in 
the  short  period  of  eleven  days,  this  Earl  obtained 
possession  of  the  kingdom. f 

When  Louis  XL  received  the  intelligence  of  the 
restoration  of  Henry  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  his 

Monstrelet.    .  1     ,    i  i     i     r  1 

joy  was  so  great  that  lie  commanded  leasts  and  re- 
joicings throughout  his  kingdom  ;  also  general  proces- 
sions of  all  the  principal  clergy  and  laity  for  three  day& 
in  Paris,  and  in  all  the  large  towns  of  France,  to  rendei 
thanks  to  God  and  the  Virgin  Mary  for  having  restored 
Henry  of  Lancaster,  a  prince  of  the  blood  of  France, 
to  the  English  throne,  and  for  the  expulsion  of  their 
great  enemy,  King  Edward.  Amidst  these  great  re- 
joicings and  feastings,  messages  were  passing  con- 
tinually between  Louis  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  for 
their  mutual  encouragement. 

The  French  King  had  a  mortal  enmity  against  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  Warwick  was  no  less  his 
enemv,  on  account  of  his  union  with  Edward.  This 
Earl  therefore  immediately  caused  a  proclamation  of 
war  to  be  made  at  Calais  against  Burgundy  ;  whilst 
Louis  XI.  at  the  same  time  dismissed  a  splendid 
embassy  to  London,  to  compliment  the  English  monarch 
upon  his  release  from  prison,  and  restoration  to  the 
throne  ;  likewise  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  for 
fifteen  years  between  the  two  kingdoms.  This  peace 
was  proclaimed  throughout  France,  and  also  war 
declared  against  King  Edward  and  all  his  adherent s.J 

*  Baudier  ;  Hays's  Biography, 
f  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Jean  de  Trove  ;  Baudier. 

\  Chastellain  ;  Monstrelet ;   Henry  ;    Lingard  ;  Sharon  Turner  ;   Philip 
de  Comines  ;  Jean  de  Troye. 


MARGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  '2Q3 

The  exiled  Queen  Margaret,  who  had  for  several 
years  been  living  in  retirement,  neglected  and  almost 
forgotten,  was  now  conducted  to  Paris,  with  her 
son,  his  wife,  the  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
the  Countess  of  Warwick,  her  mother,  Lady  Wilt- 
shire and  several  other  English  ladies.  They  were 
attended  by  the  Counts  d'Eu,  de  Vendosme,  de 
Dunois,  Mosieur  de  Chastillon,  and  other  noblemen 
and  persons  of  distinction.  By  the  King's  command 
the  Bishop,  University,  Court  of  Parliament,  the 
Mayor  and  Aldermen  of  the  city  of  Paris,  in  their 
robes  and  formalities,  and  also  numerous  bodies  of  the 
principal  inhabitants,  handsomely  dressed,  advanced 
to  meet  the  royal  cavalcade,  and  in  the  name  of  their 
sovereign  they  complimented  Queen  Margaret.  The 
same  distinctions  were  conferred  upon  the  Queen  also, 
when  welcomed  in  Paris,  as  were  usually  bestowed  on 
a  Queen  of  France ;  and  amidst  the  most  splendid  and 
expensive  rejoicings  which  could  be  exhibited,  she  was 
finally  conveyed  to  the  palace,  where  apartments, 
handsomely  decorated,  had  been  prepared  for  her  recep- 
tion.* How  flattering  this  entree  into  the  capital  of 
France  must  have  been  to  the  pride  of  the  once 
portionless  daughter  of  Pene  ! 

Some  write  that  the  Queen  remained  in  Paris  clur-  im 
ing  the  winter,  and  early  in  the  spring  set  out  for 
England,  but  was  detained  by  contrary  winds.f 
Others  again  tell  us  that  immediately  Queen  Margaret 
learnt  from  King  Henry  of  the  success  of  the  Lan- 
castrian party  in  England,  she,  with  the  Prince  her 
son  and  all  her  train,  entered  their  ships  to  proceed  to 
England,  but  the  sharp  winter  and  stormy  weather 
drove  them  back  to  land,  and  obliged  her  to  defer  this 
passage. 

*  Jean  de  Troye  ;    Henry  ;    Philip  de  Comines  ;     Lingard  ;    Female 
Worthies  ;  Villaret. 

f  Miss  Lawrence  ;  Holinshed. 


266  MABGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

Whilst  Louis  XL  and  the  people  of  France  were 
indulging  the  utmost  joy  upon  the  sudden  revolution  in 
the  affairs   of  England,   considerable  uneasiness  was 
manifested  in  the  court  of  Burgundy.     Duke  Charles 
was  full  of  consternation ;  having  engaged  in  war  with 
France,  he  was  now  apprehending  an  attack  on  the  side 
of  England.     To  prevent  this,  he  despatched  Philip  de 
Gomines  to  the  Governor  of  Calais,  whom  he  believed 
to  be  on  his  side ;  but  before  the  arrival  of  this  mes- 
senger, Vauclier  had  hoisted  the  ensigns  of  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  and  had  protested  against  Burgundy.     This 
change  was  so  sudden  that  within  a  quarter  of  an  hour 
after  the  express  had  arrived  from  England,  with  the 
news  of  King  Edward's  flight,  the   whole  town  had 
adopted  the  new  livery.     Many  compliments  were  paid 
by  Vauclier  to  his  guest,  and  some  excuses  for  his 
master,  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who,  he  said,  had  shown 
him  numerous  favours  and  civilities.    The  only  advan- 
tage which  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  obtained  through  this 
embassy,  was  the  prevention  of  an  immediate  rupture. 
King  Edward,  meanwhile,    was  remaining   at  the 
Hague   in   a   somewhat    unhappy   position,  until  his 
brother-in-law    should  be  made    acquainted  with  his 
distress.     It  was  not  to  be    expected  that  this  news 
could   have  given  the  Duke   any   great  satisfaction; 
indeed,  it  threw  him  into  much  perplexity,  and  an  eye- 
witness even  assures  us  that  he  would  have  been  less 
disturbed,  had  he  heard  of  Edward's  death.* 
1470.  Henry  the   Sixth,  although  restored  to  the  throne 

Rapin.  through  the  exertions  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and 
the  Lancastrian  party,  did  not  obtain  that  authority 
in  the  kingdom  which  he  had  formerly  enjoyed. 

In  pursuance  of  the  agreement  entered  into  between 
Queen  Margaret,  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  the  Duke 

*  Lingard  ;  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Hume ;  Henry, 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOTJ.  267 

of  Clarence,  these  noblemen  were  declared  governors 
of  the  kingdom.  A  parliament  was  convened  by  them 
in  the  name  of  King  Henry,  to  meet  on  the  12th  of 
November,  at  Westminster,  in  which  the  new  form  of 
government  was  confirmed,  and  King  Edward  declared 
an  usurper  and  a  traitor,  and  his  estates  confiscated. 
All  his  adherents  were  also  declared  traitors,  and  their 
property  likewise  confiscated.  The  Duke  of  Clarence 
was  adjudged  heir  of  the  Duke  of  York,  whose  duchy 
was  settled  on  him  and  his  descendants,  setting  aside 
the  right  of  his  elder  brother.  All  the  statutes  made 
in  King  Edward's  reign  were  annulled,  and  the  crown 
confirmed  to  Henry  and  his  heirs ;  but,  in  the  event  of 
this  monarch  dying  without  any  heir,  the  Duke  of 
Clarence  was  appointed  to  succeed  him,  to  the  exclusion 
of  Edward,  his  brother,  on  account  of  his  rebellion. 

The  Lords  who  had  suffered  for  the  Lancastrian 
cause  were  restored  to  their  titles  and  property. 
These  were  Jasper  Tudor,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  and 
John  de  Vere,  Earl  of  Oxford,  who  had  been  attainted 
in  the  reign  of  Edward.  The  Marquis  of  Montague 
came  also  to  this  Parliament,  pleading,  in  excuse  for 
his  siding  with  King  Edward,  that  he  had  done  so 
through  the  fear  of  death.  His  excuse  was  accepted, 
and  he  was  restored  to  the  government  of  the  northern 
counties,  an  office  of  which  he  had  been  deprived  by 
Edward,  who  had  bestowed  it  on  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester.  The  Duke  of  Clarence  was  made  Lieu- 
tenant of  Ireland,  and  received  also  other  grants. 
Warwick  re-assumed  his  office  of  Chamberlain  of 
England  and  Captain  of  Calais,  to  which  was  added 
that  of  Lord  High  Admiral.  His  brother,  the  Arch- 
bishop, was  once  more  entrusted  with  the  seals,  and, 
having  obtained  Warwick's  forgiveness  for  allowing 
the  escape  of  King  Edward,  he  obtained  a  grant  of 
Woodstock  Park  and  of  many  other  manors,  as  well 


268  MAKGABET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

as  the  confiscated  estates  of  some  persons  condemned 
for  the  late  rebellion. 

Warwick  and  Clarence  were  made  Governors  of  the 
King,  as  well  as  of  the  kingdom. 

The  members  of  this  Parliament  did  not  hesitate, 
out  of  complacence  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  to  establish 
a  kind  of  Salic  law  in  England,  for,  by  the  arrange- 
ment now  entered  into,  the  female  line  of  the  House 
of  Lancaster  was  totally  excluded  from  the  succession 
to  the  throne. 

The  restoration  of  Henry  VI.  brought  again  into 
favour  the  ill-treated  Alderman  Cooke,  who  was  ap- 
pointed locum  tenens  to  the  Lord  Mayor,  John  Stock- 
ton, who,  being  a  zealous  partisan  of  King  Edward, 
found  it  dangerous  to  make  known  his  sentiments,  and 
being  unwilling  to  join  in  the  rejoicings  for  King- 
Henry,  feigned  illness,  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  called 
upon  Sir  Thomas  Cooke  to  fill  his  office.  The  estates 
of  Cooke  were  at  this  time  restored  to  him. 

It  may  be  said  to  the  praise  of  the  Lancastrians, 
that,  while  as  conquerors  they  were  amply  providing 
for  themselves,  they  did  not  stain  their  conquests  with 
blood,  for  the  only  person  put  to  death  on  the  resto- 
ration of  Henry  VI.  was  John  Tiptoft,  Earl  of  Wor- 
cester, made  Governor  of  Ireland  by  King  Edward, 
and  High  Constable  of  England,  and  whose  cruelties 
in  this  last  office  had  procured  him  from  the  populace, 
the  title  of  "the  butcher."  He  was  taken  in  Wey- 
bridge  forest,  Huntingdonshire,  attempting  to  conceal 
himself  in  a  tree,  having  absconded  on  the  departure 
of  his  master,  King  Edward. 

When  brought  to  London  he  was  attainted  on  a 

charge  of  cruelty,  and  having  been  beheaded  on  Tower 

1470       Hill  the   18th  October,  1470,  was  afterwards  buried 

Paston        aj-  Blackfriars.     Such  was   the   general  detestation  in 

Letters.  t  ,  ° 

which  the  High  Constable  was  held  that,  it  is  added, 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  269 

he  laid  one  night  in  the  Flete,  lest  the  people  should 
tear  him  in  pieces. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  was  now  occupied  in  the 
regulation  of  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom.  He  signed 
the  treaty  with  Louis  XL,  and  dismissed  the  Grand 
Prior  of  the  Order  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem  to  France, 
on  the  16th  February,  to  fetch  over  Queen  Margaret, 
the  Prince,  her  son,  and  others,  and  to  urge  their 
speedy  return  to  England.  This  messenger  employed 
by  the  Earl  was  Sir  John  Longstrother,  bailiff  of  the 
Eagle,  and  seneschal  of  the  Reverend  the  High  Master 
of  Rhodes.  He  had  been  elected  Prior  of  the  Hospital 
of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem  in  England,  in  the  previous 
year,  14G9,  and  had  sworn  fealty  to  King  Edward  on 
the  18th  of  November. 

Again  he  took  this  oath,  to  King  Henry  after  his 
restoration,  on  the  20th  of  October,  1470,  and  was 
the  same  day  made  Treasurer  of  the  Exchequer.  He 
was  a  devoted  Lancastrian,  and  when  appointed  to 
conduct  the  Queen  and  Prince  from  France  into 
England,  he  had  a  grant  from  King  Henry  of  200 
marks  "  of  his  gifte  "  and  "  by  way  of  rewarde  for  his 
"  costs  and  expences  in  that  behalve."*  The  Prior, 
however,  although  he  was  first  and  chief  Baron  of  this 
land,  was  not  able  to  procure  the  speedy  re-appearance 
of  King  Henry's  consort,  to  aid  the  potent  Earl  of 
Warwick,  who,  finding  delay  in  the  arrival  of 
Margaret,  became  impatient,  and  rode  to  Dover  to 
receive  her  ;  but  he  tarried  there  a  long  time  in  vain, 
and  then  returned  with  vexation,  at  a  circumstance 
which  appeared  so  unaccountable,  f 

*  On  the  28th  of  the  same  month  he  was,  conjunctly  with  John  Delves, 
Esq.,  appointed  warden  of  the  Mint. 

+  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  London  Chron. ;  Sharon  Turner  ;  Lingard  ;  Holinshed  ; 
Barante  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Monstrelet ;  Jean  de  Troye  ;  Baudier  ;  Villaret ; 
Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  Henry  ;  Fabyan  ;  Rymer  ;  Patent  Rolls  ;  Howel's  Med. 
Hist.  Anglicanae  ;  Phillips's  Shrewsbury ;  Blore's  Rutland ;  Maitland's 
London. 


2 TO  MARGARET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

Rene  had  taken  the  side  of  royalty  in  the  league 
called  "  du  bien  public,"  for  although  he  perceived  in 
Louis  XL  an  ambitious  spirit,  he  also  could  discern 
that  the  results  of  his  conduct  were  profitable  to  his 
country.  At  the  head  of  this  league  were  the  Dukes 
of  Berri,  Bourbon,  Brittany,  and  Nevers,  the  Count  of 
Charolois,  and  John  of  Anjou. 

In  vain  did  Rene  seek  to  dissuade  his  son,  who 
had  really  to  complain  of  his  cousin,  the  King  of 
France ;  but  Rene  himself  remained  faithful  to  his 
sovereign.  His  example  was  followed  by  the  people 
of  Angers,  and  thither,  in  1464,  did  Louis  XL  repair 
to  encourage  their  loyalty. 

The  rendezvous  of  the  league  was  at  Etampes.  To 
get  there,  the  Duke  of  Brittany  had  to  pass  the  river 
at  Bouchemaine.  The  Ano;evins  formed  the  design 
of  closing  up  his  passage,  but  Rene  opposed  this 
courageous  project,  for  he  hoped  that  a  reconciliation 
would  be  effected  by  pacific  means.  Louis  XL  was, 
however,  much  displeased  with  Rene  for  this,  but  ever 
after  held  the  Angevins  in  higher  estimation  on  this 
account.* 

This  affair  probably  had  some  influence  in  the  treat- 
ment which  Louis  afterwards  showed  to  his  aged 
relative,  in  the  seizure  of  Angers  and  other  places,  and 
the  province  of  Anjou,  which  had  been  restored  to 
King  Rene  upon  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  Mar- 
garet to  Henry  VI.  j" 

John  of  Anjou  perceived  at  length  that  the  con- 
federates sought  only  to  gratify  their  own  ambitious 
views,  and  he  desired  to  put  an  end  to  the  war.  He 
was  one  of  the  chief  authors  of  the  treaties  of  Con- 
flans  and  of  St.  Maceriles-Fosses.  Peace  was  finally 
established,  and  Louis  promised  to  remit  to  John  of 
Anjou  a  considerable  sum,  with  a  large  body  of  troops, 

*  Bourdigne  ;  Gcdard  Faultrier.  +  Bodin  ;  Monstrelet. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  271 

to  enable  him  to  sustain  the  rights  of  his  family  to  the 
crown  of  Naples.  This  Duke,  however,  despaired  of 
any  further  good  fortune  in  Italy,  and  prayed  the  King 
to  grant  him  these  supplies  for  another  object,  viz., 
to  prosecute  his  claims  to  the  throne  of  Arragon. 

The  King  of  France  from  this  time,  instead  of 
acceding  to  his  request,  vowed  hatred  to  John  of 
Anjou,  and  as  he  regarded  it  as  a  crime  in  all  those  who 
had  embraced  the  cause  called  "  le  bien  public,"  he 
did  not  scruple  to  violate  all  his  sacred  promises  to 
this  Prince.  To  this  conduct  of  Louis  has  been  at- 
tributed the  subsequent  ill-success  of  the  Duke  of 
Calabria  in  his  campaign  in  Catalonia. 

By  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  nation,  the  crown  of 
this  country  had  been  offered,  in  1468,  to  Rene  of  Anjou. 
Could  he  have  accepted  it,  he  would  have  had  an 
opportunity,  which  he  ardently  desired,  of  avenging- 
the  affronts  he  had  received  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
from  the  Arragonese ;  and,  besides,  he  had  un- 
doubted claims  to  the  succession,  in  right  of  his 
mother  Yolancl ;  but  Rene  was  now  too  aged  to 
engage  in  so  perilous  an  expedition,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  refuse  this  mark  of  esteem,  resigning 
his  rights  to  his  son  John,  Duke  of  Calabria,  whom 
he  dismissed  to  take  possession  of  the  principality  of 
Catalonia. 

This  Prince  set  out  with  a  formidable  army,  and  in 
his  first  attack  was  very  successful,  but  afterwards 
was  less  fortunate.  Barcelona  opened  her  gates  to 
him  with  rejoicings,  and  the  inhabitants  were  ardent 
in  his  cause.  He  next  turned  his  arms  against  Lam- 
pourdon,  which  the  King  of  Arragon,  who  was  both 
old  and  blind,  came  to  succour,  but  his  troops  were 
beaten  in  a  tumultuous  combat.  This  French  army 
next  marched  to  Gironne,  where  the  people  came  out 
to  oppose  them,  and  on  both  sides  they  fought  with 


272  MARGARET    OF    AXJOTJ. 

ardour,  but  greater  loss  was  sustained  by  the  besiegers, 
and  when  Prince  Ferdinand  arrived  with  fresh  suc- 
cours, the  siege  was  raised. 

Soon  after,  Ferdinand  made  a  sally  from  the  town, 
and  was  utterly  defeated  near  Villademare,  and  was 
forced  to  fly.  The  Duke  of  Calabria  most  of  all  de- 
sired to  take  Gironne,  thinking  that  he  should  thereby 
facilitate  the  execution  of  all  his  projects.  He  there- 
fore passed  into  France  to  raise  new  troops,  and  to 
make  preparations  to  prosecute  the  war  with  vigour. 
He  soon  returned  with  a  new  army  of  15,000  men 
from  Roussillon  and  Sardinia,  which,  united  to  his  old 
troops,  made  his  forces  superior  to  those  of  the  Arra- 
gonese.  He  then  renewed  his  attacks,  and  Gironne, 
after  being  twice  besieged,  was  at  last  taken.  This 
war  was  carried  on  during  three  years,  by  the  Duke 
of  Calabria,  with  alternate  good  and  bad  success.  In 
1470,  he  routed  the* army  of  John,  King  of  Arragon, 
and  besieged  the  town  of  Peralto,  upon  which  he 
returned  to  Barcelona,  intending  to  pass  the  winter 
there,  when  he  was  seized  with  a  fever,  which  caused 
1470.      liis  death,  on  the  16th  of  December,  1470,  at  the  age 

Daniel :  .  .    . 

Eodin.  of  forty-five.  This  Prince  was  on  the  eve  of  obtaining 
possession  of  Arragon  when  his  career  was  thus  ter- 
minated. He  was  interred  without  pomp,  as  a  private 
individual,  in  the  cathedral  of  Barcelona, 

This  Duke  of  Calabria  left  two  sons,  who  survived 
him  but  a  short  time.  He  was  much  regretted,  being 
a  virtuous  and  wise  Prince.  He  was  also  distin- 
guished for  his  bravery,  and  was  so  great  a  general 
that  it  has  been  said,  "  he  wanted  only  fortune  to  be 
"  one  of  the  most  illustrious  men  of  the  times." 
Philip  de  Comines  says  of  him  that  he  was  "  as  great 
"  a  commander  as  any  one  in  the  army,  upon  which 
"  account  a  mutual  friendship  arose  between  him  and 
"  the  Count  of  Charolois." 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  273 

He  also  adds  that  "  upon  occasions  of  alarm  that 
"  Duke  was  the  first  to  mount  his  horse  and  sally 
"  forth  amongst  the  soldiers,  to  direct  them  or  give  his 
"  commands,  which  were  as  readily  obeyed  as  those 
"  of  the  Count  himself;  and,  to  say  the  truth,  he 
"  deserved  it."  * 

The  loss  of  their  chief  did  not  put  an  end  to  the 
civil  discord  amongst  the  Catalonians ;  the  rebels  kept 
up  their  courage,  and  called  to  their  aid  Gaston,  who 
would  not,  they  knew,  despise  the  prospect  of  their 
principality  being  added  to  Sardinia  and  Roussillon. 
They  also  prohibited  any  governor  being  placed  in  the 
towns  and  fortresses,  which  had  none,  until  Eene  of 
Anjou,  or  a  son  of  John,  the  late  Duke,  should  arrive. 
These  young  Princes  had  already  assumed  the  titles 
of  Prince  of  Arragon  and  Duke  of  Calabria ;  yet  they 
were  but  vain  titles,  adding  nothing  to  their  revenues. 
The  age  also  of  these  Princes  would  not  admit  of 
either  of  them  enduring  the  fatigues  of  war,  and  the 
Catalonians  finally  sought  more  efficient  help  from 
another  quarter ;  but  in  the  end,  they  all  submitted  to 
the  King  of  Arragon. f 

Rene  of  Anjou  had  been,  during  the  military  expe- 
ditions of  his  son  John,  inhabiting  by  turns  the  castles 
of  Angers,  Saumur,  Pont  de  Ce,  Beaufort,  and  Bauge, 
devoting  himself  entirely  to  the  pursuits  of  private  life. 
During  the  years  1468,  1469,  and  1470  he  employed 
himself  in  writing  a  collection  of  letters,  290  in  num- 
ber, relative  to  the  Roman  Chancellorship. 

This  Prince  was  versed  in  mathematics  and  theo- 
logy ;  especially  was  he  acquainted  with  the  scriptures. 
His  love  of  letters  united  him  with  the  most  remark- 


*  Some  writers  say  that  he  died  on  the  7th  or  9th  of  July,  and  others 
date  this  event  in  1471. 

f  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Daniel ;  Bodin  ;  Mariana  ;  Mezerai  ;  Monfaucon  ; 
IMoreri ;  Chastellaine  ;  Dom  Calmet ;  Monstrelet. 

VOL.  II.  t 


274  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

able  of  the  learned  men  of  France  and  Italy ;  amongst 
the  latter  was  the  Doge  of  Genoa,  Thomas  de  Carnpo- 
fregosa,  a  man  no  less  distinguished  by  his  situation, 
than  by  his  knowledge. 

Few  monarchs  have  been  gifted  with  so  much 
genius  as  Rene ;  for  instance,  his  fine  illustrated 
book  on  the  laws  of  chivalry,  in  the  King's  library, 
at  Paris.  Several  of  his  works  he  dedicated  to 
Louis  XI.  He  wrote  upon  the  functions  of  the  Pour- 
suivantes  d'armes.*  He  cultivated  literature  and  the 
arts  in  general.  Boru  with  talents  for  war  and  politics, 
he  only  gave  himself  up  with  more  ardour  to  peaceful 
occupations,  forgetting,  in  the  calm  of  a  private  life, 
those  tumultuous  cares  which  had  for  so  long  a  time 
agitated  his  soul.  He  became,  indeed,  persuaded  that 
"  to  be  happy  he  ought  to  forget  that  he  was  a  king." 
In  his  leisure  hours  he  composed  verses,  as  well  as 
wrote  in  prose.  He  composed  several  moral  treatises, 
rondos,  and  ballads,  and  formed  devices,  inscriptions, 
and  tableaux.  His  poems  place  him  in  the  rank  of 
the  troubadours  of  his  age,  and  some  very  pleasing^ 
Provencal  songs,  which  he  composed,  he  also  orna- 
mented with  beautiful  vignettes  by  his  own  hand."}" 

King  Rene  was,  according  to  some  historians,  one 
of  the  most  excellent  painters  of  his  age.  Brantome 
says  this,  and  it  was  the  general  opinion  of  his  times. 
The  portrait  of  Rene,  painted  by  himself,  has  been 
preserved,  and  is  called  by  Monfaucon  a  masterpiece. 
This  picture  was  painted  by  Rene  when  he  was  grey- 
headed. It  was  placed  in  the  chapel  of  the  Carme- 
lites at  Aix.J 

Speaking  of  Rene  as  an  artist,  Bodin  says,  "  this 
<c  modest  qualification  was  Rene's  first  title  to  glory/5 

*  Hist.  General  de  Provence. 

f  Bodin  ;  Moreri  ;  Hist.  Ge'neral  de  Provence. 

J  Monfaucon  ;  Horace  Walpole  ;  Bodin. 


MABGABET    OF    ANJOTJ.  27  d 

and,  "the  fine  arts  have  woven  him  a  crown."  To 
these,  indeed,  he  was  a  protector  and  a  friend.  His 
works  contributed  greatly  to  the  progress  of  painting 
in  France,  and  his  painting  in  the  cathedral  of  Aix 
has  been  considered,  on  account  of  the  manner  in 
which  it  was  executed,  as  one  of  the  most  precious 
monuments  of  the  arts  in  France.  At  this  time  the 
arts  were  but  in  their  infancy  in  Italy,  and  it  was  the 
residence  of  the  Popes  at  Avignon,  which  gave  rise  to 
their  cultivation  in  Provence.  Coloured  miniatures 
were  much  in  vogue,  in  which  less  taste  than  finish  is 
exhibited.  Rene  was  very  successful  in  that  line, 
and  he  also  made  several  oil  paintings  in  the  style  of 
the  Flemish  artists. 

The  principal  paintings  which  are  known  of  Rene's 
are,  the  skeleton  which  decorated  his  tomb  in  the 
church  of  St.  Maurice,  at  Angers,  and  the  "  Burning 
"  Bush,"  which  is  in  the  cathedral  of  Aix.  Eene  ex- 
celled in  painting  figures  on  glass,  and  some  of  these 
figures  are  still  to  be  seen.* 

Notwithstanding  the  magnificence  of  the  court  of 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who  loved  to  gratify  his 
vanity,  by  drawing  a  numerous  concourse  of  knights 
to  his  fetes,  the  French  barons  preferred  the  less 
ostentatious  court  of  the  King  of  Sicily,  where  the 
simplicity  of  the  manners  of  Rene,  and  his  affable 
reception  had  more  attractions  for  them.  In  his 
private,  as  well  as  in  his  public  life,  King. Rene  was 
admirable  for  good  nature.  To  great  benevolence  he 
united  a  gay  and  lively  disposition.  He  was  very 
witty.  Ever  fertile  in  sallies,  he  one  day  exclaimed, 
Cl  Truly  you  will  see,  that  in  the  end,  he  will  ask  of  me 
"  my  county  of  Provence,"  speaking  of  a  gentleman, 
who  did  not  think  his  services  were  sufficiently  re- 
compensed, and  became  importunate  in  his  demands, 

*  Bodin  ;  Moreri ;  Hist.  General  de  Provence. 

t2 


276  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

and  as  he  spoke,  Eene  cast  a  look  at  another  person 
similarly  situated. 

This  Prince  was  very  sober.  "We  are  assured  that 
he  drank  no  wine.  One  day,  some  Neapolitan  lords, 
asked  him  his  reason  for  this.  "It  is,"  he  replied, 
"  in  order  to  give  the  lie  to  Livy,  who  pretended 
"  that,  the  Gauls  only  passed  the  Alps  to  drink  the 
"  wines."  * 

Eene  held  his  court  alternately  in  Anjou  and  Pro- 
vence, and  encouraged  in  both  these  provinces  a  taste 
for  the  belles  letires  and  the  arts.  This  was  doubtless 
the  occasion  of  the  remark  of  a  modern  author,  that 
a  there  exists  a  great  similarity  between  the  Angevins 
"  and  the  Provencals  in  their  customs,  profane  and 
"  religious  ;  in  their  manners,  both  public  and  private  ; 
"  their  patriotism,  language,  attachment  to  their  sove- 
"  reign,  and  their  love  of  letters ;  which  all  prove," 
says  he,  "  that  these  two  charming  countries  have 
"  been  governed  by  the  same  masters."  By  his  rela- 
tions with  Italy,  as  well  as  by  his  benevolent  character, 
Eene  softened  the  manners  of  the  Angevins.  Litera- 
ture, the  arts,  the  theatre,  all  flourished  under  his 
reign. 

He  loved  his  people  sincerely,  and  thus  became 
popular  ;  for  although  his  talents  were  great  and  his 
judgment  good,  the  kindness  of  his  heart  was  still 
more  observable  than  these. f 

The  ambition  of  enlarging  his  domains  did  not  in- 
fluence this  monarch,  who  had  long  experienced  the 
inconstancy,  and  perfidy  of  men,  and  conceived  a 
sort  of  contempt  for  all  that  flatters  the  pride  of 
kings. 

The  reign  of  this  Prince  was  daily  marked  by  new 

*  Moreri ;    Bodin ;     Hist.    General    de    Provence  ;    Villeneuve    Barge- 
mont. 

t  Bodin  ;  Moreri  ;  Gcdard  Faultrier  ;  Hist.  General  de  Provence. 


MARGARET   OP   ANJOU.  277 

benefits.  His  life  was  that  of  a  philosopher  and  a 
good  Christian,  and  his  meditations  and  religious 
exercises  made  him  forget  the  adversities  and  troubles 
of  his  stormy  life.  He  had  all  the  qualities  of  a  great 
man.  Rene's  love  of  justice  has  been  much  boasted 
of,  and  indeed  he  had  been  sometimes  seen  returning 
from  battle  to  listen  to  the  complaints  of  individuals, 
or  to  sign  despatches,  before  he  had  laid  aside  his 
armour.  The  letters  which  he  signed  with  the  greatest 
pleasure  were  letters  of  pardon,  or  those,  by  which  he 
recompensed  services.  This  occasioned  him  to  say, 
that  "the  pen  of  princes  ought  never  to  be  idle." 
He  also  said,  when  speaking  of  the  attention  with 
which  prompt  justice  ought  to  be  rendered,  that  long 
expeditions  caused  the  loss  of  the  good  will,  and  affec- 
tion of  the  people ;  and  these  opinions  became  the  rule 
of  his  conduct. 

The  misfortunes  of  his  reign,  and  of  those  of  his 
predecessors,  had  occasioned  the  loss  of  the  custom  of 
the  Grand  Seneschal's  going  throughout  the  province 
in  order  to  watch  over  the  administration  of  justice. 
Rene,  himself  a  skilful  administrator,  restored  this  im- 
portant function  of  their  office  with  vigour,  in  the  year 
1443 ;  and  commanded  them  to  punish  severely  those 
who  would  have  oppressed  the  people  by  their  injustice. 
In  1448  he  adjudged  the  criminal  proceedings,  prescrib- 
ing a  more  simple  form  of  law-suit ;  regulated  the 
salaries  of  attorneys,  and  sheltered  the  litigious  from 
cunning  and  trickery.  He  also  prevented  by  a  wise 
law,  the  misdemeanors  of  guardians  and  trustees,  and 
restrained  impiety,  blasphemy,  and  gambling.  He 
diminished  taxation,  and  favoured  the  sessions  of  the 
states,  at  which  he  habitually  presided. 

At  Marseilles  he  reorganized  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
"prud'  hommes  pecheurs  ;  "  and  by  the  establishment 
of  the  ordinance   companies,    in   concert   with   King 


278  3IAKGARET    OF    ANJOTT. 

Charles  VII.  lie  contributed  to  substitute,  in  lieu  of  the 
feudal  system,  a  regular  standing  army.* 

King  Rene's  institution  for  the  honest  fishermen  of 
Marseilles,  withstood  all  the  storms  of  the  Revolution. 
This  tribunal  may  be  traced  back  to  the  tenth  century, 
and  it  received,  in  1471,  from  King  Rene  its  definitive 
organization.  The  four  judges  who  composed  it,  and 
their  assistants,  were  elected  annually  on  the  day  of 
Pentecost.  At  their  sittings  they  wore  judges'  gowns, 
and  were  informed  in  all  the  points  of  contention 
relative  to  fishing ;  each  one  pleaded  his  own  cause, 
and  gave  for  costs  two  sous.  The  jury  decided  always 
justly,  and  the  president  expressed  it,  by  saying  to  him 
whose  complaint  was  "without  foundation,  "  La  loi 
"  vous  condanme."  Against  this  sentence,  returned  by 
the  peers,  there  was  no  appeal. 

Rene  loved  much  the  fishermen,  doubtless  from  pious 
motives,  for  his  simple  faith  tended  to  a  regard  for  all 
that  recalled  to  him  the  Apostles.  He  permitted  the 
fishermen  to  carry  to  the  Fete  Dieu  a  large  wax  taper, 
or  torch,  preceded  by  three  minstrels.  This  custom 
still  exists,  the  same  as  the  fete  of  the  Charibande,  in 
imitation  of  the  beacons  of  St.  John.  The  Syndic  of 
the. fishery  of  Reculee  was  called  "The  King  of  the 
"  Roach,"  and  in  this  quality  presided  at  the  Chari- 
bande. | 

King  Rene  has  by  some  been  called  the  "  Merry 
"  Monarch,"  whilst  others  have  regarded  him  with 
contempt,  and  doubtless  there  were  instances  of  his 
peculiar  genius  and  taste,  which  led  to  such  remarks, 
and  perhaps  the  following  may  serve  as  an  instance  : — 
Some  lords  being  at  variance  in  a  matter  of  interest, 
Rene  went  from  Anjou  into  Brittany  to  conciliate 
them.     He   came  to    Carbai,  a   small  parish  in  the 

*  Bodin  ;  Moreri ;  G-odard  Faultrier  ;  Hist.  General  de  Provence. 
f  Moreri  ;  Bodin  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


MAKGAKET   OF   ANJOU.  279 

Canton  of  Pouance,  which  in  time  of  war  furnished  a 
dozen  men  to  the  garrison  of  his  castle  of  Angers,  and 
paid  annually  twelve  poulets  and  an  hundred  bushels 
of  oats.  The  King  was  touched  at  perceiving  the 
extreme  poverty  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  village.  He 
released  them  from  the  tribute  of  provision,  but  on  the 
following  condition :  He  commanded  that  each  year, 
the  d£,y  after  Easter,  the  people  should  assemble  and 
appoint  by  a  majority  of  votes  a  king,  whom  they 
should  choose  from  amongst  his  vassals,  born  in  their 
parish,  and  unmarried  ;  that  they  should  place  a  crown 
on  his  head  of  the  bark  of  the  willow,  surrounded  by 
the  ears  of  hares.  This  King,  being  naked,  was  to 
jump  into  the  pond,  near  to  the  town  of  Carbai,  and 
after  tiis  feat,  the  parish  should  obtain  a  quittance  of 
this  impost.  The  same  day  the  King  of  Carbai,  accom- 
panied by  all  the  vassals  of  the  parish,  assisted  at  high 
mass,  with  the  crown  on  his  head  and  a  white  wand 
in  his  hand.  After  mass  he  made  several  declarations 
in  his  name.  The  prior,  who  was  the  lord  temporal 
and  spiritual  of  Carbai,  gave  to  this  King,  during  the 
day  of  his  royalty,  lodging,  fire,  and  fifteen  pounds  of 
butter,  and  a  frying-pan.  The  rector  offered  up  prayers 
for  Mm,  and  every  householder  gave  two  eggs,  and  in 
default  of  payment  all  their  poulets  were  confiscated 
for  his  profit.  Each  individual  married  within  the 
twelvemonths  owed  him  a  tribute  of  four  farthings,  and 
in  default  of  payment  he  was  taken  to  the  pond.* 

King  Rene  has  been  reproached  by  some  historians, 
who  say  he  possessed  all  the  qualities  valuable  to  a 
private  individual,  but  none  of  those  required  by 
kings,  and  which  made  him  forget  in  the  pursuit  of 
studies  and  amusements  his  duties  as  a  sovereign. 

Rene  encouraged  industry  amongst  his  people  as 
much  as  it  was  possible  to  do  so,  at  a  time  when  the 

*  Bodin. 


280  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

means  of  encouraging  and  extending  it  were  not  yet 
known.  He  made  a  treaty  with  the  King  of  Bone,  in 
Africa,  in  order  to  establish  the  safety  of  navigation 
between  their  respective  subjects.  He  afterwards 
found  that  liberty  only  could  give  activity  to  commerce, 
and  he  granted  freedom  to  all  vessels  that  might  enter 
the  port  of  Marseilles,  of  whatever  nation  they  night 
be,  but,  with  the  ignorance  partaking  of  the  spirit  of 
that  age,  he  restricted  them  to  one  year. 

Kins:  Rene  contributed  much  to  the  establishment 
of  the  first  manufactory  for  glass  ever  known,  at 
Goult,  about  two  leagues  from  the  town  of  Apt,  in 
Provence.  He  declares  by  an  edict  that  the  gentle- 
men of  Provence  shall,  without  derogation,  be  able  to 
employ  themselves  in  this  kind  of  industry.  H3  also 
favoured  the  works  in  the  mines,  by  grants  almost 
gratuitous. 

Rene  was  the  first  to  restrain  the  cupidity  of  gold- 
smiths, which  he  effected  by  commanding  that  the  ser- 
vices of  gold  and  silver  newly  made,  should  be  marked 
with  the  arms  of  the  city  of  Aix,  by  persons  appointed 
to  examine  if  the  title  were  not  altered. 

In  agriculture  Rene  confined  himself  to  the  culture 
of  flowers  and  trees,  and  the  still  imperfect  an  of 
embellishing  gardens.  The  northern  provinces  of  the 
kingdom  were  indebted  to  him  for  their  carnations, 
roses  of  Provence,  the  musk  rose,  and  muscadine 
grapes.  He  likewise  favoured  the  plantations  of  mul- 
berry trees,  which  had  become  of  importance  since 
luxury  had  rendered  the  use  of  silk  more  general. 

Rene  also  bestowed  his  care  and  affection  on  the 
most  rare  and  various  species  of  birds.  In  his  manu- 
script life  we  read  that  he  was  the  first  who  introduced 
into  France  white,  black,  and  red  peacocks.  Also  he 
brought  into  notice  the  large  red  partridge,  and  several 
species  of  rabbits.     He  forbade  the  hunting  of  hares 


MAEGAEET   OF  ANJOU.  281 

and  partridges  in  the  vineyards  of  Aries,  Tarascon,  and 
Marseilles,  perhaps  to  reserve  them  for  himself  alone, 
for  there  appears  no  other  reason  that  he  could  have 
had,  for  allowing  the  increase  of  these  two  kinds  of 
game  in  Lower  Provence. 

Rene  was  tall  and  well  made.  He  was  of  an  agree- 
able countenance,  and  very  gallant.  Some  writers, 
have  even  reproached  him  with  too  great  love  for  the 
female  sex,  and  say,  that  his  regard  for  them  amounted 
to  a  weakness,  to  which  he  became  the  slave  in  his  old 
age.  Traces  of  this  passion  are  found  in  several  of  his 
acts  and  writings ;  for  instance,  one  of  the  articles  of 
the  statutes  of  the  "  Order  of  the  Crescent,"  which 
was  founded  by  Rene,  expressly  prohibits  the  knights 
from  slandering  women,  of  whatever  rank  they  might 
be.  The  Courts  of  Love  in  Provence,  which  had  been 
so  conducive  to  chivalric  gallantry  throughout  Europe, 
no  longer  existed  in  the  time  of  this  Prince,  who,  find- 
ing he  could  not  re-establish  them,  instituted  a  "  Prince 
"  of  Love,"  to  whom  he  gave  annual  officers,  similar 
to  those  of  the  "  Parliament  of  Love."  These  officers, 
accompanied  their  "  Prince  of  Love "  to  the  grand 
procession  of  the  Fete  Dieu,  at  Aix,  and  for  them  he 
established  a  right,  vulgarly  called  "pelotte,"  which 
widows  and  widowers  had  to  pay  when  they  married 
again,  as  if  to  punish  them  for  their  inconstancy  ;  and 
this  was  also  exacted  from  such  persons  as  married 
foreigners.  This  singular  law  the  Parliament  of  Aix 
confirmed  by  several  decrees,  and  it  was  preserved 
until  the  year  1789.* 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  had  formed  his  alliance  with 
King  Edward  not  from  affection,  but  from  state  policy. 
His  mother  was  a  princess  of  the  Lancastrian  line,  and 
had  been  brought  up  in  an  habitual  hatred  of  the 
"  House  of  York  ; '    but  even  this  the  Duke  had  sacri- 

*  Hist.  General  de  Provence  ;  Bodin. 


282  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

ficed  to  his  interests  in  his  marriage  with  Edward's 
sister. 

He  now  saw  himself  reduced  to  the  alternative  of 
abandoning  his  brother-in-law,  who  had  thrown  himself 
on  his  protection,  or  of  becoming  involved  in  a  war 
with  the  allied  powers  of  France  and  of  England.* 
The  Dukes  of  Exeter  and  Somerset  who  had  been 
well  received  at  this  court,  and  who  had  become  more 
distinguished  since  the  revolution  in  England,  urged 
the  Duke  to  abandon  the  fugitive  prince. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  had  dismissed  a  body  of  troops 
to  Calais,  to  await  his  orders  for  an  invasion  of  the  Low 
Countries ;  and  Vaucleir,  the  governor  of  Calais,  took 
this  opportunity  of  showing  his  fidelity  to  the  Earl,  by 
his  reception  of  these  forces,  and  by  other  means. 

It  was  of  so  much  importance  to  the  interests  of  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  to  preserve  peace  with  England, 
that  he  dared  not  to  exasperate  the  Earl  of  Warwick  ; 
he  therefore  pretended,  that  it  was  with  reluctance  he 
had  received  the  unfortunate  Edward  into  his  dominions, 
and  that  he  was  not  at  all  disposed  to  give  him  any 
succours.  He  manoeuvred,  however,  to  assure  Edward 
privately,  that  he  would  give  him  all  the  assistance  he 
required,  when  an  opportunity  should  offer  of  doing  so, 
without  incurring  hazard.  King  Edward  was  but  ill 
pleased,  desiring  earnestly  that  the  Duke  would  declare 
for  him  openly,  hoping  it  would  be  a  means  of  keeping 
his  party  alive  in  England.  Finding  the  Duke  was 
resolved,  and  that  the  Duchess  his  sister  failed  to  per- 
suade him,  Edward  sought  to  gain  a  private  audience. 
He  was  admitted,  for  the  Duke  knew  not  how  to  refuse 
him,  when  Edward  represented  to  him  that  while  he 
delayed  to  declare  for  him,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  was 
strengthening  his  party  in  England,  and  that  nothing 
but  speedy  succour  could  retrieve  his  fallen  fortunes. 

*  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Rapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Henry  ;  Villaret ;  Hume. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  283 

He  then  informed  him  of  the  promise  of  Clarence,  and 
urged  the  necessity  of  instant  measures,  lest  he  should 
again  change  his  mind,  or  Warwick  impede  the  execu- 
tion of  his  design,  which  should  he  discover  he  could 
prevent  by  removing  him  from  public  affairs.  King 
Edward  next  reminded  the  Duke  of  their  mutual  oaths 
of  friendship  and  assistance  in  adversity,  and  added, 
that  by  relieving  him  at  this  moment  he  would  be  pro- 
moting the  good  of  his  family,  who  might  one  day 
require  a  similar  assistance,  and  he  would  besides  enjoy 
the  honour  of  restoring  a  king  to  his  throne.  Finally, 
he  engaged  to  enter  into  a  firm  alliance  with  him,  to 
assist  him  in  his  war  with  France  as  soon  as  he  should 
have  recovered  his  authority  in  England,  and  that  thus 
there  wToulcl  be  a  greater  chance  of  success.  He  con- 
cluded by  saying,  that  the  Duke's  attempt  to  dissemble 
with  the  Earl  and  the  King  of  France  would  be  ineffec- 
tual, and  would  not  prevent  their  uniting  to  effect  his 
ruin.*  These  arguments  had  great  weight  with  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  especially  that  which  related  to  his 
war  with  Louis  XL,  whom  he  could  not  expect  to  re- 
pulse without  the  help  of  England,  and  which  could 
only  be  procured  by  the  restoration  of  Edward.  He 
was,  however,  unable  to  render  this  monarch  much 
assistance  in  the  present  posture  of  affairs  ;  and  should 
the  attempt  fail,  it  would  inevitably  draw  upon  him  the 
indignation  of  Warwick,  who  only  wanted  an  excuse 
to  attack  him.  A  thought  now  struck  him,  of  a  means 
by  which  to  save  his  credit  with  both  parties.  He  gave 
orders  for  four  vessels  to  be  fitted  up  at  Vere,  a  port  in 
Holland,  under  the  names  of  some  persons,  to  whom  he 
remitted  the  necessary  sums ;  he  also  hired  fourteen 
ships  of  the  Easterlings  to  convey  King  Edward,  and 
to  guard  the  English  coast  for  fifteen  days,  that  in  the 
event  of  his  failure  he  might  re-embark. 

*  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Lingard  ;  Hume  ;  Henry ;  Rapin. 


1471. 


284  MABGABET   OF   ANJOU. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  next  bestowed  on  the  English 
monarch  a  large  sum  of  money,  viz.,  50,000  florins  of 
gold,  with  which  he  left  him  in  Holland,  while  he  re- 
turned himself  into  Flanders. 

When  the  preparations  were  completed,  King  Ed- 
ward sailed ;  upon  which,  notice  of  his  disappearance 
was  carried  to  the  Duke,  who  instantly  proclaimed  that 
no  one  should,  on  pain  of  death,  give  him  any  aid. 
This  manoeuvre  would  not  have  imposed  upon  the  Earl 
of  Warwick,  had  not  Edward's  project  been  crowned 
with  success.* 

We  are  informed  that  the  Duke  of  Somerset  and 
other  nobles,  who  had  been  banished  the  kingdom, 
were  already  preparing  to  embark  with  Queen  Margaret 
and  her  son,  when  another  revolution,  no  less  sudden 
and  extraordinary  than  the  last,  took  place  in  England. 

In  the  month  of  January,  1471,  the  Earl  of  Warwick 

Eapm;       received  some  intimations  of  the  proceedings  of  the 

Yorkists ;  and  in  consequence   issued   orders  for  the 

Marquis  of  Montague  to  levy  an  army  in  the  north. 

The  Duke  of  Clarence  also,  received  a  commission  to 

assemble  troops  to   oppose  King  Edward,  should  he 

attempt  to  land  in  England.*)* 

i47i.  This  enterprise  was  soon  after  undertaken  by  Ed- 

tSSSI    ward>  wno  m  March  of  this  year,  1471,  sailed  from  the 

Hume;       p0rt  0f  Vere,  taking  with  him  2,000  men.     When  in 

AlJen  s  x.  •        »-r 

York.  sight  of  Cromer,  m  Norfolk,  he  sent  on  shore  Sir 
Robert  Chamberlaine,  Sir  Gilbert  Debenham,  and 
others  to  see  how  the  country  stood  affected  towards 
him  ;  but,  through  the  vigilance  of  the  Earl  of  Oxford, 
such  great  preparations  had  been  made  on  the  part  of 
Henry  to  oppose  him,  that  Edward  found  it  would  be  un- 
safe to  stay  there,  and  they  steered  northwards.  They,  at 

*  Philip  de  Comines ;  Monfaucon  ;  Baker  ;  Chastellain ;  Eapin  ;  Eume  ; 
Lingard  ;  Henry  ;  Villaret. 
t  Rapin  ;  Henry. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  285 

length,  succeeded  in  landing  at  Ravenspur,  in  Yorkshire, 
and  Edward  expected  to  be  received  here  with  every 
demonstration  of  joy,  but  in  this  he  was  mistaken. 
Many  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  parts  were  well 
affected  towards  King  Henry,  while  others  feared  to 
run  the  risk  of  espousing  the  cause  of  Edward. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  it  was  at  Ravenspur 
that  Henry  IV.  landed  to  dethrone  Richard  II.  King 
Edward  was  induced  to  imitate  that  monarch  in  his 
dissimulation  and  perjury.  He  showed  a  safe  conduct 
from  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  and  pretended  that 
he  did  not  come  to  claim  the  crown,  but  his  father's 
inheritance. 

No  opposition  being  offered,  Edward  proceeded 
cautiously,  making  it  appear  that  he  came  only  as  Duke 
of  York  to  recover  his  property  which  had  been  confis- 
cated. His  motive  for  this  line  of  conduct  was,  that  he 
believed  the  people  were  attached  to  him,  although  the 
magistrates  were  against  him.  This  might  have  been 
owing  to  the  foresight  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who, 
upon  the  restoration  of  Henry  VI. ,  had  filled  up  these 
offices  with  persons  attached  to  his  service,  and  to  these 
he  had  just  sent  orders  not  to  admit  Edward  as  Duke 
of  York. 

By  coming  thus  only  to  claim  his  inheritance,  Edward 
gave  the  people  an  opportunity  of  declaring  for  him, 
while  the  magistrates  had  not  so  good  a  pretext  for  the 
exercise  of  their  authority  as  they  might  have  had  if  he 
had  advanced  his  pretensions  to  the  crown.  To  con- 
vince the  people  of  his  sincerity,  he  even  took  an  oath 
to  the  effect,  and  received  the  sacrament  upon  it,  that 
he  came,  not  to  disturb  King  Henry,  but  only  to  recover 
his  inheritance.  He  wore  the  ostrich  feather,  the 
ensign  of  Prince  Edward,  and  ordered  his  followers  to 
cry  "  King  Henry !  "  in  every  town  and  village  through 
which  they  passed.     Styling  himself  Duke  of  York,  he 


286  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

thus  made  his  way  to  the  city  of  York,  much  displeased, 
however,  at  the  indifference  shown  him  by  the  people.* 
Hume"!'  Warwick  and  Clarence  were  levying  forces  with  the 

Eapin ;  greatest  activity,  from  the  time  they  were  informed  of 
York.  King  Edward's  arrival.  They  issued  orders  for  the 
magistrates  of  the  different  towns  to  close  their  gates 
against  the  Yorkists,  and  Montague,  who  had  an  army 
at  Pontefract,  was  commanded  to  march  against  Ed- 
ward, and  prevent  his  gaining  admission  into  York ; 
but,  for  some  reason  which  has  never  been  explained, 
the  Marquis  remained  where  he  was,  and  did  not  oppose 
the  invader's  progress.  This  conduct  has  been  attri- 
buted to  various  causes :  the  most  probable  is,  that 
Montague,  thinking  that  Edward  might  be  successful, 
adopted  this  course,  in  order  to  be  afterwards  reconciled 
to  him,  and  believing  he  could  make  his  peace  with 
Warwick,  should  he  gam  the  day. 

At  the  city  of  York,  King  Edward  was  met  by  two 
of  the  aldermen  of  that  city,  who,  as  representatives  of 
the  magistrates,  entreated  him  to  march  another  way, 
as  they  could  not  possibly  receive  one,  who  came  to 
wrest  the  crown  from  their  lawful  sovereign.  Edward 
mildly  replied  that  such  was  not  his  purpose  ;  but, 
since  the  nation  had  again  acknowledged  Henry  for 
their  King,  he  also  had  received  him,  and  intended  no 
harm  towards  him.  He  came  but  to  require  him  to 
restore  his  estates,  having;  but  a  few  followers  with 
him  ;  he  looked  to  Parliament  to  decide  his  cause,  and 
he  wished  but  to  end  his  days  in  peace  in  that  alle- 
giance which  became  a  faithful  subject.  That,  as  for 
the  rest,  he  ought  not  to  be  denied  admittance  into 
York,  since  not  only  his  title,  but  his  lands  being  in 
their  county,    made  him  especially  a  countryman  of 

*  Sandford  ;  Baker  ;  Daniel  ;  Stow  ;  Lond.  Chron.  ;  Paston  Letters  ; 
Allen's  York  ;  Monstrelet  ;  Comines  ;  Xonfaucon  ;  Eapin  ;  Lingard  ; 
Hume  ;  Henry  ;  Villaret. 


MARGAKET   OF   ANJOU.  287 

theirs.     In  short,  he  reminded  them  of  the  favours  they 
had  received  from  his  family. 

The  magistrates  were  but  ill  pleased  with  this  reply, 
yet  they  could  not  appease  the  clamours  raised  by  the 
Duke's  friends,  who  were  numerous  in  that  city.  These 
represented  that  the  Duke  ought  to  be  admitted,  as  he 
acknowledged  the  authority  of  King  Henry,  and  was 
willing  to  submit  to  the  decisions  of  Parliament; 
finally,  that  they  should  not  refuse  one,  who  came  only 
to  claim  his  own  inheritance. 

At  length  some  deputies  were  sent  by  the  magis- 
trates to  Edward  to  make  terms  with  him,  and  prevent 
the  plunder  of  the  city.  Their  proposals  were  at  once 
agreed  to  by  Edward,  who  assured  them  that  he  had 
no  intention  of  injuring  the  city,  and  that  he  was  sin- 
cere in  his  obedience  to  King  Henry.  These  declara- 
tions procured  him  a  ready  admission  into  the  city, 
where  he  proceeded  to  the  cathedral,  and  confirmed 
his  engagements  by  a  sacred  oath.  This  obtained  him 
the  good  will  of  the  citizens,  so  that  they  lent  him 
money  to  defray  his  expenses,  and  he  was  thus  enabled 
to  proceed  to  London.  His  army  was  much  augmented 
while  at  York,  and  he  had  great  expectations  of  still 
more  increasing  it  on  his  route ;  moreover,  he  relied 
on  the  promise  of  Clarence  to  come  over  to  him. 

At  Nottingham,  Edward  was  joined  by  Lord  Stanley, 
Sir  Thomas  Parr,  Sir  James  Harrington,  Sir  Thomas 
Montgomery,  and  several  others,  who  brought  him  re- 
inforcements. Finding  himself  now  at  the  head  of  an 
army  of  4,000  men,  or  more,  he  threw  off  the  mask, 
and,  in  violation  of  the  oath  he  had  just  taken  in  the 
cathedral  of  York,  he  assumed  the  name  of  King.* 

During  these   transactions  Warwick  and  Clarence      H7i 
had   been  employed  in  raising  two  separate  armies,  Henry.' 

*  Baker  ;  Stow  ;  Rapin  ;  Allen's  York  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard. 


288  MAEGAEET    OF   AXJOTJ. 

which  they  intended  to  unite,  and  to  place  the  young 
Prince  Edward  at  their  head,  as  chief  commander,  but, 
this  Prince  had  not  yet  returned  from  France ;  when 
"Warwick,  who  had  not  doubted  that  Montague  would 
have  been  powerful  enough  to  repel  King  Edward, 
heard  to  his  great  amazement,  that  the  Marquis  had 
permitted  him  to  pass  on  without  opposition,  and  that 
Edward's  army  was  increasing  continually  in  numbers 
as  it  advanced  towards  the  metropolis. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  was  much  puzzled  to  know 
the  motives  of  Montague's  conduct,  yet  he  resolved  to 
act  with  caution.  He  first  despatched  express  orders 
for  the  Marquis  to  come  and  join  him  ;  and  at  the 
same  time,  desiring  the  Duke  of  Clarence  to  advance 
with  haste,  he  came  to  the  resolution  of  encamping 
near  Coventry.  At  this  place  he  intended  to  await 
the  approach  of  King  Edward,  and  seek  to  amuse  him 
until  these  two  bodies  of  troops  should  be  able  to  join 
him.  These  set  out  in  obedience  to  the  Earl's  com- 
mands, but,  before  they  could  reach  him,  Edward 
approached  very  near  the  camp  of  Warwick,  who, 
rinding  himself  too  weak  to  encounter  him,  sent  several 
despatches  to  hasten  the  assistance  of  Clarence ;  the 
latter  excused  his  delay,  when,  just  as  the  two  armies 
were  on  the  point  of  engaging,  the  Duke  of  Gloucester 
rode  off  to  the  camp  of  his  brother,  with  a  few  followers, 
and  without  having  asked  a  safe  conduct.  He  was 
affectionately  received  by  Clarence,  and,  after  a  short 
conference,  King  Edward  was  proclaimed  throughout 
the  army,  all  the  officers  being  prepared  for  this  event, 
and  having  previously  been  persuaded  to  espouse  his 
cause. 

It  was  thus  that  this  monarch,  but  a  short  time 
before  a  fugitive  and  suppliant  to  a  foreign  prince, 
beheld  himself  once  more,  at  the  head  of  a  powerful 
army,  and  acknowledged  King  by  the  chief  nobility  of 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ.  289 

England,  being  the  same  day  joined  by  Clarence  and 
all  his  forces. 

Warwick,  notwithstanding  this  very  unexpected 
blow,  would  not  listen  to  any  accommodation,  although 
the  Duke  of  Clarence,  who  felt  some  compunction  for 
his  own  conduct,  sent  to  offer  his  mediation  between 
his  brother  and  the  Earl. 

The  latter  replied  with  indignation,  "  Tell  your 
41  master,"  said  he,  "  that  Warwick,  true  to  his  word, 
"  is  a  better  man  than  the  false  and  perjured  Clarence. 
"  The  sword  he  had  appealed  to,  was  the  only  arbiter 
"  he  would  admit  between  him  and  his  enemies." 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  had  hoped  that  the  Londoners 
would  refuse  to  admit  Edward,  should  he  appear  be- 
fore the  capital,  and  resolved,  in  this  case,  to  follow 
him  thither,  as  soon  as  he  should  be  joined  by  the 
Marquis  of  Montague,  and  either  compel  him  to  retire, 
or  fight  him  before  the  gates,  at  a  great  disadvantage.* 

The  Earl,  when  rejoined  by  Montague  and  others, 
sent  to  his  brother,  the  Archbishop  of  York,  to  endea- 
vour to  keep  possession  of  the  capital.  For  this  pur- 
pose the  latter  sought  to  arouse  the  loyalty  of  the 
citizens  towards  the  Lancastrian  King.  He  caused 
this  monarch  to  ride  from  St.  Paul's,  through  the 
Cheap,  down  Walbroke ;  yet  this  expedient  had  but 
little  effect,  so  many  of  the  Londoners  being  favourable 
to  King  Edward.  Finding  his  efforts  so  unsuccessful, 
the  Archbishop  secretly  sent  to  obtain  the  pardon  of 
Edward,  which  was  granted  him,  upon  his  assurances 
of  future  fidelity. 

As  it  had  been  expected,  King  Edward  marched 
directly  to  London.  He  had  many  friends  there,  and 
he  flattered  himself  that,  when  they  beheld  him  ap- 
proach with  so  powerful  an  army,  they  would  use  their 

*  Cont.  Hist.  Croy. ;  Speed  ;  Stow ;  Baker  ;  Comines ;  Ling-ard ;  Howel ; 
Paston  Letters  ;  Monf aucon  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;  Henry. 

VOL.  II.  U 


290  MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOTJ. 

influence  with  the  people  to  procure  him  admission. 
Nothing  could  be  more  advantageous  to  him  than  to 
gain  over  this  city  to  his  interests ;  and  the  army  of 
Warwick  being  at  a  distance  favoured  his  design. 
Many  of  the  citizens  also  owed  him  large  sums  of 
money,  of  which  he  stood  in  need ;  and  he  could  not 
calculate  upon  entire  success  in  his  restoration,  unless 
he  had  command  of  the  capital.  It  was  also  of  great 
consequence  to  him  that  he  should  obtain  possession  of 
King  Henry's  person.  He  had  therefore  resolved  to 
run  all  hazards,  which  he  knew  would  be  great,  should 
the  citizens  refuse  to  receive  him. 

In  London  great  consternation  had  prevailed  when 
the  news  arrived  of  the  Duke  of  Clarence  having 
joined  his  brother's  standard.  Despair  of  Warwick's 
success  spread  universally,  and  inspired  a  kind  of 
terror  into  the  minds  of-  the  people,  which  Edward's 
friends  artfully  sought  to  augment,  by  reminding  them 
of  the  clanger  to  which  they  were  exposed  from  this 
King's  resentment,  should  they  not  adopt  some  speedy 
means  of  submission.  All  those  who  had  taken  refuge 
in  the  Sanctuaries,  no  less  than  2,000  in  number,  came 
forward  now  to  advance  the  interests  of  their  King, 
whilst  his  enemies  drew  back  in  dismay,  lest  they 
should  involve  themselves  in  some  new  trouble.  In 
vain  did  the  Duke  of  Somerset  and  the  Archbishop  of 
York  seek  to  oppose  the  tide  of  popularity  towards 
Edward ;  they  were  not  listened  to,  and  their  assur- 
ances that,  within  three  days,  Warwick  would  be  at 
their  gates  to  relieve  them,  were  equally  unavailing ; 
the  sight  of  Edward's  army  made  them  disbelieve  all 
they  said.  In  short,  the  Lancastrians  were  compelled 
to  withdraw  from  the  city,  while  the  people  hailed 
King  Edward's  return,  and  went  out  in  crowds  to  meet 
him,  sending  forth  the  loudest  acclamations  of  joy. 
Amidst  these  contending  interests,  no  one  so  much  as 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  291 

thought  of  aiding  the  escape  of  the  unfortunate  King 
Henry. 

In  a  triumphal  manner  King  Edward  entered  the  jJn4R0U. 
city  of  London  on  the  11th  of  April,  1471.     He  rode  Topiis; 
first  to  St.  Paul's,  and  thence  to  the  Bishop's  Palace,  Rapin. 
where  the  Archbishop  of  York  presented  himself,  lead- 
ing King  Henry  by  the  hand,  whom  he  delivered  up 
to  Edward.     The  Lancastrian  monarch  was,  after  a 
reign  of  only  six  months,  since  his  release,  again  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower. 

King  Edward  then  proceeded  to  Westminster,  and 
there  returned  thanks  to  God  for  his  safe  return.  He 
also  expressed,  in  lively  terms,  his  gratitude  to  the 
people,  for  their  demonstration  of  attachment  to  him, 
promising  to  bear  it  in  remembrance  ;  and  he  per- 
formed several  acts  of  clemency,  which  served  to 
heighten  his  popularity.  He  then  immediately  re- 
assumed  the  government  of  the  kingdom.* 

*  Sandf  ord  ;    Stow  ;    Baker  ;    Howel  ;    Hume  ;    Daniel :    Monf  aucon  j 
Lingard  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry ;  John  Rous  ;  Topiis  ;  Paston  Letters. 


u  2 


CHAPTER  VII. 

{  Warwick. ) 

11  My  blood,  my  want  of  strength,  my  sick  heart  shows, 
1 '  That  I  must  yield  my  body  to  the  earth, 
"  And  by  my  fall,  the  conquest  to  my  foe." 

Shakespeare. 

{King  Henry. ) 

"  Ah !  kill  me  with  thy  weapon,  not  with  words  ! 
"  My  breast  can  better  brook  thy  dagger's  point, 
"  Than  can  my  ears  that  tragic  history. 
"  But  wherefore  dost  thou  come  ?  is't  for  my  life  ?" 

Shakespeare. 


The  Earl  of  Warwick  resolves  to  fight — Battle  of  Barnet — King  Edward 
enters  London  in  triumph — Queen  Margaret  lands  at  Weymouth — She 
goes  to  Beaulieu — Her  alarm  for  her  son's  safety — She  goes  to  Bath — 
The  lords  assemble  the  Lancastrian  forces — King  Edward  collects  his 
army — The  battle  of  Tewkesbury — Queen  Margaret  taken  prisoner — 
The  Duke  of  Somerset  and  the  Grand  Prior  of  St.  John's  taken,  and 
executed — Prince  Edward  murdered — Sir] John  Fortescue  taken"  prisoner, 
and  liberated  by  King  Edward — Queen  Margaret  led  in  triumph  to 
London,  and  imprisoned  in  the  Tower — Henry  VI.  murdered- — His 
character,  &c. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  advanced  with  great  speed 
towards  London.  He  had  entertained  hopes  that  the 
citizens  would  detain  King  Edward  at  least  a  few 
days,  in  the  expectation  of  his  succours  ;  but,  rinding 
himself  disappointed,  he  had  no  resource  left  but  to 
give  his  enemies  battle,  however  uncertain  he  might 
feel  of  the  result.  Of  his  success  in  this  engagement 
he  could  not  but  be  doubtful,  his  army  being  less 
numerous  than  that  of  the  King,  and  the  uncertain 
conduct  of  his  brother,  the  Marquis  of  Montague, 
having  given  him  great  cause  for  mistrust. 

The  Marquis  had  joined  in  his  plot  with  evident 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ.  293 

reluctance,  and  he  had  since  twice  neglected  to  assist 
him,  under  circumstances  which  ought  to  have  called 
forth  the  greatest  exertions.  He  could  not  dismiss 
him,  without  discouragement  to  his  army ;  still,  after 
beholding  the  conduct  of  Clarence,  he  feared  much 
that  his  own  brother  might  have  been  corrupted.  At 
length  Warwick  resolved  to  risk  his  fortunes  on  the 
event  of  a  battle,  and,  should  he  lose  it,  to  perish. 
He  arranged  it  so,  however,  that  his  brother  Mon- 
tague should  be  placed  in  as  much  peril  as  himself, 
since  his  conduct,  upon  this  occasion,  would  alone 
prove  his  fidelity. 

The  army  of  AVarwick  was  encamped  in  a  large 
plain  called  Gladsmore  Heath,  near  Barnet,  ten  miles 
north  of  London,  and  here  these  forces  were  met 
by  King  Edward.  A  terrible  engagement  followed, 
which  decided  the  quarrel  of  the  two  parties.  It  was 
fought  on  the  14th  of  April,  being  Easter  Day,  in  the 
year  1471.* 

The  unfortunate  Henry  the  Sixth  was  brought  to      1471« 
the  field  by  his  rival,  King  Edward,  who  did  not  think  Topiis; 
it  safe  to  trust  any  one  with  the  care  of  him.    Happily  Letters ; 
for   that   monarch,    amidst   the    various   changes    of  ^^t; 
fortune  to  which  he  was  subject,  his  natural  weakness  Hem"y ; 
of  mind  caused  him  to  view  with  less  anxiety,  the  Lmgard, 
difficulties  and  dangers  which  another  of  more  energy 
and  spirit  would,   doubtless,  have  regarded  with  the 
utmost  alarm,  j" 

The  Earl  of  Warwick,  upon  this  eventful  day,  wore 
an  ostrich  feather,  to  show  his  sincerity,  as  his  cog- 
nizance— the  badge  of  the  young  Prince  Edward.  He 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  right  wing  of  his 
army,  which  consisted  of  horse,  the  Marquis  of  Mon- 

*  An  obelisk  was  erected  to  commemorate  this  battle  by  Sir  Jeremy 
Sambroke,  of  Gobion,  in  the  year  1740,  near  Barnet. 

f  Sandf ord  ;  Stow;  Speed;  Topiis;  Pennant  ;•  Rapin;  Henry;  Lingard; 
Cont.  Hist.  Croyland  ;  Philip  de  Comines. 


294  MARGARET   OF   AJSTJOU. 

tague,  and  the  Earl  of  Oxford,  and  the  left,  consisting 
also  of  horse,  he  led  on  himself,  with  the  Duke  of 
Exeter,  while  the  main  body,  consisting  of  bills  and 
bows,  was  conducted  by  the  Duke  of  Somerset. 

On  the  King's  side  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  led  the 
vanguard,  King  Edward  the  main  body,  and  Lord 
Hastings  brought  up  the  rear.  The  fight  commenced 
at  an  early  hour  in  the  morning,  some  say  four  o'clock, 
and  continued  until  noon.*  Both  sides  fought  with 
great  obstinacy  and  various  success.  Never,  perhaps, 
was  more  undaunted  courage  displayed,  than  upon  this 
occasion. 

As  no  one  could  expect  any  favour  from  his 
adversary,  each  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost, 
fighting  with  deadly  hatred,  knowing  that  certain 
destruction  followed,  if  defeated.  The  Earl  of  War- 
wick's followers  especially  strove  with  desperation, 
and  at  first  had  reason  to  expect  the  victory ;  indeed, 
it  appeared  to  them  so  certain,  that  a  few  from  the 
squadrons  of  the  Earl,  rode  off  with  the  news  to 
London  of  the  defeat  of  the  Yorkists. 

King  Edward,  however,  bringing  up  a  body  of 
reserve,  fell  upon  the  flank  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick's 
army,  and  put  it  into  great  confusion.  The  Earl's 
forces  were  too  small  to  admit  of  his  making  a  detach- 
ment to  prevent  this  accident,  and  a  movement  of  the 
Earl  of  Oxford  assisted  in  turning  the  fortunes  of  the 
clay  against  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  Oxford  had  been 
successful  against  King  Edward,  but,  thinking  that  he 
had  left  his  line  too  much  exposed,  he  wheeled  back 
again.  Unfortunately  his  badge,  a  staff*  with  streams, 
too  much  resembling  the  King's,  which  was  a  sun,  it 

*  Others  say  the  fight  was  over  at  ten  o'clock. 

f  Speed  tells  us  that  Oxford's  men  had  his  star  or  mullet  embroidered 
on  their  coats,  and  King  Edward's  soldiers  the  sun  ;  but  it  was  a  little  white 
rose,  with  the  rays  of  the  sunbeams  pointing  round  about  it. — Lotvers's 
Heraldry. 


MABGAKET    OF    ANJOTJ.  295 

was  mistaken,  and  a  fine  mist  arising,  the  Lancastrians 
were  unable  to  distinguish  between  them.  Thus,  when 
Oxford  returned  to  his  post,  his  squadrons  were  taken  for 
those  of  the  enemy,  and  this  Earl's  prudent  precaution 
eventually  became  his  ruin,  for  his  followers  were 
routed  before  he  could  convince  them  of  their  error. 
Great  disorder  then  prevailed ;  some  thinking  that 
they  were  betrayed,  being  attacked  by  their  own 
forces,  cried  "Treason!  treason!"  and  went  over  to 
the  enemy  ;  while  others,  seeing  them  fly,  believed 
that  they  were  attacked  in  the  rear,  and  were  dread- 
fully alarmed,  and  at  a  loss  how  to  act.  Finally,  King 
Edward,  taking  advantage  of  the  mistake,  despatched 
all  wio  fled  towards  him,  and  Warwick's  efforts  were 
quite  ineffectual  towards  restoring  order.  He  exerted 
himself  to  the  utmost,  striving  by  his  own  example 
to  encourage  his  army.  He  rushed  on  foot  into  the 
thickest  of  the  fight,  and  ere  long  met  his  death,  being 
covered  with  wounds.  His  brother  Montague,  seeking 
tc  rescue  him,  shared  the  same  fate.  The  Lancastrian 
anny  was  entirely  routed.  No  less  than  10,000  were 
slain ;  for  King  Edward,  who  had  on  former  occasions, 
commanded  that  the  soldiers  should  be  spared,  but  no 
quarter  given  to  the  generals,  had,  upon  this  day, 
issued  orders  for  an  indiscriminate  slaughter.  Twenty- 
three  knights  were  slain  on  the  side  of  the  Lancastrians, 
amongst  whom  was  Sir  William  Tyrell. 

The  Duke  of  Somerset  and  the  Earl  of  Oxford  fled 
into  Wales  to  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  who  was  at  this 
ime  levying  troops  there  for  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 

The  Duke  of  Exeter  had  fought  with  much  bravery 
in  this  battle,  and  was  left  for  dead  on  the  field ;  but 
he  recovered,  and,  crawling  to  the  nearest  house, 
prevailed  upon  some  friends  to  convey  him  to  the 
Sanctuary  of  Westminster. 

On  the  side  of  King  Edward  were  slain  Humphrey 


29(3  MAEGARET   OF   AXJOU. 

Bouchier,  Lord  Cromwell,  Lord  Barnes,  and  Sir 
John  Lisle,  Lords  Say,  Mountjoy,  and  others.  Most  of 
those  who  were  killed  in  this  battle  were  buried  upon 
the  plain  where  they  had  fought,  and  a  chapel  was 
afterwards  built  there  by  King  Edward,  who  appointed 
a  priest  to  say  mass  for  the  souls  of  the  departed.* 

Such  was  the  termination  of  this  bloody  engage- 
ment, and  the  tragic  end  of  Warwick,  the  most  power- 
ful and  conspicuous  subject  England  ever  beheld, 
having  obtained  such  great  influence  that  he  was  able 
to  raise  to  the  throne,  or  to  remove  from  it,  kings  at 
his  own  will;  thence  was  he  styled  "  the  king-maker." 
The  death  of  this  Earl  was  more  important  to  King 
Edward  than  any  victory  could  have  been ;  fa  the 
continued  success  of  this  nobleman  had  so  gained  on  the 
superstitious  minds  of  the  people,  as  to  cause  the  belief 
that  the  party  he  supported  must  eventually  triumph."} 

The  bodies  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  his  brother 
Montague  were  exposed  to  view  for  three  or  four  da^s 
in  St.  Paul's,  that  all  might  know  of  then  death,  aid 
no  more  pretend  the  contrary,  and  cause  sediticn, 
and  then  they  were  interred  in  the  monastery  at 
Bisham,  in  Berkshire,  which  had  been  founded  by  tie 
Montacutes,  their  maternal  ancestors.  The  remains 
of  Richard  Neville,  Earl  of  Salisbury,  who  had  been 
beheaded  at  York,  in  1460,  for  his  adherence  to  the 
Lancastrian  cause,  had  been  also  buried  there.J 

Some   writers    affirm    that    Montague    deserted  to 

*  Sir  John  Paston,  who  fought  in  this  battle  for  the  Lancastrians,  wr<)te- 
to  his  mother  four  days  after,  that  the  loss  of  life,  on  both  sides,  amounted 
to  more  than  a  thousand  men  :  other  writers  say  4,000.  Fabyan  and  TopLis 
tell  us  1,500  fell  on  the  side  of  the  victors  ;  Hall,  10,000  at  the  least ;  aJBo 
Howel,  10,000. 

f  Stow  ;  Sandford  ;  Howel  ;  Toplis  :  Baker  ;  Hall  ;  Fabyan  ;  Paston 
Letters;  Lond.  Chron. ;  Pennant;  Leland  Coll. :  Monstrelet;  Allen's  York: 
Monfaucon  :  Daniel ;  Biographic  Universelle  ;  Bapin  :  Barante  ;  Lingard  : 
Henry  ;  Hume  ;  Lysons'  Magna  Britannia. 

J  Stow  ;  Paston  Letters ;  Hardyng's  Chron. :  Magna  Britannia ;  Bridges'; 
Xc  rthamptonshire  :  Lingard  :  Baker's  Northamptonshire. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  207 

Edward,  and  thus  caused  the  defeat  of  Warwick,  and 
that  when  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  followers  discovered 
that  he  had  changed  his  livery,  they  slew  him  imme- 
diately. Also  that  Warwick,  seeing  his  brother  slain, 
Oxford  fled,  and  the  fortune  of  the  clay  turned  against 
him,  leaped  upon  a  horse,  in  hopes  of  escaping,  but, 
coming  to  an  impassable  wood,  was  there  killed.* 

It  is  possible  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick  might  have 
been  more  fortunate  had  he  awaited  the  arrival  of 
Queen  Margaret,  whose  presence,  at  least,  would  have 
drawn  to  his  standard,  all  the  most  zealous  friends  of 
the  House  of  Lancaster ;  but  the  pride  of  the  Earl 
would  not  permit  this  delay,  as  he  did  not  choose  to 
share  the  honours  of  his  triumph  with  his  Queen }. 
desiring  that  they  should  be  exclusively  his  own.  No 
doubt  his  hatred  to  Queen  Margaret  had  some  influ- 
ence, and  also  his  fear  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset, 
whose  father  and  brother  he  had  put  to  death.")" 

Warwick,  also,  might  have  relied  much  on  his  own 
popularity,  which  speedily  drew  a  numerous  party 
around  his  standard,  everyone  being  proud  of  bearing 
his  cognizance,  "  the  bear  and  ragged  staff,"  in  his 
cap  ;  some  of  gold  enamelled,  others  of  silver,  and 
those  who  could  not  afford  the  precious  metals,  cut 
them  out  of  white  silk  or  cloth. 

No  one  was  better  fitted  to  obtain  partizans  than  this 
noble  Earl,  for  besides  his  wealth,  valour,  and  warlike 
skill,  his  manners  were  authoritative  and  persuasive, 
and  he  well  knew  how  to  inspire  affection  in  those 
whom  he  would  unite  in  his  cause.;): 

Once  again  king,  Edward  entered  London  tri- 
umphantly (bringing  his  prisoner,  King  Henry  the 
Sixth  with  him),  and  having,  to  all  appearance,  by  this 

*  Pennant  ;  Monstrelet ;  Baker. 

+  Barante  ;  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Hume  ;  Baudier. 

%  Barante ;  Pol.  Vergil. 


298  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

victory,  secured  his  crown.  He  was  welcomed  anew 
with  joy  by  the  citizens,  who  had  feared  AYarwick's 
return,  even  if  successful. 

After  returning  thanks  to  God  in  St.  Paul's,  King 
Edward  remanded  the  unfortunate  Henry  to  his  former 
prison  in  the  Tower.  A  pardon  was  also  issued  by 
the  King  for  the  Archbishop  of  York,  whom,  through 
mistrust,  he  had  before  committed  to  prison  ;  probably 
not  wishing  to  offend  the  clergy,  and  also  desirous  of 
showing  his  gratitude  to  the  Archbishop  for  having, 
whether  purposely,  or  inadvertently,  permitted  his 
escape  from  Middleham  Castle.* 

There  were  others  who  sought  for  King  Edward's 
favour,  but  were  less  fortunate.  Henry  Holland,  Duke 
of  Exeter,  from  the  Sanctuary  of  Westminster,  where 
he  had  taken  refuge,  addressed  his  prayer  to  the 
King  to  spare  his  life,  and  he  had  hopes  that,  through 
the  intercession  of  his  wife,  the  sister  of  Edward,  he 
should  obtain  his  pardon.  This  lady,  however,  far 
from  commiserating  the  unhappy  position  to  which 
the  adverse  fortunes  of  her  husband  had  brought  him, 
not  only  neglected  him,  but  in  the  following  year 
sued  for  and  obtained  a  divorce  (November  12th, 
1472),  and  then  married  Sir  Thomas  St.  Leger. 

The  Duke  of  Exeter,  meanwhile,  had  been  cast 
into  prison,  where  he  received  only  the  weekly  allow- 
ance of  half  a  mark.  He  afterwards  escaped  and  went 
abroad,  where  he  lived  in  great  distress  and  poverty. 
Finally,  in  147-1,  his  dead  body  was  found  on  the 
sea-shore,  on  the  coast  of  Kent ;  but  we  have  no 
account  of  the  means  of  his  escape  from  prison,  or  of 
the  authors  of  his  death. | 

*  Stow  ;  Fabyan  ;  Hardyng's  Clxron. ;  Allen's  York  ;  Toplis  ;  Pastoii 
Letters  :  Baker  ;  Rapin ;  Lingarcl. 

f  To  this  Henry  Holland,  Duke  of  Exeter,  Henry  VI.  was  godfather. — 
Sandford  ;  Jlilh-s's  Catalogue;  Stow;  PJdlij)  de  Comines ;  Paston  Letters; 
Lingard  ;  Lela/nd  Coll.;  Monstrelet. 


MAKGAKET    OP    ANJOU.  299 

Another  of  the  Lancastrians,  John  de  Vere,  Earl 
Oxford,  became  a  fugitive  after  the  unfortunate  issue 
of  the  battle  of  Barnet.     Some  authors  write  that  he 
fled  to  Scotland,  where,  discovering  a  plot  to  betray 
him,  he  escaped  into  Wales,  to  join  the  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke.    Others  say,  that  after  the  encounter  at  Barnet  p*471* 
he  went  into  Wales  and  France  ;  but  all  agree  that  he  Letters, 
preferred  a  life  of  activity,  and  collected  a  few  troops,* 
and,  with  his  squadron  of  twelve  sail,   he  swept  the 
seas,  carrying  off  rich  prizes,  and  making  inroads  in 
the  maritime  counties.     He  surprised  the  strong  for-      1472. 
tress  of  St.  Michael,  in  Cornwall.     Coming  to  Mont  itlXaiy. 
St.  Michael,  with  his  followers  disguised  as  pilgrims, 
to  pay  their  devotions,  as  customary,  at  the  church, 
they  were  admitted  to  the  castle. 

They  soon  overpowered  the  small  garrison,  and  re- 
pulsed the  assaults  of  Sir  John  Arundell,  who  was  sent 
to  recover  this  castle,  and  who  lost  his  life  in  the 
attempt.  From  this  strong  position  Lord  Oxford 
made  depredations  in  the  neighbouring  counties,  when 
he  was  assisted  by  the  friends  of  the  House  of  Lan- 
caster, in  his  endeavours  to  wreak  his  vengeance  on  the 
Yorkists.  Sir  Henry  Brodrugan,  Esq.,  next  besieged 
the  Mount,  but,  his  fidelity  being  suspected,  he  was 
superseded  by  Sir  John  Fortescue.  This  commander 
had  been  received  into  the  favour  of  King  Edward ; 
we  are  not  told,  if  he  reluctantly  entered  on  this  office, 
but  he  exhibited  his  skill  and  judgment,  in  using  per- 
suasions and  promises  rather  than  arms.  He  was  at 
first  unsuccessful,  but,  after  a  long  siege,  the  Earl  of 
Oxford,  becoming  fearful  of  the  treachery  of  his  fol-  pj^3" 
lowers,  surrendered,  conditionally  that  their  lives,  as  Letters- 
well  as  his  own,  should  be  spared. f  The  mercy  of 
King  Edward,  however,  only  extended  to  the  life  of 

*  Some  writers  say  lie  had  400  men. 

f  A  free  pardon  was  granted  to  the  accomplices  of  the  Earl  in  this  rebellion. 


300  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

this  nobleman,  who  was  imprisoned  for  eleven  years, 
in  the  castle  of  Ardennes,  in  Picardy.  After  the  sur- 
render of  the  Earl  of  Oxford  at  St.  Michael's  Mount, 
his  estates  were  confiscated.  His  countess  was  left 
destitute,  and  during  the  period  of  her  husband's  im- 
prisonment, supported  herself  by  needlework — a  strange 
reverse  of  fortune  for  one  who  was  the  daughter 
of  the  great  Earl  of  Salisbury,  and  the  sister  of  the 
potent  "king-maker"!  Yet  such  vicissitudes  often 
mark  the  times  of  civil  rebellion.* 
i47i  Nor  was  the  Countess  of  Oxford  the  only  distin- 

guished female  who  suffered  in  these  perilous  times. 
After  the  death  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  his  lady, 
Anne,  was  also  deprived  of  her  possessions,  by  the 
authority  of  Parliament,  which  were  settled  on  her 
two  daughters,  Isabella  and  Anne.  The  former  had 
been  married  to  the  Duke  of  Clarence  ;  the  latter  to 
the  young  Prince  Edward,  son  of  Henry  VI.  By  this 
arrangement  it  was  made  to  appear  as  though  their 
mother  was  naturally  dead. 

This  Countess  of  Warwick  took  sanctuary  at  Beau- 
lieu,  in  Hampshire,  where  she  continued  a  long  time 
in  a  mean  condition.  She  afterwards,  privately,  went 
into  the  north,  where  she  also  experienced  great  diffi- 
culties. Some  years  later,  after  the  death  of  her 
daughters,  when  Henry  VII.  desired  himself  to  possess 
Barnard  Castle  (which  belonged  to  her  inheritance), 
he  annulled  the  former  act,  and  restored  her  posses- 
sions.*)" 

During  this  succession  of  events  Queen  Margaret 
had  been  detained  at  Harfleur.  She  had  arrived  on 
the  coast  with  the  Prince,  her  son,  in  the  month  of 

*  Paston  Letters  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Stow  ;  Eot.  Pari. ;  Lysons'  Mag. 
Brit.  ;  Lingard  ;  Leland  Collection  ;  Seyer's  Bristol. 

*j*  It  was  not  until  the  year  1488  that  this  countess  recovered  her  lands. — 
Hutchinson's  Durham. 


MARGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  301 

November,  and  had   remained  there  all  the  winter.      14?i. 
When  at  last  she  embarked,  on  the  4th  of  March,  she  Magna 
was  tossed  about  by  winds  and  waves,  which,  as  if  in  BapST* ' 
forgetfulness  of  their  natural  inconstancy,  had  been  g"™e; 
uniformly  adverse  to  her  voyage  during  five  entire 
months,  thus  preventing  her  landing  in  England  in 
time  to  prevent  the  misfortunes  which  had  just  befallen 
her    party.     This  unfortunate   heroine   was,    at  last, 
destined  to  land  at  Weymouth,*  after  being  detained 
three  weeks  in  the  channel,  in  total  ignorance  of  all 
that    had    happened.      It    was    the    14th  of  April, 
1471,f  on  the   evening  of  the  very  day  upon  which 
the  battle  of  Barnet,  so  fatal  to  her  hopes,  had  taken 
place. X 

Having  at  length  attained  the  shore,  after  so  many 
vicissitudes,  with  a  few  French  troops,  she  might  well, 
in  the  impulse  of  feeling,  have  exclaimed — 

"  I  weep  for  joy 
' c  To  stand  upon  my  country  once  again. 
"  Dear  earth,  I  do  salute  thee  ! " 

Fortune  had  often  been  the  cruel  enemy,  and  again 
befriended  Queen  Margaret.  Upon  this  occasion  she 
seemed  to  have  driven  her  to  the  brink  of  despair  at  a 
time  when  she  had  been  allowed  to  indulge  the  most 
brilliant  hopes  of  prosperity  and  of  happiness.  It  was 
but  a  short  time  since  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  his  brother, 
and  the  Duke  of  Clarence  had  all  united  their  interests 
with  hers.  Clarence  had  now  proved  traitor.  War- 
wick, who  had  months  before  impatiently  awaited  on 
the  shore  a  long  time  for  her  arrival,  but  in  vain, — alas ! 
he  was  no  more.    Montague  had  also  fallen,  and  all  the 

*  Lingard  says  she  landed  at  Plymouth  ;  Monstrelet,  in  Devonshire. 

t  Some  tell  us  the  Queen  landed  the  week  before  Easter. 

X  Sandford  ;  Stow  ;  Baker  ;  Baudier  ;  Fabyan  ;  Shakespeare  ;  London 
Chron.  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Hume  ;  Biographie  Universelle  ;  Daniel  ;  Ellis's 
Hist,  of  Weymouth  ;  Henry  ;  Mag-.  Britannia  ;  Lingard  ;  Leland's  Itin. 


302  MAEGABET    OF    ANJOU. 

noble  army  of  the  Lancastrians  was  now  entirely  dis- 
persed. The  beloved  husband  and  pacific  King  Henry 
had  been  again  consigned  to  a  prison.  What  chances 
were  these?  Queen  Margaret  could  but  look  upon 
herself  as  destitute  and  helpless,  and  again  thrown 
upon  her  own  resources ;  and  all  these  changes  had 
happened  at  a  moment  when  she  had  fondly  imagined 
that  nothing  but  the  contrary  winds  had  impeded  her 
restoration  to  authority,  to  honour,  to  her  husband,  and 
to  her  throne.  Nay,  her  imagination,  ever  lively, 
might  have  even  pictured  her  triumphal  entrance  into 
the  capital,  amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  people  ; — 
but  what  a  reverse  was  here ! 

The  transition  from  joy  to  sorrow,  from  the  most 
buoyant  hopes  to  the  most  heartfelt  despondency,  was 
too  much — too  much  even  for  the  heroic  mind  of 
Margaret  of  Anjou.  She  no  sooner  understood  the 
extent  of  her  losses  and  misfortunes  than  she  sank 
down  senseless  on  the  floor,  and  could  with  great 
difficulty  be  recovered  to  life,  and  never,  we  are  told, 
again  was  restored  to  the  renewal  of  that  hope  which 
had  animated  her  to  her  greatest  exertions.  She  no 
longer  perceived  the  possibility  of  her  restoration  to 
the  throne,  and  all  her  wishes,  all  her  thoughts,  became 
concentrated  in  the  protection  of  her  son.  That  admir- 
able firmness  of  mind  which  had  so  long  distinguished 
her,  now  entirely  forsook  her,  and,  perceiving  no 
remedy  in  her  misfortunes,  she  abandoned  herself  to 
grief.  She  fled  with  her  son  for  refuge,  first  to  an 
abbey  called  Cearne,  close  by,  and  thence  to  the 
monastery  of  Beaulieu,  in  Hampshire.* 

*  At  this  period  all  churches  and  churchyards  were  sanctuaries,  which 
afforded  protection  to  traitors  and  delinquents  of  every  kind  for  forty  days. 
The  most  eminent  of  these  sanctuaries  in  England  were  St.  John's  of  Be- 
verly, St.  3Iartin's-le-Grand  in  London,  Eipon  in  Yorkshire,  St.  Barsen's 
in  Cornwall,  and  Westminster. — Pasion  Letters. 

Baiter;  Henry  ;  Handier  ;  Villaret;  Rapin;  Llngard;  Hardyng's  Citron.: 
Pol.  Vergil;  Hume;  WraxalVs  Tour ;  Hay's  B log.  ;  Warner's  Hampshire. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  303 

The  Queen  had  with  her  the  Grand  Prior  of  St.      1471. 
John's,  then  called   the  Treasurer  of  England,  who 
had  been  dismissed  from  England  to  fetch  her,  Lord 
Wenlock,   and   several    knights    and    esquires.     The 
intention  of  Margaret  was  to  remain  with  these,  her 
friends,  in  the  Abbey  of  Beaulieu  until  she  could  safely 
return  with  them  to  France.*    While  Queen  Margaret 
continued  in  this  state  of  despondency,  she  was  re- 
joined by  Edmond,  Duke  of  Somerset,  and  his  brother 
John  Beaufort,  the  Earls  of  Pembroke  and  Devonshire, 
and  some  others. f     These  noblemen  sought  to  console 
the  despairing  Queen  by  representing  to  her  that  she 
still  had  reason  for  hope  ;  for  although  King  Edward 
had  been  victorious  in  the  last  battle,  he  might  yet  be 
vanquished ;  that  the  friends  of  her  husband  were  still 
numerous  in  the  kingdom,  and  that  it  would  not  be  so 
difficult  as  she  imagined  to  raise  a  new  army  to  arrest 
the  usurper's  progress  ;  that,  as  one  battle  gained  had 
restored  to  him  the  crown,  so  there  was  a  chance  that 
another  lost  might  hurl  him  from  it.  They  reminded  her 
of  the  various  changes  which  had  occurred  since  the 
commencement    of    the    quarrel    between    the    two 
Houses,  and  thence  bade  her  infer  that  there  was  still 
reasonable  hope  of  success,  provided  she  did  not,  by 
yielding  herself  up  to  unwarrantable  fears,  resign  the 
interests  of  her  family.     That  when  she  had  herself 
acted   as   general,    her    armies    had   frequently   been 
successful,  and  that  it  was  still  probable,  that  she  might 
be  victorious.     Finally,  that  as  her  son,  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  was  regarded  as  the  true  heir  to  the  crown,  his 
appearance  at  the  head  of  her  troops  might  be  pro- 
ductive of  a  change  in  her  favour.     All  these  argu- 
ments, however,  although  set  forth  in  the  most  per- 
suasive manner,  could  not  restore  Queen  Margaret  to 

*  Baker  ;  Rapin  ;  Villaret ;  Henry  ;  Blore's  Rutland  ;  Fleetwood's  MS. 
|  Lingard ;  Hardyng's  Chron.  ;  Rapin  ;  Henry ;  Villaret. 


304  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

lier  wonted  energy.  She  either  despaired  of  success 
after  so  many  accumulated  disasters,  which  had  befallen 
her  in  such  rapid  succession,  or  else  the  hasty  glance 
and  anticipation  of  the  future  which  great  minds  are 
ever  disposed  to  take,  and  of  which  the  past  experience 
she  had  had  enabled  her  to  judge,  prevailed  to  convince 
Margaret  that  her  husband's  restoration  to  the  throne 
for  so  brief  a  period,  was  but  as  the  flash  of  expiring 
light,  previous  to  the  extinction  of  the  Lancastrian 
dynasty.  When  again  she  beheld  her  son,  she  longed 
to  restore  him  to  his  rights,  but  was  restrained  by  her 
maternal  anxiety.  She  was  evidently  reluctant  to 
expose  herself  once  more  to  the  changes  of  fortune  ; 
but  it  was  not  that  she  feared  for  her  personal  safety, 
it  was  her  affection  for  her  son  that  made  her  appre- 
hensive of  the  unhappy  consequences  of  an  unsuccess- 
ful enterprise.  She  perceived,  that  she  could  not 
attempt  the  recovery  of  the  crown,  without  the  imminent 
hazard  of  her  son's  life,  and  this  reflection  had  so  much 
weight  with  her,  that  it  prevented  her  taking  any 
decided  step.  She  even  proposed  sending  the  young 
Prince  back  to  France  to  await  the  event  of  their 
present  undertaking  ;  but  in  this  she  was  opposed  by 
the  Duke  of  Somerset,  who  relied  upon  the  presence 
of  Prince  Edward,  to  attract  many  to  his  standard,  and 
to  inspire  his  followers  with  an  ardent  desire  to  fight 
in  his  cause.  At  last,  when  the  Queen  perceived  that 
the  lords  were  earnest  to  have  her  son  present  in  battle, 
she  violently  opposed  it,  urging  his  youth,  inexperience, 
and  the  great  risk  he  would  run,  and  adding  that  if  he 
perished,  every  hope  would  be  extinguished.  She 
urged,  that  by  sending  him  to  France  he  would  be  in 
safety,  and  he  might  in  the  event  of  the  failure  of  this 
enterprise  remain  in  that  country,  and  when  advanced 
in  years  and  strength  would  be  able  to  return  and 
assert  his  rights.     Maternal  feelings,  however,  at  last 


MAEGAEET    OP   ANJOU.  305 

yielded,  but  it  was  only  after  a  severe  conflict  between 
the  dread  of  losing  her  son,  and  the  desire  of  placing 
him  on  the  throne,  which  was  his  lawful  right,  that 
this  unfortunate  Queen  adopted  the  advice  of  her 
friends.  She  had  risked  much  ;  she  now  resolved  to 
hazard  all  in  one  last,  desperate  effort,  to  defend  her 
fortunes.* 

This  resolution  being  once  taken,  Queen  Margaret 
no  longer  displayed  the  same  despondency,  but  con- 
sidered the  measures  most  politic  in  her  present 
desperate  circumstances.  It  was  proposed  that  the 
Queen  should  retire  with  the  Prince  and  Princess  of 
Wales  to  Bath,  and  thither  they  hastened  with  a  few 
attendants,  while  the  Duke  of  Somerset  and  the  noble- 
men and  others,  separated,  to  collect  their  adherents. 
These  were  to  be  united  to  the  remains  of  the  Earl 
of  Warwick's  army.  Many,  in  a  short  time  joined 
them  at  Exeter  from  Cornwall  and  Devonshire,  through 
the  influence  of  Sir  Hugh  Courtney,  and  Sir  John 
Arundel. 

The  Earl  of  Pembroke  set  off  to  levy  troops,  in 
Wales,  where  his  interest  was  greatest,  having  requested 
of  the  Duke  of  Somerset,   who  was  Commander-in- 
chief  under  Prince  Edward,  not  to  engage  in  any  con- 
test, until  he  should  rejoin    him  with  his  followers. 
With   almost   incredible    speed   this   new   army  was 
assembled.     On  the  27th  of  April,  thirteen  days  after 
the  battle  of  Barnet,  these  forces  of  the  Lancastrians      li71 
were  drawn  together,  amounting  to  40,000  men.  With  Hui?e ; 
this  army  it  was  the  intention  of  the  commanders  to  Carew; 
march  into  Wales,  and  there  join  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,     eniy" 
and  from  thence  to  proceed  into  Cheshire,  where  they 
expected   to   strengthen   their   army  with  a  body  of 
archers,  which  would  have  made  them  very  formid- 

*  Habing-ton  •  Baker  ;  Lingard  ;  Rapin  ;  Viilaret ;  Henry  ;  Hume. 

VOL.  II.  x 


306  MARGARET    OF    AXJOU. 

able.*  At  Bath  the  Dukes  of  Somerset  and  Devon- 
shire had  many  friends,  and  the  name  of  Prince  Ed- 
ward attracted  multitudes  to  their  party.  The  Queen, 
however,  did  not  yet  feel  sufficient  confidence  in  her 
forces  to  risk  a  battle.  Therefore  she  awaited  the  rein- 
forcements which  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  was  expected 
to  bring  from  Wales. 

King  Edward,  meanwhile,  receiving  news  of  the 
Queen's  intentions,  reassembled  his  troops  lately  dis- 
banded after  the  battle  of  Barnet,  and  with  great  expe- 
dition marched  forwards,  in  order  to  prevent  the  union 
of  Queen  Margaret's  forces  with  those  of  the  Earl  of 
Pembroke.  He  issued  a  proclamation  declaring  his 
right  to  the  crown  was  unquestionable,  being  founded 
on  justice  and  equity,  confirmed  by  several  parliaments, 
and  established  by  his  repeated  victories.  That,  not- 
withstanding all  this,  many  persons  had  risen  up  against 
him,  and  he  now  thought  proper  to  add  a  list  of  the 
disaffected  whom  he  proscribed.  These  were,  Margaret, 
calling  herself  Queen  of  England,  Edward  her  son,  the 
Duke  of  Somerset,  and  Iris  brother,  John  Beaufort,  the 
Duke  of  Exeter,  John,  Earl  of  Oxford,  John  Courtney, 
Earl  of  Devonshire,  William,  Viscount  de  Beaumont, 
Hugh  Courtney,  and  eleven  others,  j" 

The  Queen  was  anxious  to  avoid  an  engagement  in 
which  she  would  labour  under  some  disadvantages,  and 
determined  to  retire  into  Wales,  a  country  the  situa- 
tion of  which  was  very  favourable  to  her  object,  of 
putting  off  any  fighting  until  the  forces  of  Pembroke 
should  join  her  army,  and  enable  her  to  give  battle  to 
her  enemies 4 

King   Edward    encamped   at   Marlborough,    fifteen 

*  Biondi  ;    Habington  ;   Baker  ;   Magna  Britannia  ;  Carew's  Cornwall ; 
Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  Daniel ;  Bapin  :  Leland/s  Itinerary. . 
f  Habington  ;  Bapin. 
J  Bicndi :  Baker  ;  Bapin. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  307 

miles  from  Bath ;  and  by  the  interposition  of  his  army, 
prevented  any  succours  reaching  the  Queen.  Upon 
this  near  approach,  Queen  Margaret  was  alarmed,  and, 
thinking  herself  unsafe,  left  Bath :  she  withdrew  to 
Bristol.  Her  next  object  was  to  pass  the  Severn  at 
Gloucester ;  but  she  was  refused  the  passage  of  the 
river  at  that  place  by  Lord  Beauchamp,  the  governor 
of  that  city  and  castle.  The  Queen  was  much  provoked 
at  this,  but,  in  her  present  circumstances,  she  dared 
not  revenge  herself;  and,  passing  by  Gloucester,  she 
proceeded  to  Berkley,  in  her  way  to  Tewkesbury.  The 
Queen  also  lost  some  of  her  artillery  by  the  enemy, 
owing  to  the  negligence  of  her  own  soldiers. 

Now.  did  King  Edward  hasten  on,  at  the  head  of  his 
troops,  intent  on  charging  the  Lancastrians  before  they 
could  obtain  assistance  from  Wales.  He  had  the  ad- 
vantage both  in  arms  and  ammunition,  and  succeeded 
in  pursuing  the  Queen's  forces  so  closely  that  he 
arrived  in  sight  of  them,  before  they  could  reach 
Tewkesbury. 

Again  the  Queen  became  alarmed,  so  much  so,  that 
in  a  fit  of  desperation  she  began  to  consider  the  means 
of  escape.  Once  again,  the  Duke  of  Somerset  over- 
came her  fears,  and  she  gave  up  her  intention  of  con- 
sulting her  safety  by  flying  into  Wales,  where  a  large 
army  raised  by  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  was  prepared  to 
defend  her,  and  resolved  to  remain  where  she  was  and 
run  all  hazards.*  A  council  was  called  by  her  generals 
to  deliberate  on  the  propriety  of  passing  the  river,  with 
the  risk  of  beholding  their  rear-guard  put  to  the  route, 
or  whether  they  should  entrench  themselves  in  the  park 
adjoining  the  town,  until  they  could  procure  assistance 
from  Pembroke.  Being  quite  engrossed  by  the  con- 
sideration  of  her  son's  safety,  Margaret  advised  the 

*  Baker  ;  Habington  ;  Biondi ;  Rapin  ;  Holinshed  ;  Fosbroke  ;  Leland's 
Itinerary. 


308  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

passage  of  the  river,  and  many,  from  complacence  to 
their  Queen,  supported  this  opinion.  Somerset,  how- 
ever, opposed  it,  alleging  that  before  the  army  could 
have  time  to  pass,  the  enemy  would  be  near  enough  to 
attack  them ;  and  that  all  those  who  should  be  so 
unfortunate  as  to  be  left  behind  would  be  cut  to  pieces  ; 
that  this  disaster,  which  would  be  unavoidable,  would 
nevertheless  be  fatal  to  their  cause,  since  it  would  be  the 
means  of  discouraging  those  who  were  faithful  to  their 
interests.  In  short,  he  judged,  that  the  deficiences  in 
their  numbers  might  be  made  up  by  entrenching  in  the 
park,  and  by  drawing  lines  which  could  counterbalance 
the  enemy's  superior  numbers.  This  opinion  was 
adopted,  after  some  deliberation.  The  Duke  of  Somer- 
set has  been  charged  by  historians  with  imprudence 
and  rashness ;  but  perhaps  they  were  ignorant  of  the 
difficulty  of  passing  such  a  river  as  the  Severn  with  the 
enemy  in  their  rear.  It  had  been  well  had  this  general 
committed  no  other  faults,  the  Queen's  affairs  might 
then  have  been  more  prosperous  ;  but  his  advice  obliged 
the  Queen  to  fight  the  enemy  upon  unequal  terms.* 

The  Lancastrians  having  taken  the  resolution  to 
wait  the  approach  of  King  Edward  without  moving, 
laboured  all  night  in  forming  entrenchments  around 
the  park,  which  they  accomplished  before  daybreak, 
so  anxious  were  they  to  be  prepared  against  a  sudden 
attack. 

When  the  forces  of  the  King  approached  within 
sight  of  this  encampment,  it  was  resolved  by  him  to 
begin  the  attack  immediately,  without  allowing  them 
time  to  establish  themselves  more  firmly. 

King  Edward  drew  up  his  army  in  two  lines,  giving 
the  command  of  the  first  to  the  Duke  of  Gloucester, 
and  conducting  the  second  himself,  with  the  Duke  of 
Clarence. 

"  Stow ;  Biondi  ;  Habington ;  Eapin. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  309 

The  Queen's  army  was  divided  into  three  bodies. 
The  first,  commanded  by  Somerset,  was  prepared  to 
sustain  the  first  attack,  the  second  was  led  on  by  Prince 
Edward,  who  was  regarded  as  Commander-in-Chief, 
having  Lord  Wenlock  and  the  Lord  Prior  of  St.  John's 
under  him,  and  the  third  was  conducted  by  the  Earl  of 
Devonshire.  From  the  opinion  which  King  Edward 
had  formed  of  the  valour  and  self-conceit  of  the  Duke 
of  Somerset,  he  had  made  his  own  arrangements,  hoping 
to  entrap  him.  It  was  the  belief  of  the  King,  that  the 
Duke  expected  to  repel  the  first  attack,  and  that  he 
intended  to  sally  forth  and  improve  the  opportunity, 
should  any  disorder  arise  amongst  the  Yorkists ;  con- 
sequently, it  was  ordered  that  Gloucester,  who  was  to 
commence  the  fight,  should  fall  back  suddenly  if  vigo- 
rously resisted,  and  that,  when  the  enemy  should 
pursue  him,  he  should  turn  round,  and  attack  them 
with  renewed  energy,  and  he  was  promised  that  the 
rest  of  the  army  should  support  him. 

When  Queen  Margaret  perceived  the  hour  of  battle 
could  no  longer  be  delayed,  and  that  nothing  but  the 
utmost  valour  and  intrepidity  could  compensate  for  the 
deficiency  of  her  numbers,  she  resolved  to  harangue 
her  troops,  and  endeavour  to  animate  their  courage. 
Taking  the  Prince  her  son  with  her,  she  rode  through 
their  ranks,  her  countenance  exhibiting  the  utmost 
firmness  and  resolution,  while  her  words  inspired  con- 
fidence of  success.  As  the  old  writer  hath  it,  "  so 
"  skilfully  did  she  conceal  the  wound  which  despair 
"  had  given  her,  that  it  only  bled  inwardly. 

"  The  Queen  reminded  them,  that  upon  their  valour 
11  that  day  depended  the  restoration  of  their  imprisoned 
"  monarch  to  his  throne,  and  to  the  enjoyment  of  his 
"  freedom  ;  while  for  themselves  would  be  secured,  not 
"  only  safety,  but  honour  and  recompense. 

"  That  the  wealth  of  the  cities  of  their  enemies  would 


310  MABGABET    OF   ANJOU. 

"  be  their  spoil,  the  kingdom  their  inheritance,  which 

"  would  be   divided  amongst  them,  and  the  titles,  in 

"  which  their  enemies  now  gloried,  would  become  their 

"  reward.     If  alarmed  at  the  inequality  of  numbers,  she 

"  assured  them  that  the  disparity  was  not  so  great,  but 

"  that  by  their  courage,  animated  by  the  justice  of  their 

"  cause,  it  might  be  overcome.     She  then  bade  them 

"  behold  their  Prince,  whose  presence,  she  thought  (for 

"  as  a  fond  mother  she  spoke)  would  make  them  ena- 

"  moored  of  danger,  and  who,   she   said,  would  fight 

"  amongst  them,  share  their  danger,  and  when  possessed 

"  of  his  throne  would  remember  those  to  whom  he  was 

"indebted  for  it."* 

1471.  Then  commenced  the  famed  battle  of  Tewkesbury, 

Topiis;       which  was  fought  on  the  4th  of  May,  1471. 

Letted  ■  The  a^tack  upon  the  entrenchments  was  vigorously 

Howei;       besrun  by  the  Duke  of  Gloucester.     The  Lancastrians 

Baker:  °  J 

Muies's  bore  the  assault  with  great  intrepidity,  and,  being  pre- 
Eapin;  "  pared  for  the  attack,  they  maintained  their  ground, 
Hume/  whereupon  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  retreated  so  hastily 
towards  the  second  line,  that  Somerset  believed  that 
they  were  totally  dismayed,  and,  yielding  to  the  impetu- 
osity of  his  disposition,  and  thinking  to  improve  the  dis- 
advantage of  the  moment,  he  sallied  from  his  entrench- 
ments  to  attack  the  enemy,  whom  he  expected  to  find 
in  confusion  ;  he  also  despatched  orders  to  "Wenlock  to 
come  immediately  to  his  assistance.  The  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  who  had  by  this  time,  according  to  the 
orders  he  had  previously  received,  drawn  up  his  men 
at  a  distance  from  the  entrenchments,  perceiving  the 
advance  of  Somerset,  came  forth  to  meet  him  with 
great  fury.  This  unexpected  and  vigorous  attack,  so 
much  astonished  the  Lancastrians,  that,  perceiving  no 
relief,  they  betook  themselves,  in  confusion,  to  their 
camp.     The  Duke  of  Somerset  was  much  enraged  at 

*  Habington. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  311 

not  being  seconded  by  Wenlock,  upon  whose  assistance 
he  had  depended  in  this  attack  upon  Gloucester,  and 
he  now  beheld  him  idle  within  the  entrenchments.  He 
had  already  doubted  his  fidelity,  and  being  at  this 
moment  unable  to  restrain  his  fury,  he  rushed  upon 
him,  and  with  his  battle-axe  clove  his  head  in  pieces.* 
The  young  Prince,  deprived,  by  this  summary  act  of 
vengeance,  of  the  assistance  of  Wenlock,  knew  not  what 
to  do,  and  Somerset  was  too  much  transported  with 
passion  either  to  issue  proper  orders  or  to  enforce 
obedience. 

The  Duke  of  Gloucester,  meanwhile,  invading  their 
camp  caused  an  immense  slaughter,  and  created  the 
utmost  confusion  throughout  the  army.  King  Edward 
followed,  and  his  presence  threw  the  Lancastrians  into 
such  disorder,  that  they  thought  no  longer  of  resist- 
ance, but  all  endeavoured  to  save  themselves  by  flight. 
Thus  was  the  army  of  the  Queen  entirely  routed.  The 
loss  on  her  side  has  been  estimated  at  3,000f  men, 
the  two  last  lines  having  run  away  without  fighting. 
The  Earl  of  Devonshire  and  Sir  John  Beaufort,  the 
brother  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  were  slain, 
also  Sir  John  Delves,  Sir  Edward  Hampden,  Sir 
Robert  Whittingham,  Sir  John  Leukner,  and  300 
others. 

The  Prince  of  Wales  was  taken  prisoner.  The 
Duke  of  Somerset  and  about  twenty  other  persons  of 
distinction  took  refuge  in  the  Abbey. 

Thither  King  Edward  repaired  immediately  after 
his  victory,  in  order  to  return  thanks  to  God  for  his 
success,  and  finding  there  a  great  many  Lancastrians, 
he  gave  them  all  a  free  pardon.     Some  add  that  this 

*  Lord  Wenlock  had  shown  great  fickleness  in  these  civil  wars.  He 
fought  bravely  for  the  Lancastrians  in  the  first  battle  of  St.  Alban's,  but 
afterwards  deserted  to  Edward  (in  1459),  who  conferred  many  favours  on 
him,  and  created  him  a  baron. 

f  Some  write  that  only  300  were  slain. 


312  MARGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

favour  was  obtained  through  the  intercessions  of  a 
priest.  These  promises,  however,  on  the  part  of  the 
conqueror,  were  as  insincere,  and  as  little  to  be  relied 
on,  as  the  former  oaths  of  this  Yorkist  King.  These 
sacred  engagements  and  the  rights  of  the  sanctuary 
were  inviolate  only  so  long  as  his  political  position  re- 
quired it.  The  Lancastrians,  on  the  contrary,  had  ever 
respected  the  sanctuary,  to  which  even  King  Edward 
had,  but  just  before  been  indebted,  for  the  safety  of  his 
Queen  and  her  children.  On  this  occasion  all  was 
forgotten ;  and  upon  the  third  day  after  the  battle  a 
band  of  armed  men  rushed  into  the  sanctuary,  and,  in 
violation  of  the  King's  promises  and  of  the  sanctity  of 
the  spot,  they  dragged  out  their  unhappy  victims  and 
brought  them  into  the  presence  of  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  sitting  that  day  as  Constable,  and  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  as  Marshal.  Before  these  were 
arraigned  and  condemned  to  die,  the  Duke  of  Somerset, 
John  Longstrother,  Prior  of  St.  John's,  Sir  Thomas 
Tresham,  Sir  Gervase  Clifton,  and  several  others, 
knights  and  esquires.  Upon  May  7th  they  were 
beheaded,  along  with  twelve  other  knights,  upon  a 
scaffold  set  up  in  the  middle  of  the  town ;  but  they 
were  not  dismembered,  and  the  victors  afterwards 
permitted  their  interment.*  This  engagement!  took 
place  eighteen  days  after  the  battle  of  Barnet.  It  was 
the  twelfth  battle  since  the  beginning  of  the  quarrel 
of  the  Roses. 

The   Earl   of  AVarwick  had    subdued   England  in 
eleven  days,  and  in  twenty  days  King   Edward   re- 

*  Baker  ;  Howel  ;  Stow ;  Bicmdi ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Henry  ;  Blore's 
Rutland  ;  Habington  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  Holinshed ;  Toplis  ;  Pennant  ; 
Leland's  Collect.  ;  Sandford  ;  Lond.  Chron.  ;  Rapin  ;  Daniel  ;  Barante  ; 
Hume  ;  Lingard ;  Collinson's  Somersetsh. ;  Biographie  Universelle ;  Fabyan  ; 
Monstrelet  ;  Philip  de  Comines. 

t  The  scene  of  this  battle,  which  destroyed  the  hopes  of  the  Lancastrians, 
has  received  the  name  of  "  Bloody  Meadow." — Warner's  Tour. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ.  313 

covered  it,  but  not  until  he  bad  fought  two  desperate 
battles  to  effect  his  object.* 

Most  extraordinary  it  appears  that,  in  England, 
within  the  short  period  of  half  a  year,  there  was  held 
one  Parliament  in  which  King  Edward  was  proclaimed 
an  usurper,  and  King  Henry  a  lawful  monarch  ;  and 
another  proclaiming  King  Edward  a  lawful  monarch, 
and  King  Henry  an  usurper,  to  show  us,  adds  the 
chronicler,  that  in  human  affairs  there  is  nothing 
certain  but  uncertainty,  nothing  stable  but  instability.f 

The  Queen  was  discovered  in  a  chariot  half  dead 
with  grief,  upon  beholding  this  unfortunate  turn  in 
her  affairs,  and  still  being  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  her 
son.  She  was  conducted  to  King  Edward.  Another 
account  informs  us,  that  it  was  not  until  two  days  after 
the  battle,  that  she  was  found  in  a  nunnery,  where  she 
had  sought  refuge,  and  was  brought  into  the  presence 
of  the  triumphant  monarch,  then  at  Worcester.  £ 

When  Prince  Edward  appeared  in  the  presence  of 
the  King  he  preserved  an  undaunted  air,  and  would 
not  be  persuaded  to  make  any  submission  derogatory 
to  his  birth.  The  King,  surprised  at  his  fearless 
countenance,  inquired  "  how  he  dared  to  appear  in 
"  arms  against  him ;"  to  which  the  Prince  replied, 
"  that  he  had  come  to  recover  his  own  inheritance, 
"  which  had  been  unjustly  taken  from  him."  His 
boldness  excited  the  King's  indignation,  and,  striking 
him  on  the  mouth  with  his  gauntlet,  he  turned  away 
from  him.  This  was  the  signal  for  the  death  of  this 
unfortunate  Prince,  for,  no  sooner  had  the  King  with- 
drawn, than  the  Dukes  of  Clarence  and  Gloucester,  the 
Earl  of  Dorset,  and  Lord  Hastings,  falling  upon  him, 

*  Baker  ;  Kapin  ;  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Henry. 

f  Baker. 

+  Holinshed ;  Sandf ord  ;  Toplis  ;  Stow ;  Paston  Letters ;  Howel ;  Daniel ; 
Baker  ;  Femmes  Celebres  ;  Eapin  ;  Lingard  ;  Hume  ;  Henry  ;  Fabyan  : 
Bayley's  History  of  the  Tower. 


314  MARGARET    OF    AXJOU. 

despatched  him  with  their  daggers.  It  has  been  sup- 
posed that  King  Edward  had  previously  given  orders 
for  this  cruel  execution.  There  is  some  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  the  death  of  this  Prince,  yet  there  is  little 
doubt  that,  if  he  did  not  receive  it  from  these  noble- 
men, the  act  was  done  in  their  presence. 

Some  historians  tell  us  that  Prince  Edward,  having 
escaped  from  the  battle,  a  reward  of  £500  sterling  was 
offered  by  the  King  for  his  apprehension,  dead  or  alive, 
engaging  that  should  he  be  alive,  he  would  not  put 
him  to  death.  Upon  this  promise  Sir  Richard  Crofts 
brought  him  to  King  Edward,  who,  however,  did  not 
find  this  monarch  disposed  to  keep  his  word.  Prince 
Edward  was  but  eighteen  years  of  age  when  he  was 
thus  cruelly  put  to  death.*  He  was  buried  without 
solemnity,  with  some  persons  of  mean  condition,  in  the 
church  of  Blackfriars,  in  Tewkesbury.  In  the  same 
church  were  also  interred  those  Lancastrians  who  had 
been  beheaded  after  the  late  engagement.!  Some  of 
the  monuments  erected  to  their  memory  may  still  be 
seen.  An  altar  tomb  in  the  north  wall  of  the  nave 
has  been  ascribed  to  Lord  Wenlock,^  and  a  similar 
one  at  the  upper  end  of  the  south  aisle  near  the  choir, 
under  an  arch,  is  that  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset.  In 
the  middle,  under  the  great  tower,  at  the  entrance  of 
the  choir,  a  large  grey  marble  slab,  with  brass  plates 
affixed  (but  which  have  been  since  removed),  marked 
the  spot  where  the  remains  of  Prince  Edward  were 
thought    to    have    been    deposited. §       This    Prince 

*  Tradition  has  preserved  the  memory  of  the  spot  where  Prince  Edward 
was  murdered  in  a  house  on  the  north  side  of  the  Tolsey. —  Warner's  Tour. 

f  Sandford  ;  Toplis  ;  Stow  ;  Howel  ;  Baker  ;  Holinshed  ;  Lingard  ;  Or- 
merod's  Cheshire  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Paston  Letters  ;  London  Chron.  ; 
Caradoc  of  Lhancarvan  ;  Daniel ;  Barante  ;  Philip  de  Comines :  Monstrelet ; 
Sharon  Turner  ;  Willis's  Abbeys  ;  Henry ;  Hume  ;  Bapin  :  Jean  de  Troye  ; 
Fabyan  ;  Villaret. 

%  The  effigy  of  Lord  Wenlock  in  full  proportion  is  lying  thereon. 

§  Some  state  that  Prince  Edward's  remains  were  thrown  into  one  com- 
mon srrave  with  others  who  had  fallen  in  this  battle. 


MAKGARET    OF    ANJOU.  315 

deserved  a  better  fate  ;  he  had  excellent  qualities  of 
mind  and  heart,  which  caused  him  to  be  much  re- 
gretted.    It  has  been  remarked  that  every  one  who 
had  participated  in  this  murder  came  to  an  untimely 
end. 

To  the  monastery  and  convent  of  Tewkesbury 
Henry  VII.  afterwards  granted  the  parochial  church 
of  Towton,  to  pray  for  the  souls  of  this  Duke  of 
Somerset,  his  brother  John,  and  others,  who  lost 
their  lives  in  the  quarrel  of  the  Roses. 

It  may  be  well  to  remark  that,  in  these  turbulent 
times,  the  remains  of  the  dead  seldom  found  their 
resting-place  in  the  vaults  of  their  ancestors,  and  often 
those  who  in  life  were  nearest  allied,  were  by  death 
widely  separated.  Thus  was  it  with  Sir  John  Wen- 
lock,  who,  in  1461,  when  he  was  created  Baron 
Wenlock,  had  erected  a  chapel  in  the  parish  church 
of  Luton,  in  Bedfordshire,  where  there  was  an  in- 
scription and  a  portrait  of  Sir  John,  with  the  arms  of 
the  family.  In  this  place  it  is  probable  that  Lady 
Wenlock  was  buried,  and  that  Lord  Wenlock  intended 
it  for  his  own  place  of  sepulture.* 

The  renowned  Chancellor,  Sir  John  Fortescue,  was 
taken  prisoner  in  the  battle  of  Tewkesbury.  He  had 
accompanied  Queen  Margaret  and  her  son  throughout 
their  last  unfortunate  expedition.  The  life  of  this 
venerable  sage  was  spared  by  King  Edward,  who 
afterwards  restored  him  to  freedom.  He  also  granted 
him  his  estates,  and  admitted  him  to  his  favour. 
While  in  Scotland  with  King  Henry,  during  the  time 
of  his  exile,  he  had  written  a  treatise  in  proof  of  the 
claims  of  the  House  of  Lancaster.  With  the  same 
ability  he  now  composed  for  the  rival  monarch,  a 
second  treatise  in  support  of  the  title  of  the  House 

*  Willis's  Abbeys ;  Sandford ;  Toplis ;  Fox's  Monks  and  Monast.  ;  Eccles. 
Hist. ;  Magna  Britannia  ;  Pennant. 


316  MARGARET    OF    AXJOU. 

of  York,  and  tins,  we  are  assured,  was  the  price  of  his 
pardon.* 

King  Edward  entered  London  on  the  21st  of  May, 
and,  in  order  to  make  his  triumph  resemble  those  of 
the  Eomans,  he  brought  with  him  his  chief  captive, 
the  afflicted  Queen  Margaret.  She  had  lost  every 
hope  of  re-ascending  the  throne,  and  by  the  death  of 
her  son  was  deprived  of  her  greatest  consolation.  A 
new  cause  for  grief  awaited  her  when  she  reached  the 
Tower,  whither  she  was  conducted,  she  was  not  permitted 
to  see  King  Henry  ;  and  there  she  remained  a  prisoner 
several  years.  Thus  left  to  her  own  reflections,  it  had 
been  well  for  Margaret  could  she  have  been  able,  like 
her  noble  sire,  to  seek  the  consolations  of  religion,  of 
literature,  and  of  the  arts ;  but  her  life  had  been  a 
scene  of  activity,  even  from  her  childhood,  and  her 
tastes  were  rather  those  inspired  by  busy  life.  AYith 
her  son  she  had  now  lost  the  spring  for  action,  and 
even  her  mind  became  captive  to  her  situation.  She 
sunk  into  despondency. f 

King  Edward  had  been  indebted  to  the  Archbishop 
of  York  for  many  services,  yet  he  was  not  at  ease  on 
his  throne  while  Neville  enjoyed  his  liberty.  This  pre- 
late had  hunted  at  Windsor  with  the  King,  who  had 
promised  him,  in  return,  to  hunt  with  him  at  the  Moor, 
in  Hertfordshire.  Preparations  were  made  on  a  grand 
scale  for  the  royal  visitor.  All  the  plate  which  the 
Archbishop  had  concealed  since  the  time  of  his  brother's 
death,  had  been  collected  for  this  occasion,  and  all  the 
chief  nobility  of  the  neighbourhood  had  been  invited 
to  partake  of  the  banquet.  The  King,  however,  com- 
manded this  prelate  to  come  to  Windsor,  and  he  was 

*  Rot.  Pari. ;  Henry  ;  Ling-ard. 

f  Habington  ;  Holinshed  ;  Baudier  ;  Female  Worthies ;  Hume  ;  Rapin  ; 
Henry  ;  Baker  ;  Daniel  ;  Fabyan  :  Villaret :  Bayley's  History  of  the  Tower 
of  London. 


MARGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  317 

then  arrested  on  a  charge  of  having  lent  money  to  the 
Earl  of  Oxford.  The  revenue  of  his  bishopric  was 
seized,  and  his  valuable  plate  confiscated :  his  mitre 
was  converted  into  a  crown,  and  his  jewels  appropriated 
by  the  King  and  the  Prince  of  Wales.  The  Arch- 
bishop lingered  for  three  years  in  prison,  partly  in 
England,  and  partly  at  Guisnes.  He  recovered  his 
freedom  only  a  few  weeks  before  his  death,  in  1476. 
This  is  a  marked  instance  of  ingratitude  in  the  cha- 
racter of  Edward  IV.* 

Thomas  Neville,  called  the  Bastard  of  Falconbridge,!  1*71. 
who  was  a  faithful  adherent  of  the  House  of  Lancaster, 
had  been  Vice-Admiral  of  the  Channel  during  the 
time  of  King  Henry's  restoration,  but  lost  this  office 
on  the  change  of  the  dynasty.  He  then  turned  pirate ; 
but  having  lands,  and  some  influence  in  the  county  of 
Kent,  he  collected  a  considerable  army  and  attempted 
to  surprise  London,  with  a  view  to  rescue  King  Henry 
from  the  Tower.  He  was  repulsed,  and  withdrew  with 
his  troops  into  Kent.  Lord  Scales,  with  the  assistance 
of  Nicholas  Faunte,  Mayor  of  Canterbury,  contrived 
means  with  fair  words  only,  to  prevail  on  Falconbridge 
to  return  to  Blackheath.  From  them,  however,  he 
stole  away  in  the  night  with  600  horsemen  to  Rochester, 
and  after  to  Sandwich,  where  he  awaited  the  King's 
coming.  He  submitted  to  King  Edward,  and  was  not 
only  pardoned,  but  also  knighted,  and  again  appointed 
Vice-Admiral,  in  this  year,  1471.  From  this  time  his 
career  was  short,  for  between  the  13th  and  29th  of  the 
following  September  he  was  beheaded,  but  for  what 
offence  is  unknown.  His  head,  and  the  heads  of  nine 
others,  placed  on  spears,  were  exhibited  on  London 

*  Leland  Collect. ;  Stow  ;  Rymer  :  Bayley's  Tower  of  London  ;  Lingard. 

f  He  was  a  natural  son  of  William,  Lord  Falconbridge.  One  account 
of  his  death  is,  that  he  was  beheaded  by  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  in 
Yorkshire. 


31 S  MAKGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

bridge,  exposed  to  the  birds  and  elements,  until  the 
bones  only  were  left.  It  is  probable  that  those  who 
shared  his  fate  were  some  of  his  own  men  from  Kent, 
thirty  of  whom  we  are  told,  joined  him  in  his  enter- 
prise.* 

The  King  granted  to  William  Waynfleet,  Bishop  of 
Winchester,  who  had  been  a  staunch  friend  of  the 
Lancastrians,  a  complete  pardon.  He  did  not  exhibit 
the  same  generosity  towards  his  rival,  Henry  the  Sixth. 
After  having  twice  spared  the  life  of  this  monarch, 
doubtless  on  account  of  his  innocence  and  simplicity  of 
character,  King  Edward  began  to  fear  that  he  should 
not  enjoy  any  confirmed  peace  whilst  Henry  was  alive. 
He  would  perhaps  have  suffered  him  to  die  a  natural 
death,  had  not  the  repeated  attempts  to  re-enthrone 
him  pointed  out  to  him  his  own  insecurity.  He  there- 
fore resolved  to  despatch  him,  and  Queen  Margaret's 
last  attempt  to  recover  the  crown,  hastened  the  ca- 
tastrophe. 

There  is  little  doubt  that,  had  Queen  Margaret  won 
the  last  battle,  and  taken  King  Edward  prisoner,  she 
would  have  put  him  to  death ;  but  the  good  fortune  of 
this  monarch,  caused  the  same  fate  to  fall  upon  her 
husband  and  her  son,  and  she  was  herself  only  indebted 
to  her  sex,  for  her  preservation. 
1471.  It  was  on  the  night  of  the  21st  of  May,  1471,  of 

that  same  day  upon  which  the  King  had  entered  Lon- 
don triumphantly,  and  his  royal  captive,  the  Lancas- 
trian Queen,  had  been  consigned  to  the  Tower,  but 
a  few  days  after  the  battle  of  Tewkesbury,  that  the 
good  and  meek  King  Henry  the  Sixth,  while  engaged 
in  his  devotions,  in  his  prisou  in  the  Tower,  was  put  to 
death.  It  was  generallv  believed  that  he  was  stabbed 
with  a  dagger,  by  the  hand  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester, 

*  Paston  Letters  ;  Lingard  ;  Bentley's  Exceipta,  Hist.  ;  Miss  Lawrence ; 

Mackay's  Thames. 


MARGARET    OF   ANJOTJ.  319 

who  has  been  almost  unanimously  called  a  cruel,  and  a 
bloodthirsty  prince.* 

The  great  hall  in  the  Wakefield  tower  has  been 
said,  by  tradition,  to  have  been  the  scene  of  Henry's 
murder. 

To  appease  the  public,  it  was  reported  that  King- 
Henry  had  died  of  grief.  His  body  was  brought  to 
St.  Paul's  a  few  days  after,  with  guards  and  torches, 
in  an  open  coffin,  barefaced,  where  it  rested  a  day 
uncovered,  and  here  the  body  bled  afresh ;  it  was 
thence  conveyed  to  the  church  of  Blackfriars,  where  it 
again  bled ;  it  was  then  taken  in  a  boat  to  Chertsey 
Abbey,  f  and  without  ceremony,  "  there  being  neither 
"  priest  nor  clerk,,  torch  nor  taper,  saying  or  singing, 
11  he  was  there  interred,"  within  the  cloisters. 

King  Henry's  corpse  was  afterwards  removed  by 
King  Edward's  order  to  Windsor,  and  buried  in  St. 
George's  Chapel,  in  the  south  aisle,  between  the  choir 
and  the  altar,  under  the  arch  on  the  south  side,  but  no 
monument  placed  over  it. 

The  remains  of  King  Edward  were  afterwards  in- 
terred in  the  same  chapel,  which  he  had  himself 
rebuilt. 

Thus  did  the  rival  monarchs  at  last  repose  in  death 
under  the  same  roof.;J;  This  circumstance  was  sug- 
gestive of  the  following  lines  from  the  poet's  pen  : — 

"  Let  softest  strains  ill-fated  Henry  mourn, 
"  And  palms  eternal  flourish  round  his  urn. 
"  Here,  o'er  the  martyr  King,  the  marble  weeps, 
' '  And  fast  beside  him  once  f ear'd  Edward  sleeps  ; 


*  This  character  of  Gloucester  has  been  given  by  his  enemies,  historians 
who  favoured  the  House  of  Lancaster. 

f  Chertsey  Abbey  was  founded  for  Benedictine  monks,  in  666,  and  was 
dissolved  by  Henry  VIII.  in  1538. 

J  Sandford  ;  Stow;  Howel;  Toplis;  Baker;  Grafton;  Milles's  Catalogue; 
Fabyan  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume  ;   Pennant's  London  ;  Henry  ;  Lingard  ;  Monfau- 
con  ;  Londiniana ;  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Rous  of  Warwick ;  Mag.  Britannia 
Ashmole's  Berkshire. 


,320  MAEGAKET    OF    ANJOU. 

"  Whom  not  th'  extended  Albion  could  contain, 
"  From  old  Belerium  to  the  northern  main. 
"  The  grave  unites  ;  where  e'en  the  great  find  rest, 
"  And  blended  lie  th'  oppressor  and  th'  opprest  !"* 

The  reputed  sanctity  of  Henry  VI. ,  and  the  desire 
of  Henry  VII.  to  establish  his  right  to  the  crown  upon 
the  Lancastrian  descent,  caused  this  monarch  to  apply 
to  the  Papal  See  for  his  canonization.  It  was  his 
intention  to  found  a  chapel  at  Windsor  to  the  memory 
of  Henry  VI.,  and  to  place  in  it  a  stately  monument 
over  his  remains  (which  were  said  to  have  wrought 
miracles) ;  but  the  abbot  and  convent  of  Westminster 
at  this  time  sent  a  petition  to  the  King,  claiming  to 
have  King  Henry's  body  removed  to  their  church,  that 
being  the  place  chosen  by  this  monarch  himself  during 
his  lifetime. 

The  aged  workmen  of  the  abbey  well  remembered 
the  visits  of  King  Henry  for  the  purpose  of  fixing  the 
place  for  his  sepulture.  It  was  during  that  unhappy 
period,  between  the  battles  of  St.  Alban's  and  that  of 
Wakefield,  that  the  King  frequented  the  abbey  at  all 
hours  of  day  or  night  to  decide  on  the  spot  where  he 
should  be  interred.  He  came  at  one  time  between 
seven  and  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  from  his  palace, 
accompanied  by  his  Confessor,  Thomas  Manning,  who 
was  afterwards  Dean  of  Windsor.  He  was  received 
by  the  abbot  by  torchlight  at  the  postern,  and  they 
went  together  round  the  Confessor's  Chapel.  It  was 
proposed  to  move  the  tomb  of  Eleanor,  when  the 
King  replied  "that  he  could  in  no  wise  do  it,"  and 
when  this  was  pressed  upon  him,  he  fell  into  one  of 
his  fits  of  silence,  and  gave  no  reply.  He  then  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Lady  Chapel,  where  he  beheld  his 
mother's  coffin  in  its  neglected  state.  It  was  proposed 
that  it  should  be  "  more  honourably  apparelled,"  and 

*  Pope. 


MARGARET    OF   ANJOU.  321 

that  he  should  be  laid  between  it  and  the  altar  in  the 
same  chapel,  but  Henry  gave  no  answer. 

The  remains  of  Queen  Catherine  had  been  placed  in 
a  rude  coffin  in  "  this  chapel,  in  a  '  badly  apparelled 
1  state,  the  body  open  to  view ;  and  there  she  remained 
1  many  years.'  When  this  chapel  was  destroyed  by 
her  grandson,  it  was  placed  on  the  right  side  of  her 
husband,  and  so  it  continued  to  be  seen,  the  bones 
being  firmly  united,  and  thinly  clothed  with  flesh-like 
scrapings  of  fine  leather.  This  strange  neglect  was 
probably  the  result  of  the  disfavour  into  which  her 
memory  had  fallen  from  her  ill-assorted  marriage, 
but  the  legends  of  the  abbey  tell  us,  that  it  was  by 
her  own  appointment  in  regard  of  her  disobedience 
to  her  husband,  for  being  delivered  of  her  son, 
Henry  VI.,  at  Windsor,  the  place  which  he  for- 
bade."0 

On  another  day,  he  visited  the  Confessor's  Chapel, 
with  Flete,  the  prior  of  the  abbey.  Henry  inquired  of 
him  the  names  of  the  kings  whose  tombs  were  around 
him,  till  he  came  to  the  grave  of  his  father,  where  he 
prayed.  He  then  entered  the  chantry,  and  surveyed 
the  whole  chapel  for  one  hour.  He  was  asked  if  the 
tomb  of  Henry  V.  should  be  pushed  a  little  on  one  side, 
and  his  own  placed  beside  it ;  when,  with  more  than 
his  customary  regal  spirit,  he  exclaimed,  "  Nay,  let  him 
u  alone ;  he  lieth  like  a  noble  prince — I  would  not 
"  trouble  him."  The  abbot  proposed  at  last  that  the 
great  reliquary  should  be  moved  from  its  position  at 
that  time,  close  beside  the  shrine,  so  as  thus,  to  leave  a 
vacant  space  for  another  tomb. 

The  King  anxiously  inquired,  whether  any  other 
spot  could  be  found  where  the  relics  might  be  deposited, 
and  being  informed  that  they  might  be  placed  at  the 
back  side  of  the  altar,  he  then  marked  with  his  foot 

*  Dean  Stanley's  Westminster  Abbey. 
VOL.  II.  Y 


322  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

seven  feet,  and  turning  to  the  nobles  who  were  with 
him,  "  Lend  me  your  staff,"  he  said  to  Lord  Cromwell ; 
"  is  it  not  fitting  I  should  have  a  place  here,  where  my 
"father  and  my  ancestors  lie,  near  St.  Edward?" 
Then,  pointing  with  the  staff  to  the  spot,  he  said, 
"  Here  methinketh  is  a  convenient  place ; "  and  again 
more  emphatically,  and  with  the  peculiar  asseveration, 
which,  in  his  pious  lips,  took  the  place  of  the  savage 
oaths  of  the  Plantagenets,  "  Forsooth,  forsooth,  here 
"  will  we  lie !     Here  is  a  good  place  for  us." 

The  master  mason  of  the  abbey,  named  Thirsk,  then 
traced  with  an  iron  instrument  the  circuit  of  the  grave. 
The  relics  were  removed  three  days  after,  and  the  tomb 
was  ordered.  The  "marbler"  (or  statuary)  and  the 
coppersmith  were  paid  forty  groats  for  their  instalment, 
and  one  groat  was  given  to  the  workmen,  who  long 
remembered  their  master's  conversation  by  this  token. 
The  religious  establishments  of  Chertsey  and  of  Wind- 
sor disputed  the  claim  of  Westminster,  and  an  exami- 
nation of  the  parties  took  place  in  the  King's  presence 
in  council.  A  decision  was  given  on  the  third  hearing 
unanimously,  in  favour  of  Westminster,  and  not  long 
after,  the  license  was  obtained  from  Pope  Julius  II. 
for  the  removal  of  King  Henry's  remains  to  the  abbey ; 
but  the  intention  of  canonisation  was  given  up,  the 
King  being  unwilling  to  yield  to  the  exorbitant  de- 
mands of  the  Court  of  Rome.0 

In  the  will  of  Henry  VIII.  there  was  mention  made 
of  his  design  to  repair  the  tombs  of  his  predecessors, 
Henry  VI.  and  Edward  IV.  The  former  being  still  in 
St.  George's  Chapel,  we  may  affirm  that  this  monarch's 
remains  were  never  taken  away  from  Windsor. 

During  the  civil  wars,  the  tomb  of  King  Henry  VI., 
as  well  as  that  of  his  rival,  Edward  IV.,  were  despoiled 
of  their  ornaments,  and  nothing  now  remains  to  mark 

*  Londiniana  ;  Baker  ;  Dean  Stanley's  Westminster  Abbey. 


MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  323 

the  place  of  sepulture  of  the  meek  monarch  than  the 
royal  arms  beneath  an  arch.*  No  monument,  indeed, 
was  needed  for  this  pious  king,  although  by  some 
regarded  with  contempt,  beholding  in  him  but  a  weak 
and  imbecile  sovereign.  Yet  did  he  become  distin- 
guished by  good  acts  and  patient  endurance,  as  a 
Christian  and  a  saint.  To  the  memory  of  this  holy  king 
no  monument  was  ever  raised ;  and  in  allusion  to  this, 
Walpole  has  written  the  following  lines  : — 

"  But  say,  what  shrine  ?     My  eyes  in  vain  require 
"  Th'  engraven  brass,  and  monumental  spire  ; 
"  Henry  knows  none  of  these.     Above,  around  ! 
"  Behold  where'er  this  pensile  quarry  's  found, 
"  Or  swelling  into  vaulted  roofs  its  weight, 
"  Or  shooting  columns  into  Gothic  state, — 
"  Where'er  this  fane  extends  its  lofty  frame, 
"  Behold  the  monument  to  Henry's  name  ! " 

The  noble  works  of  art  of  his  day  were  themselves 
monuments  of  lasting  praise,  if  such  were  needed,  to 
the  memory  of  this  good  king.")" 

Henry  VI.  died  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age, 
having  reigned  thirty-eight  years  before  he  was  de- 
throned, and  seven  months  after  his  restoration.  He 
was  twice  crowned,  and  twice  buried.J 

This  monarch  was  revered  as  a  martyr,  and  it  was 
whispered  that  miracles  were  wrought  at  his  tomb.  In 
St.  Leonard's  church,  Norwich,  was  an  image  of 
Henry  VI.,  which  was  visited  by  pilgrims  from  all 
parts,  who,  being  afflicted  with  various  diseases,  re- 
paired thither  in  the  hope  of  their  cure.  Thus  this 
image  became  famous,  and  the  church  in  which  it  was 
placed.  § 

The  virtues  of  King  Henry,  and  the  endowments  of 
his  mind,  were  indeed  enough  to  make  him  a  saint. 
He  was  so  devout  as  to  think  nothing  adversity  which 

*  Londiniana.  f  Walpole.  +  Toplis ;  Rapin. 

§  Parkin's  Norwich. 

y  2 


324  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

was  not  a  hindrance  to  devotion.  His  confessor  said 
of  him  that,  "  in  ten  years'  confession  he  never  found 
"  that  he  had  done,  or  said  anvthino;  for  which  he 
11  might  justly  be  enjoined  penance ; }>  and  on  this 
account  Henry  VII.  would  have  had  him  canonized  for 
a  saint.* 

Upon  one  occasion  King  Henry  is  said  to  have 
foretold  the  exaltation  of  the  Earl  of  Richmond,  who 
being  brought  to  him  by  Jasper,  Earl  of  Pembroke 
when  scarcely  ten  years  of  age,  this  monarch,  after 
regarding  him  for  some  time,  said  to  the  lords  about 
him,  "Lo!  this  is  he  to  whom  both  we  and  our  ad- 
"  versaries,  having  the  possession  of  all  things,  shall 
"  hereafter  give  place  " — a  prophecy  so  many  years 
after  fulfilled,  that  it  was  the  more  remarkable. 

Henry  has  been  described  as  tall,  slight,  and  hand- 
some in  person,  and  of  a  beautiful  countenance.  His 
hair  was  of  a  moderate  length  ;  he  had  no  beard, 
or  whiskers,  and  wore  broad  shoes.  He  usually  had 
on  a  cap,  or  hood  of  red  velvet,  which  was  preserved 
a  long  time  afterwards  upon  his  tomb,  and  it  was  by 
the  superstitious  thought  to  cure  the  headache  of  all 
those  who  put  it  on.f 

This  meek  and  gentle  monarch  of  a  turbulent 
and  rebellious  people,  whom  during  a  long  life  he 
was  unable  to  rule,  was  yet  of  so  virtuous  and 
estimable  a  character  that  he  deserved  the  universal 
admiration  of  posterity.  He  has  been  described  as 
a  man  of  pure  simplicity  of  mind  ;  truthful  almost 
to  a  fault.  He  never  made  a  promise  he  did  not 
keep,  and  never  knowingly  did  an  injury  to  any- 
one. Rectitude  and  justice  ruled  his  conduct  in  all 
public  affairs.  Devout  himself,  he  sought  to  cherish  a 
love  for  religion  in  others.      He  would  exhort  his 

*  Baker. 

f  Milles's  Catalogme  ;  Stow  ;  Baker ;  Strntt ;  Peck's  Desiderata  Curiosa. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  325 

"  visitors,  particularly  the  young,  to  pursue  virtue  and 
"  eschew  evil.  He  considered  sports  and  pleasures 
"  of  the  world  as  frivolous,  and  devoted  his  leisure  to 
"  reading  the  Scriptures  and  the  old  chronicles. 

11  Most  decorous  himself  when  attending  public 
"  worship,  he  obliged  his  courtiers  to  enter  the  sacred 
"  edifice  without  swords,  or  spears,  and  to  refrain  from 
"  interrupting  the  devotion  of  others  by  conversing 
"  within  its  precincts.  He  exhorted  his  clergy  in 
"  frequent  letters,  and  charged  them  to  consider  their 
"  trust  as  emanating  from  the  authority  of  the  Most 
"  High. 

"  He  delighted  in  female  society,  and  blamed  the 
"  immodest  dress  which  left  exposed  the  maternal 
"  parts  of  the  neck."  When  he  observed  this  on  one 
occasion,  at  a  masque  proposed  for  his  entertainment, 
he  exclaimed,  "  Fie,  fie  !  forsooth  you  are  much  to 
"  blame ; "  and  he  hastened  from  the  apartment.  "  Fond 
"  of  encouraging  youth  in  the  path  of  virtue,  he  would 
"  frequently  converse  familiarly  with  the  scholars  from 
"  his  college  of  Eton,  when  they  visited  his  servants 
"  at  Windsor  Castle.  He  generally  concluded  with 
a  this  touching  address,  adding  a  present  of  money  : 
u  c  Be  good  lads,  meek  and  docile,  and  attend  to  your 
"  c  religion.' 

"  He  was  liberal  to  the  poor,  and  lived  among  his 
"  dependents  as  a  father  among  his  children.  He 
"  readily  forgave  those  who  had  offended  him.  When 
"  one  of  his  servants  had  been  robbed,  he  sent  him 
"  a  present  of  twenty  nobles,  desiring  him  to  be  more 
"  careful  of  his  property  in  future,  and  requesting  him 
"  to  forgive  the  thief.  Passing  one  day  from  St. 
"  Alban's  to  Cripplegate,  he  saw  a  quarter  of  a  man 
"  impaled  there  for  treason.  Greatly  shocked,  he 
"  exclaimed,  '  Take  it  away,  take  it  away.  I  will 
" '  have  no  man  so  cruelly  treated  on  my  account.' 


326  MARGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

"  Hearing  that  four  men  of  noble  birth  were  about 
"  to  suffer  for  treason  to  him,  he  sent  them  his  par- 
"  don  with  all  expedition  to  the  place  of  execution. 

"  In  his  dress  he.  was  plain,  and  would  not  wear 
"  the  shoes  with  the  upturned  points,  then  so  much 
"  in  fashion  and  considered  the  distinguishing  mark 
"  of  a  man  of  quality. 

"  He  was  careful  to  select  proper  persons  in  the 
"  distribution  of  church  preferment,  and,  anxious  to 
"  promote  the  real  happiness  of  his  two  half-brothers, 
"  the  Earls  of  Richmond  and  Pembroke,  he  had  them 
"  carefully  brought  up  under  the  most  upright  and 
"  virtuous  ecclesiastics. 

M  Such  a  King  in  more  peaceable  times  would  have 
"  been  a  blessing  to  his  country ;  but  in  those  tur- 
"  bulent  days,  when  personal  prowess  was  considered 
"  the  first  of  virtues,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered,  that  he 
11  should  have  been  looked  upon  almost  in  the  light 
"  of  an  idiot."* 

No  monarch  could  be  less  fitted  to  wield  a  sceptre 
than  Henry  VI. ;  for,  being  made  King  at  nine  months 
old,  his  knowledge  and  skill  in  affairs  of  state  did 
not  "  grow  with  his  growth,"  neither  did  he  in 
maturer  years  evince  the  least  capacity  for  the  regu- 
lation of  a  people,  who,  being  attached  to  him  as  their 
lawful '  sovereign,  yet  had  become  discontented,  and 
rebellious. 

His  mind  was  so  weak  that  all  counsels  appeared  to 
him  equally  good,  being  unable  to  perceive  the  conse- 
quences of  any  advice  given  to  him.f  This  natural 
weakness  totally  unfitting  him  to  govern,  Henry 
yielded  himself  up  to  the  guidance  of  others,  some- 

*  This  extract  is  from  one  who  had  well  studied  the  King's  cha- 
racter from  personal  observation. — J.  Blachman  ;  Hearne ;  Otterhourne  ; 
Wetlvamstede. 

f  Habington  ;  Rapin  ;  Hume. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOXJ.  327 

times  to  that  of  Queen  Margaret,  at  other  times,  to  that 
of  the  most  ambitious  of  his  subjects,  without  making 
any  resistance,  or  the  least  effort  to  assert  his  own 
power.*  The  great  deficiencies  in  King  Henry  for  the 
exercise  of  regal  sway  were,  however,  supplied  by  all 
the  virtues  of  the  man.  He  was  chaste,  temperate, 
meek,  and  holy,  and  so  good  and  amiable,  that  he  was 
beloved  by  his  people,  and  even  by  his  enemies.  His 
disposition  was  so  forgiving,  and  benevolent,  and  such 
was  his  love  of  peace,  that  he  sought  on  all  occasions 
to  conciliate  the  contending  parties ;  and  would  always 
try  pacific  measures  before  he  consented  to  engage  in 
warfare.  It  is  even  said  of  him  that  he  did  himself  a 
violence  when  he  had  recourse  to  arms.  When  the 
weakness  of  his  understanding  made  him  at  times 
appear  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  those  who  ought  to 
have  reverenced  his  authority,  the  purity  and  innocence 
of  his  life  preserved  their  affection  to  him.  Thus,  the 
victorious  Yorkists,  when  wreaking  their  vengeance  on 
their  most  deadly  enemies,  were  seen  to  fall  on  their 
knees  before  their  humbled  and  unfortunate  monarch, 
who  was  their  prisoner,  and  the  greatest  object  of  their 
pity ;  then  did  they  conduct  him  respectfully,  and  with 
all  the  dignity  due  to  his  rank,  to  the  metropolis.  They 
even  preserved,  at  a  time  when  they  grasped  at  absolute 
power,  that  show  of  decorum  and  propriety  due  to 
majesty,  which  nothing  but  their  sympathy  in  his  mis- 
fortunes, and  affection  for  his  person  could  have 
extorted.  His  integrity,  modesty,  and  patience  were 
wonderful,  taking  and  suffering  all  losses,  chances,  dis- 
pleasures, and  such  worldly  torments  in  good  part,  and 
with  a  patient  manner,  as  though  they  had  chanced  by 
his  own  fault,  or  negligent  oversight. 

King  Henry  abhorred  cruelty  and  injustice,  and  he 
desired  neither  riches,  nor  honour.     He  studied  only 

*  Malcolm's  Manners  and  Customs  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  Rapin. 


32 S  MARGARET    OF   AXJOTJ. 

for  the  health  of  his  soul,  the  saving  whereof  he 
esteemed  the  greatest  wisdom,  and  the  loss  thereof  the 
greatest  folly  that  could  be.  He  might  have  been 
called  unhappy,  had  he  not  been  endued  with  such  piety 
as  raised  him  above  his  fortune,  and  united  him  to  his 
God.  By  some  he  was  regarded  as  a  saint,  and  his 
virtues  were  extolled  in  order  to  render  more  odious 
the  King  who  had  robbed  him  of  his  crown  and  life. 
His  manners  were  simple  and  inoffensive,  and  it  was  a 
peculiarity  in  his  character  that  he  did  not  swear  in 
common  conversation,  and  reproved  the  practice  in  all 
those  who  approached  his  person. 

The  conduct  of  King  Henry  when  deprived  of  his 
crown  was  exemplary,  and  when  reduced  to  the  level 
of  his  subjects,  he  bore  lnVmisfortunes  with  such  meek- 
ness and  patience,  as  totally  disarmed  his  successor  of 
any  desire  to  take  away  his  life. 

The  indignity  with  which  this  monarch  was  treated 
by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  others,  reflects  but  little 
credit  on  the  manners  and  feelings  of  the  age.  Many 
great  offences  Henry  willingly  forgave ;  and  one  day, 
having  received  a  blow  from  a  wicked  person,  who 
sought  to  take  his  life,  he  only  said,  "  Forsooth,  ye  do 
"  wrong  yourself,  more  than  me,  so  to  smite  the  Lord's 
"  anointed."  He  had  many  injuries  offered  him,  yet 
he  never  sought  to  revenge  himself,  but  gave  thanks  to 
God,  that  he  did  send  them  to  punish  his  sins  in  this 
life,  that  he  might  escape  punishment  in  the  life  to 
come. 

King  Henry  had  a  singular  devotion  to  Saint  Ed- 
mond,  and  we  are  told,  that,  "  he  nowhere  enjoyed  so 
"  much  comfort,  peace,  and  joy,  as  in  his  retreats  in  the 
"  monastery  of  St.  Edmondsbury." 

This  monarch  is  universally  described  as  amiable, 
and  although  of  a  weak  understanding,  as  possessing 
uncommon  goodness  of  heart.     As  a  private  individual 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  329 

he  might  have  shone  conspicuous,  but  as  a  king  his 
virtues  were  lost  sight  of,  in  the  evident  deficiency  of 
the  sterner  requisites  for  regal  power.* 

*  Biondi  ;  Habington  ;  Hall ;  Baker  ;  Milles's  Catalogue  ;  Howel ;  Lin- 
gard  ;  Henry  ;  Hume  ;  Rapin  ;  Malcolm  ;  Camden's  Remains  ;  Butler's 
Lives ;  Gent.'s  Magazine. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

"  To  be  a  queen  in  bondage  is  more  vile 

"  Than  is  a  slave  in  base  servility  ; 

"  For  princes  should  be  free." — Shakespeare. 

"  Now  Margaret 
' '  Must  strike  her  sail,  and  learn  awhile  to  serve 
"  Where  kings  command.     I  was,  I  must  confess, 
1 '  Great  Albion's  queen  in  former  golden  days  ; 
11  But  now  mischance  hath  trod  my  title  down, 
' '  And  with  dishonour  laid  me  on  the  ground  ; 
1 (  Where  I  must  take  like  seat  unto  my  fortune, 
"  And  to  my  humble  seat  conform  myself." 

Shakespeare. 

Queen  Margaret  imprisoned  in  the  Tower,  also  at  Windsor  and  at  Walling- 
ford — Rene — His  age  and  misfortunes — The  death  of  Charles  of 
Anjou,  also  that  of  Ferri  de  Yaudemont,  and  of  Nicolas,  of  Anjou — 
Louis  XI.  seizes  on  Anjou — Rene  retires  to  Provence — Rene's  pursuits, 
tastes,  and  disposition — Rene's  letter  to  Queen  Margaret — Louis  XI. 
meets  Rene  at  Lyons — He  appoints  Charles  of  Maine  his  heir — 
Manoeuvre  of  Louis — The  cession  of  the  rights  of  Rene — His  condi- 
tions— Louis  enters  into  a  treaty  with  Edward  IT. — Queen  Margaret 
is  ransomed — She  departs  from  England — Having  renounced  her  claims 
on  England,  she  yields  to  Louis  her  rights  in  Anjou  and  Provence — 
Queen  Margaret's  melancholy — Rene  at  G-ardane — He  instructs  his 
granddaughter — The  defeat  and  death  of  Charles  the  Bold  by  the  Duke 
of  Lorraine — Rene's  last  illness  and  death — The  will  of  Rene — The 
Provencaux  oppose  the  removal  of  his  corpse— His  body  is  carried  to 
Angers — His  monument  and  epitaph,  statues,  coat  of  arms — The  .in- 
stitutions of  Rene — His  character — Charles  of  Anjou  his  successor — 
The  death  of  Charles  of  Anjou — Louis  XI.  his  heir. 

The  vanquished  Queen  Margaret,  consigned  to  the 
solitude  of  a  prison,  was  overcome  by  melancholy,  and 
during  five  years  endured  a  comfortless  captivity.  Her 
heroic  spirit,  which  had  braved  every  danger,  and  sus- 
tained such  great  trials,  no  longer  bore  up  under  the 


MARGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ.  331 

pressure  of  misfortune.  She  had  not  even  a  ray  of 
hope  to  cheer  the  future,  being  now  deprived  of  her 
husband,  her  son,  her  friends,  and  of  her  kingdom,  and 
no"  other  prospect  before  her  than  of  an  endless  im- 
prisonment. At  first  she  was  confined  in  the  Tower  of 
London,  where  she  was  treated  with  the  utmost  harsh- 
ness, until  by  the  kind  intercession  of  Elizabeth  Wood- 
ville,  who  probably  retained  a  lively  recollection  of  the 
benefits  which  her  royal  mistress  had  bestowed  upon 
her,  while  in  attendance  on  her  formerly  at  court,  she 
obtained  through  her  compassion  some  mitigation  of 
her  cruel  treatment.  The  widowed  Queen  was  next  1472. 
imprisoned  at  Windsor,  in  1472,  and  afterwards  re- 
moved to  Wallingford  Castle,  where  she  was  placed 
under  the  charge  of  Alice  Chaucer,  Duchess  Dowager 
of  Suffolk,  one  of  her  early  friends,  whose  residence 
was  at  Ewelin,  in  Oxfordshire,  not  far  from  Walling- 
ford. Doubtless  it  must  have  been  consoling  to  the 
unhappy  Queen  to  receive  the  sympathy  of  her  former 
companion  and  friend,  who  in  the  joyous  hours  of  her 
maidenhood  had,  with  her  ill-fated  husband,  conducted 
her  to  the  shores  of  England,  and  whose  bereavement 
Margaret  had  so  deeply  felt.* 

Five  marks  weekly  was  all  the  allowance  granted  to 
her  from  King  Edward  for  her  support,  and  that  of  her 
servants.  This  seems  an  inconsiderable  sum  compared 
to  that  allowed  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  which  was 
400  marks  annually  for  his  maintenance.  This  shows 
that  she  was  no  longer  treated  as  a  Queen. 

Thus  this  unfortunate  heroine  passed  the  time  of 
her  widowhood,  a  season  always  sorrowful  and  desolate, 
but  to  her  it  must  have  been  truly  unhappy,  having 
not  the  slightest  hope  of  regaining  her  freedom,  f 

The  "  good  King  Rene,"  her  father,  was  now  stricken 

*  Paston  Letters  ;  Ridpath  ;  Lingard  ;  Toplis. 
+  Toplis ;  Lingard  ;  Ridpath  ;  Paston  Letters. 


332 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOTJ. 


1472. 
Godard 

Faultrier. 


1473. 
Bodin  ; 
Paston 
Letters ; 
Monstrelet. 


in  years,  and  worn  out  with  a  series  of  misfortunes, 
yet,  he  was  tenderly  attached  to  his  daughter  Margaret, 
and  much  distressed  at  her  imprisonment.  He  found 
himself,  however,  unable  to  effect  her  liberation,  or  to 
assist  her  as  he  anxiously  desired. 

He  was  not  in  a  condition  to  pay  such  a  ransom,  as 
would  probably  be  demanded  for  her  liberty.  He  had 
throughout  his  life  been  very  necessitous,  and  was  now 
in  greater  distress  than  ever  ;  for,  although  he  had  been 
of  great  service  to  the  French  in  the  conquest  of  Nor- 
mandy, and  in  then  endeavours  to  expel  the  English 
from  France,  Louis  XL  had  treated  him  with  great 
ingratitude. 

Rene  had  mourned  the  death  of  his  son  John,  Duke 
of  Calabria.  This  loss  had  occurred  at  the  same  epoch 
as  the  disasters  of  Queen  Margaret,  and  the  sensible 
heart  of  Rene  was  greatly  afflicted.  Soon  after  this, 
his  brother,  Charles  of  Anjou,  followed  to  the  grave ; 
and  next  Ferri  de  Vaudemont,  Duke  of  Lorraine. 
Nicholas,  son  of  John  of  Anjou,  also  died ;  his  death 
happened  on  the  24th  of  May,*  1473 ;  he  was  but 
twenty-five  years  of  age.f  He  had  been  for  some  time 
before,  in  treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  for  the 
hand  of  his  daughter  Mary,  his  only  child,  and  the  pre- 
sumptive heir  to  his  dominions.  It  appears,  that 
Louis  XI.  had  offered  his  eldest  daughter  in  marriage  to 
Duke  Nicholas,  who  had  broken  his  faith,  preferring  the 
daughter  of  Burgundy,  the  King  s  vassal.  Thus  the 
marriage  became  obnoxious  to  Louis,  and  the  young 
man's  sudden  death,  just  at  the  time  when  there  seemed 
no  longer  any  obstacle  to  this  union,  gave  occasion  to 
the  report,  that  he  died  by  poison,  administered  by  the 
same  hand  that  had  taken  off  the  Duke  of  Berri. 

Monstrelet  tells  us,  however,  that  this  Duke  Nicholas 


*  Monstrelet  says  he  died  in  July. 

+  Bodin;  Monstrelet;  Habington:  Female  Worthies  :  Paston  Letters. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTL  333 

died  of  the  plague,  in  his  duchy  of  Lorraine,  and  adds 
that,  by  his  death  the  male  line  of  Rene  of  Anjou  became 
extinct;  and  the  inheritance  of  Lorraine  passed  to 
Yoland,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Rene,  whose  husband 
had  lately  died. 

Rene  II.,  Count  of  Vaudemont,  became  Duke  of 
Lorraine  ;  but  some  write,  that  this  crown  was  offered 
to  Rene,  who  rejected  it  in  favour  of  his  grandson. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  probably  disappointed  at 
the  failure  of  his  project,  for  uniting  the  duchies  of  Bur- 
gundy and  Lorraine  by  the  marriage  of  his  daughter, 
very  unjustly  imprisoned  Rene  II.,  but  was  soon  obliged 
to  liberate  him.* 

King  Rene  at  this  time  of  sorrow  and  regret  with- 
drew to  his  castle  of  Bauge,  where  he  sought  the  most 
perfect  quiet,  and  the  sweetest  recollections.  Here  he 
thought  he  might  mourn  in  peace.  He  wandered  by 
its  river,  then  traversed  the  rooms  of  his  castle,  then 
repaired  to  seek  peace  in  its  chapel,  alternately  he 
prayed,  and  wept,  and  then  silently  meditating,  appeared 
to  seek  "  another  and  a  better  country."  His  features 
seemed  to  be  changed  by  grief;  but,  alas !  the  good 
King  Rene  s  time  for  sorrowing  was  not  yet  over.  He 
had  still  renewed  troubles,  and  even  his  cherished  soli- 
tude was  about  to  be  ravished  from  him,  and  while 
this  aged  monarch  was  seeking  strength  to  sustain  his 
afflictions,  his  nephew,  Louis  XL,  meditated  the  seizure 
of  Anjou,  under  the  most  unjust  pretexts.  This  artful 
king,  abusing  the  kindness  of  his  relative,  had  de- 
nounced Rene  to  the  parliament  of  Paris  as  a  conspi- 
rator, ordaining  that  he  should  be  criminally  sued,  and 
expecting  that  he  might  thus  obtain  a  pretext  for  con- 
fiscating his  estates  to  his  own  advantage.  The  par- 
liament, however,  being  acquainted  with  the  prudence 

*  Paston  Letters ;  Godard  Faultrier ;  Bodin  ;  Monstrelet ;  Jean  de  Troye ; 
Hi^t.  General  de  Provence. 


334  MAEGAKET    OF    ANJOU. 

and  good  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  would  not 
follow  up  this  unjust  accusation. 
Bodit'-1"  ^he  King  of  France  then,  without  any  form  of  pro- 

Godard  cedure,  seized  upon  Anjou,  and  established  a  strong 
garrison  in  the  castle  of  Angers,  giving  the  command 
of  it  to  William  of  Cerazai,  who  became  first  mayor  of 
Angers.  Louis  was  at  this  time,  marching  at  the  head 
of  50,000  men  against  Francis  II.,  Duke  of  Brittany, 
and  he  made  it  his  pretext,  that  King  Rene  was  in 
alliance  with  the  Bretons.  He  even  feigned  great  rage 
at  this.  Bene,  meanwhile,  although  only  seven  leagues 
distant,  at  his  castle  of  Bauge,  was  so  far  from  suspect- 
ing it,  that  hearing  the  King  was  at  Angers,  he  ordered 
his  horse,  intending  to  go  there  to  congratulate  him. 
His  servants,  knowing  his  love  for  his  country  of  Anjou, 
dared  not  at  first  to  tell  him  the  truth ;  but,  finding  he 
determined  on  going  to  Angers,  one  of  his  familiar 
friends  declared  to  him  the  facts.  This  good  prince, 
accustomed  to  control  his  affections,  which  of  late  had 
been  much  tried  by  his  misfortunes,  bore  this  shock 
with  fortitude,  and  he  even  finished  the  painting  upon 
which  he  was  engaged  at  the  time.  Afterwards  his 
affliction  overcame  him  for  a  brief  space,  and  he  was 
shocked  at  this  new,  and  unexpected  instance  of  his 
relative's  unkindness.  His  piety,  however,  made  him 
seek  the  strength  he  needed.  "  The  will  of  God  be 
"  done,"  said  he,  "  who  hath  given  me  all,  and  can 
"  take  all  away  from  me  at  his  pleasure.  The  King 
"  shall  have  no  war  with  me,  for  my  age  is  no  longer 
"  suitable  to  arms.  I  have  determined  to  live  the  rest 
"  of  my  time  in  this  world  in  peace  and  repose  of  spirit, 
"and  shall  do  so  if  possible."* 

Bene  has  been  reproached  by  several  historians  be- 
cause when  the  news  of  his  loss  of  Anjou  was  brought 
to  him,  being  engaged  in  painting  a  bartarelle,  a  kind 

*  Baudier  ;  Habinglon  ;  Aiiquetil ;  Bodin. 


MARGABET   OF   ANJOTJ.  335 

of  partridge  of  which  he  was  very  fond,  he  did  not 
discontinue  his  work,  and  showed  no  other  regret,  than 
that,  of  being  obliged  to  leave  for  ever  a  country  to 
which  he  was  sincerely  attached.  These  writers  say, 
that  in  the  pursuit  of  the  pleasing  arts  this  prince  had 
forgotten  the  duties  of  the  sovereign,  whose  first  care 
should  be  the  preservation  of  his  state. 

Again  they  say,  that  Rene  possessed  all  the  quali- 
ties valuable  to  a  private  individual,  but  scarcely  any 
of  those  which  are  indispensable  to  kings.  The  in- 
justice of  these  opinions  will  be  apparent,  when  we  come 
to  speak  of  the  great  talents  of  King  Rene,  and  espe- 
cially of  the  numerous,  and  essential  benefits  he  conferred 
on  the  states  over  which  he  ruled,  and  of  the  love  his 
subjects  bore  him.  He  showed,  indeed,  great  com- 
mand of  his  passions  and  resignation  of  soul  on  many 
occasions. 

When  so  abruptly  driven  from  the  cradle  of  his  fore- 
fathers, Rene  wisely  resolved  to  sustain  this  outrage 
with  stoical  firmness,  and  not  long  after,  he  retired  to 
Aix,  in  Provence,  carrying  with  him  the  regrets  and 
benedictions  of  all  ranks  of  the  Angevins,  by  whom 
he  was  cherished  as  the  best  of  princes,  or  rather  as  a 
father. 

The  affectionate  reception  he  had  so  frequently  ex- 
perienced from  the  Provengaux,  determined  Rene  upon 
fixing  his  abode  amongst  them.  He  devoted  himself 
to  a  country  life,  and,  as  in  the  days  of  Saturn  and 
Rhea,  he  was  sometimes  seen,  crook  in  hand,  guarding 
his  sheep,  along  with  his  Queen,  Jeanne  de  Laval. 
He  likewise  amused  himself  in  the  cultivation  of  poetry, 
painting,  and  gardening,  and  in  this  manner  the  good 
King  passed  beneath  the  clear  sky  of  Provence  the 
remaining  years  of  his  life. 

The  treatment  of  Louis  was,  however,  more  deeply 
felt  by  him,  as  it  was  altogether  unexpected  from  one. 


336  MAKGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

whom  he  believed  to  be  his  friend;  but,  perceiving  no 
remedy,  Rene  resolved  to  submit  with  patience.* 

The  tastes  of  Rene,  which  had  been  formed  in  the 
school  of  adversity,  differed  much  from  those  which 
usually  characterise  princes. 

In  his  country  house  at  Gardane,  where  he  passed 
the  summer,  he  lived  without  pomp,  everything  around 
him  wearing  such  an  air  of  antiquity  that,  upon  glanc- 
ing over  the  inventory  of  the  furniture  of  his  dwelling, 
one  cannot  help  thinking  of  Fabricius  or  Socrates. 
The  same  simplicity  distinguished  him  at  Marseilles, 
where  he  sometimes  withdrew  during  the  winter  season. 
He  was  often  seen  walking  quite  alone  on  the  port,  or 
conversing  familiarly  with  any  one  he  might  chance  to 
meet,  and  this,  at  the  time,  when  the  sun,  so  fine  in 
that  climate,  shed  that  gentle  heat,  which  in  the  Basse 
Provence  reanimates  nature,  even  when  dormant  else- 
where. Thus,  arose  the  saying  amongst  his  subjects, 
of  "  se  chauffer  a  la  cheminee  du  roi  Rene,"  to  warm 
oneself  by  King  Rene's  chimney,  when  any  one  sought 
the  warmth  of  the  sun's  rays.f  His  palace  neither 
exhibited  splendour  nor  magnificence.  His  annual  ex- 
penditure only  amounted  to  15,000  florins,  or  144,000 
livres,  and  the  strictest  accounts  were  rendered.^ 

In  his  travels,  Rene  would  not  always  lodge  at  the 
house  of  a  lord,  or  a  bishop  ;  he  sometimes  preferred  the 
humble  roof  of  a  private  individual  whom  he  loved ;  and 
when  he  wished  to  enhance  the  favour,  he  would  do  so 
by  sketching  his  portrait  as  an  honourable  monument  on 
the  door,  or  the  wall  of  the  chamber,  with  this  verse 
under  it — 

"  Sicelidum  Regis  effigies  est  ista  Renati." 
"  This  is  the  portrait  of  Rene,  King  of  Sicily." 


*  Bodin  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Baudier. 

t  "  Or  when  seeking  shelter  from  the  sun  in  King  Rene's  walk." 

X  Hist.  General  de  Provence  ;  Bodin. 


MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  337 

Rene  took  great  pleasure  in  being  in  the  country, 
not  for  the  enjoyment  of  sporting,  but  for  the  sake  of 
promoting  agriculture,  and  of  comforting  his  people,  by 
the  advancement  of  works  of  utility.* 

Amidst  his  various  occupations  nothing  disturbed 
the  peace  of  mind  of  Rene,  but  the  recollection  of  the 
miserable  situation  of  his  daughter  Margaret,  whom 
he  was  unable  to  release  from  her  prison,  and  with 
whose  sorrow  he  could  so  well  sympathise,  having 
himself  suffered  a  severe  captivity. 

It  was  at  the  time  that  Rene  inhabited  his  modest 
castle  of  Gardane,  in  Provence,  that  he  addressed  the 
following  letter  to  his  unfortunate  daughter,  Queen 
Margaret,  and  which  would  seem  to  have  been  dic- 
tated by  the  most  profound  melancholy. 

"My  daughter!  may  God  assist  you  in  your 
"  counsels  ;  for  we  should  rarely  expect  the  help  of 
"  man  under  the  reverses  of  fortune !  When  you 
"  desire  to  alleviate  your  misfortunes,  think  of  mine. 
"They  are  great,  my  child,  and  yet  I  offer  you  con- 
"solation."! 

Rene    could   not   expect,    after   the   treatment   he 
had  received  from  the  French  King,  to   obtain  from 
him  anything  on  the  score  of  friendship  or  generosity. 
He  therefore  endeavoured  to  purchase  the  favour  of 
Louis  by  giving  up  the  succession  of  Provence,  upon 
the  death  of  his  nephew,  as  the  price  of  his  daughter's 
freedom.      The   conditions    on   which   he   made   this      3475. 
cession  were,  that  Louis  should  pay  to  the  Queen  of  p^jj1 ' 
Sicily,  Rene's  second  wife,  in  case  she  should  survive  Letters; 
him,    "a  reasonable  and  sufficient  dower;"  that  he 
should  procure  the  liberation  of  his  daughter  Margaret, 
Queen  of  England ;  and  that  he  should  assign  to  her 
an  annual  pension  in  France,  to  enable  her  to  live  in  a 
manner  suitable  to  her  rank  and  dignity. 

*  Bodin  ;  Hist.  General  de  Provence.  t  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 

VOL.  11.  z 


338 


MARGARET    OF    AXJOU. 


1475. 
Biondi  ; 

Toplis  ; 
Henry  ; 
Moustrclet. 


1470. 


147o. 
Carte  ; 
Daniel. 


According  to  this  arrangement,  Louis  entered  into 
a  treaty  with  King  Edward  IV.,  at  Amiens,  for  the 
ransom  of  Queen  Margaret,  which  was  finally  con- 
cluded on  the  13th  of  November,  in  the  same  year, 
1475.  It  was  then  stipulated  that  the  King  of  France 
should  pay  the  sum  of  50,000  crowns  of  gold  to 
Edward,  and  that  Queen  Margaret  of  Anjou  should 
renounce  all  claim  to  any  portion,  jewels,  or  other 
things  to  which  she  might  have,  or  pretend  to  have  a 
right,  through  her  marriage  with  King  Henry  the  Sixth. 
King  Edward  resigned  all  power  over  his  captive,  and 
Louis  bound  himself  never  to  make  any  demand  in  her 
favour.* 

Thus  this  unfortunate  Queen  was  released  from  her 
imprisonment,  and  on  the  29th  of  January,  1476,  was 
delivered  up  by  King  Edward's  ambassador,  Sir 
Thomas  de  Montgomery,  to  John  d'Hangest  sieur  de 
Jenlis,  and  John  Raguenet,  Receiver-General  of  Nor- 
mandy, who  was  appointed  by  the  King  of  France  to 
receive  her  at  Rouen. 

Queen  Margaret  readily  made  the  renunciation  re- 
quired of  her,  giving  up  all  her  claims  upon  England. 
She  also  ceded  to  Louis  XL,  at  this  time,  viz.,  on  the 
1st  of  March  after  her  liberation  in  1476,  all  her  rights 
to  the  property  and  pretensions  of  her  father.  Full 
of  gratitude  to  her  deliverer  for  having  advanced  so 
much  money  for  her  ransom,  as  well  as  in  consideration 
of  the  essential  services  he  had  before  rendered  to  her 
and  her  son,  by  the  loan  of  both  money  and  ships  in 
her  last  expedition  to  recover  her  crown,  Queen  Mar- 
garet by  this  act  yielded  up  to  the  French  King 
all  the  rights  she  then  held,   or  might  hold,  in  the 


*  Biondi  ;  Toplis  ;  Baker  ;  Howel  ;  Jean  de  Troye  ;  Anquetil  ;  Paston 
Letters  ;  Carte  ;  Habington  ;  Ridpath  ;  Rapin  ;  Baudier ;  Monstrelet  ; 
Bodin  ;  Hume  ;  Lingard  ;  Female  Worthies  ;  Henry ;  Russi's  Contes  de  Pro- 
vence ;  Toplis  ;  Bayley's  Tov;er  of  London. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  331) 

duchies  of  Anjou,  Lorraine,  and  Bar,  and  in  the  comity 
of  Provence.* 

The  ambitious  and  once  powerful  Queen  Margaret 
thus  became  divested  of  all  her  worldly  grandeur,  and 
deprived  of  every  hope  of  regaining  her  former  pos- 
sessions. She  beheld  herself  at  once  despoiled  of  all 
accorded  by  established  law  to  her  in  England,  and  of 
every  privilege  she  could  have  enjoyed  from  her  birth, 
and  from  the  succession  of  the  House  of  Anjou,  of 
which  she  was  the  sole  heiress.  Her  life  had  been  a 
scene  of  constant  change  and  vicissitude,  and  she  had 
not  only  lost  her  crown,  but  had  endured  the  severest 
afflictions. 

From  this  period  either  her  spirit  was  entirely 
broken,  or  she  considered  it  useless  to  endeavour  to 
raise  herself  above  her  misfortunes.  Overcome  with 
grief  and  melancholy  she  withdrew  to  the  town  of  Aix, 
where  she  sought  retirement  and  tranquillity  for  the 
remainder  of  her  existence,  which  had  hitherto  been  so 
much  disturbed  by  calamity. 

It  may  be  well  imagined  that  while  in  this  state  of 
dejection,  Queen  Margaret  could  be  but  little  disposed 
to  share  in  and  sympathise  with  the  rural  delights  of 
her  aged  father;  yet  she  continued  at  Aix,  where 
Bene  was  residing,  and  so  long  as  he  lived  she  dwelt 
there,  "  in  absolute  seclusion  from  every  kind  of 
"  business."  One  historian  tells  us  that  the  regret  of 
this  Queen  was  not  occasioned  by  the  loss  of  her 
kingdom,  or  even  of  her  husband,  but  by  the  death 
of  her  son,  of  that  beloved  son,  the  recollection  of 
whom  accompanied  her  to  the  grave.  The  last  six 
or  seven  years  of  her  life  were  the  most  tranquil  since 
her  marriage.  Her  adversities  had  made  her  feel  the 
sweetness  of  repose,  which,  otherwise,  was  not  agree- 

*  Carte  ;  Hume  :  Baudier ;  Daniel;  Habingtc-n  ;  Toplis ;  Paston  Letters  ; 
Jean  de  Troye  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Bodin  ;  Henry  :  Biondi. 

Z  2 


340  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU. 

able  to  the  disposition  of  Margaret,  who  was  ever 
after  melancholy  and  unhappy.*  She  might  have 
exclaimed  with  the  poet — 

"  No,  no  ;  our  joys  away  like  shadows  slide, 
11  But  sorrows  firm  in  memory  abide." 

The  similarity  in  the  fortunes  of  Rene  and  his 
daughter,  and  the  joy  of  again  beholding  his  beloved 
child  released  from  prison,  must  have  awakened  in 
him  all  the  tenderness  of  parental  affection ;  and  who 
could  better  sympathise  with  the  fallen  Queen,  than 
one  who  had  himself  so  often  been,  as  it  were,  the 
plaything  of  fickle  fortune,  tossed  from  the  heights 
of  prosperity  and  joy  to  the  depths  of  misfortune  and 
despair?  Who  better  than  such  a  parent  could  point 
out  the  greatest  consolation  under  calamity,  or  solace 
the  grief  of  the  desponding  Margaret  ?  but,  alas !  how 
are  we  struck  at  the  contrast  in  the  character  of  this 
Princess  with  that  of  her  venerable  sire !  The  his- 
torian is  silent,  and  the  philosopher  would  descant  on 
the  weakness  of  her  sex ;  but  it  is  for  all  true 
Christians  to  witness  and  lament  in  this  admirable 
woman  the  want  of  "that  peace  which  the  world 
"  cannot  give."  Only  peace  of  heart  can  ensure 
tranquillity  in  life,  and  when  its  close  approaches  that 
countenance  only  is  cheerful,  which  is  lighted  by  the 
blessed  hope  of  another,  and  a  better  world.  That  ray 
of  heavenly  hope  which  had  sustained  Queen  Margaret 
in  her  troubles,  it  would  seem  had  been  lost  amidst 
the  strife  and  tumults  of  party  animosities,  and  in  the 
struggle  for  worldly  power  and  an  earthly  coronet, 
awful  indeed  was  the  peril  in  which  she  stood  of  losing 
her  heavenly  crown. 

Had  Queen  Margaret  possessed  that  inward  peace 
which  her  aged  father  so  evidently  enjoyed,  she  might 

*  Habington  ;  Baudier ;  Baker ;  Hume  ;  Bo-din  ;  Daniel ;  Biondi. 


MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOIL  341 

like  him  have  found  a  solace  in  each  object  presented 
in  nature  for  her  observation  and  reflection.  Even 
the  daisy,  chosen  by  this  Queen  as  her  device  in  her 
joyful  maidenhood,  might  have  brought  to  her  mind 
a  lesson  of  content,  and  conveyed  the  sentiments,  if 
not  the  language  of  the  poet,  who  exclaims — 

"  Bright  flower,  whose  home  is  everywhere  ! 

1 '  A  pilgrim  bold  in  nature's  care  ! 

"  And  oft,  the  long  year  through,  the  heir 

"  Of  joy  or  sorrow. 
"  Methinks  that  there  abides  in  thee 
"  Some  concord  with  humanity, 
"  Given  to  no  other  flower,  I  see, 

' '  The  forest  through. 
' '  And  wherefore  ?     Man  is  soon  deprest : 
' '  A  thoughtless  thing  !  who,  once  emblest, 
"  Does  little  on  his  memory  rest, 

"  Or,  on  his  reason. 
' '  But  thou  wouldst  teach  him  how  to  find 
' '  A  shelter  under  every  wind  ; 
"  A  hope  for  times  that  are  unkind, 

"  And  every  season."  * 

During  the  tranquil  hours  which  Rene  enjoyed  at 
his  residence  at  Aix,  one  of  his  most  agreeable  relax- 
ations was  the  occupation  of  giving  instruction  to  his 
grand-daughter,  Margaret  of  Lorraine,  the  daughter 
of  Yoland  of  Anjou  and  of  Ferri  of  Vaudemont. 

This  Princess  afterwards  espoused  Rene  of  Valois, 
Duke  of  Alengon. 

Thus  did  King  Rene,  who  had  outlived  his  dearest 
relatives,  make  his  happiness  consist  in  paternal  cares, 
and  his  sweetest  enjoyment,  in  witnessing  the  graces 
and  amiability  of  his  beloved  pupil. 

His  greatest  satisfaction  was  in  having  his  grand- 
daughter in  his  chamber,  where  he  taught  her  himself 
to  pray  to  God ;  and  nothing  delighted  him  so  much 
as  to  see  the  gradual  development  of  the  mind  of  this 
little  creature,  who  was  then  but  twelve  or  thirteen 

*  Wordsworth. 


312  MABGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

years  of  age.  Nor  were  these  pious  instructions  for- 
gotten by  this  Princess,  as  her  subsequent  life  gave 
proof.* 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  conquered  Lorraine  in  1475. 
He  then  attacked  the  Swiss,  and  took  the  town  of 
Granson,  and  a  body  of  troops  coming  to  the  relief  of 
this  place,  the  Duke  went  out  to  meet  them  as  they 
were  hastening  down  the  narrow  passes  of  the  moun- 
tains, but  his  army  was  seized  with  a  panic,  and  fled, 
leaving  his  baggage  to  the  enemy.  He  renewed  his 
attack,  but  was  finally  routed. 

Rene  II.,  Duke  of  Lorraine,  had  been  solicited  by 
the  King  of  France  and  the  Emperor  to  make  war 
upon  Charles  of  Burgundy.  In  this  warfare  he  had 
lost  his  duchy,  but  subsequently,  having  received  con- 
siderable succours,  he  again  assailed  his  enemy,  who 
was  then  besieging  Xanci.  He  obtained  a  complete 
victory  over  him,  and  Charles,  called  "  the  Bold,"  was 
dismounted,  and  slain.  This  happened  on  the  3rd  of 
January,  1477. 
li7-  The  death  of  this  Prince  was  looked  upon  by  all  the 

Bodin ;       politicians  of  that  day,  as  an  event  of  great  importance 
Wraxaii.      to  all  Europe.     Charles,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  was  very 
ambitious,  and  fond  of  state  and  magnificence.    He  was 
but  forty-five  years  of  age  when  he  was  killed. 

The  Duke  of  Lorraine  caused  the  body  of  Charles 
the  Bold  to  be  transported  to  Xanci,  and  laid  on  a  bed 
of  state,  in  an  apartment  hung  with  black  velvet.  He 
afterwards  paid  him  all  the  customary  funeral  honours, 
which  were  of  a  very  peculiar  kind.  AYe  are  told  that 
Piene  II.  adorned  himself  with  a  irreat  beard  of 
threads  of  gold,  reaching  to  his  middle,  after  the 
manner  of  the  ancient  brave  knights,  and  assisted  at 
the  funeral.     Previous  to  his  sprinkling  holy  water  on 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 

f  By  some  this  Duke's  death,  is  dated  January  5,  1470. 


MAEGAEET   OF    ANJOU.  343 

the  corpse,  he  advanced  up  to  the  deceased  Prince, 
and  taking  his  hand,  thus  addressed  him,  "  God  rest 
'  thy  soul,  thou  hast  given  us  much  trouble  and 
"  grief!  " 

Thus  did  the  aged  Rene  of  Anjou  behold  before  he 
died,  the  fulfilment  of  the  prediction  made  at  the 
coronation  of  King  Charles  VI. ;  when  Philippe  "  le 
J  Hardi,"  Duke  of  Burgundy,  so  presumptuously 
placed  himself  at  table  above  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  and 
it  was  foretold  by  an  astrologer  present  that  "  the  race 
"  of  Anjou  should  exterminate  that  of  Burgundy  before 
u  a  century  should  elapse."* 

Rene  obtained  from  his  subjects  the  title  of  "  the 
"  Good,"  which  he  truly  deserved.  He  suffered  the 
loss  of  all  his  dominions,  yet  he  was  one  of  the  very 
few  princes  who  did  not  merit  to  lose  them.  Good- 
ness formed  the  essence  of  his  character,  of  which 
much  might  be  said  that  was  truly  admirable.  In  his 
actions,  private  as  well  as  public,  he  evinced  a  simplicity 
amounting  to  true  greatness,  when  accompanied,  as  it 
was  in  Rene,  by  intrepid  courage,  a  lively  beneficence, 
and  uncommon  talents  for  war  and  politics.  This  Prince, 
if  he  had  not  sufficient  genius  and  moral  power,  as 
events  seemed  to  show,  to  maintain  himself  on  a  con- 
tested throne,  and  to  become  a  great  King,  had,  how- 
ever, all  those  qualifications  necessary  for  a  good 
King  and  an  honest  man.  He  was  generous,  compas- 
sionate, and  the  protector  of  the  oppressed,  and  rendered 
justice,  with  impartiality,  to  all  his  subjects.  To  these 
virtues  he  owed  his  honourable  surname,  and  the 
glory  of  being  called  to  wear  the  crown  of  Arragon.f 

"  Rene  united  to  inexhaustible  charity,  active  piety, 
il  and  exquisite  sensibility,  lively  and  original  wit,  and 

*  Paston  Letters ;    Monfaucon  ;    Moreri ;    Bodin  ;    Roujoux's  Dues  de 
Eretagne  ;  WraxalPs  France. 

f  Hist.  General  de  Provence  ;  Walpole. 


344 


MAEGABET   OF   AXJOU. 


1474. 


"  a  mild  philosophy,  which  neither  the  injustice  nor 
u  the  misfortunes  he  suffered  could  alter.  His  kind- 
"  ness  would  indeed  sometimes  degenerate  into  weak- 
"  ness,  and  his  generosity  into  prodigality ;  but  he  had 
"  the  glory  of  having  encouraged,  and  caused  to  be 
"  appreciated,  the  sciences,  letters,  and  arts,  all  of 
"  which  he  cultivated  himself  in  a  remarkable  manner. 
"  These  tastes,  which  surround  as  with  a  charm  the 
11  memory  of  the  princes  who  have  encouraged  them, 
"  would  stamp  Rene  as  the  precursor  of  Leo  X.  and 
"  Francis  I."* 

By  the  will  which  Rene  made  at  Marseilles,  22nd 
of  July,  1473,  he  left  to  his  two  daughters,  Yoland, 
Duchess  of  Lorraine,  and  Margaret,  Queen  of  England, 
each  the  sum  of  a  thousand  golden  crowns,  or  13,060 
livres.f  Besides  this  sum,  bequeathed  to  his  second 
daughter  for  her  right  of  institution,  Rene  also 
gave,  for  her  use  as  long  as  she  should  remain  a 
widow,  2,000  livres  de  rentes,  on  the  revenues  of 
Bar.J 

The  next  year  Rene  declared  Charles  of  Maine,  son 
of  Charles  of  Anjou,  his  heir,  and  he  hoped  that  hence- 
forth nothing  would  trouble  his  repose,  but  Louis  XL 
being  informed  that  the  good  old  King,  justly  incensed 
at  his  conduct  in  the  seizure  of  Angers,  proposed 
to  make  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  his  heir,  speedily 
altered  his  behaviour  towards  him.  He  went  to 
Lyons  and  invited  Rene  to  come  to  him  there  from 
Aix,  where  he  was  then  residing  :  he  reluctantly 
accepted  the  invitation,  although  well  aware  that  he 
had  everything  to  fear  from  his  perfidious  nephew. 
When  they  met,  the  deceitful  King  used  all  sorts  of 
means  to  make  his  uncle  forget  the  injuries  he  had 

*  Hist.  General  de  Provence. 

f  Paston  Letters ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Hist.  General  de  Provence. 

$  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  34  a 

done  him,  and  at  this  conjuncture  did  not  fail  to  receive 
him  with  all  the  honours  due  to  his  rank. 

Jean  Cossa,  Seneschal  of  Provence,  on  this  occasion, 
accompanied  his  master,  and  at  the  first  conference 
between  the  two  Kings  took  upon  himself  to  address 
the  French  monarch  in  these  terms,  "  Sire,  be  not  sur- 
prised if  the  King,  my  master,  your  uncle,  has  offered 
his  succession  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  He  has 
followed  in  that  the  advice  of  his  council,  that  of  his 
most  faithful  servants,  and  of  mine  in  particular. 
That  which  has  determined  us  to  advise  thus  has 
been  the  ill-treatment  which  he  has  received  from 
you,  and  above  all  the  seizure  you  have  made  of  the 
castle  of  Bar,  and  of  the  city  of  Angers.  Our  inten- 
tion, in  fact,  was,  that  this  treaty  should  never  be 
accomplished,  and  we  have  had  no  other  view  but 
that  of  obliging  you  thereby,  to  give  a  reason  to  the 
King,  our  master,  for  the  wrongs  you  have  done  him, 
and  to  remind  you  that  he  is  your  uncle." 
This  freedom  from  Cossa  was  received  by  Louis  very 
well,  and  he  even  praised  the  wisdom  of  the  Seneschal. 
The  differences  were  quickly  accommodated,  and  the 
treaty  which  had  been  commenced  in  favour  of  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  was  entirely  broken  off,  under  the 
most  provoking  circumstances  for  him. 

The  good  Rene  was,  at  this  time,  enfeebled  by  age 
and  misfortunes,  yet  his  soul  was  still  noble  and  disin- 
terested. He  was  persuaded  to  make  his  will,  and,  by 
an  irrevocable  act,  to  declare  the  King  of  France  his 
heir ;  and  we  are  told  that  he  suffered  himself  to  be 
gained  over  by  the  numerous  presents  which  Louis 
conferred  upon  him,  all  of  which  were  artfully  made 
conformable  to  his  tastes.  They  consisted  of  books, 
paintings,  medals,  and  antique  morceaux ;  and  for 
these,  they  say,  the  aged  King  resigned  his  beautiful 
county  of  Provence,  of  which  he  made  a  cession  to 


S4G  MARGARET    OF   AKJOU. 

Louis  XL*  Rene,  it  is  said,  "Ecrivit  de  son  joug 
"  Finstrument  authentique."  In  fact,  he  traced  on 
vellum,  in  letters  of  gold,  to  which  he  added  vignettes, 
and  flower-work  of  the  most  beautiful  colours,  this  act, 
which  appeared  to  be  extorted  from  him  by  trickery 

1479.  and  persecution.  It  was  at  the  Cordelliers  at  Lyons 
that  this  cession  was  made  in  favour  of  Charles,  Count 
of  Maine,  the  nephew  of  King  Rene ;  yet  the  artful 
monarch  of  France,  who  worded  it,  well  knew  that  he 
could  contrive  to  substitute  himself  for  the  Count.  In 
this  agreement  Rene  included  all  his  rights  to  the  county 
of  Provence,  the  duchy  of  Anjou,  and  even  of  Lorraine  ; 
but,  Philip  de  Comines,  who  was  present  at  this  con- 
ference, declares  that  Louis  was  not  instituted  the 
heir  of  Rene,  but  that  this  monarch  only  engaged  not 
to  conclude  the  treaty  with  Burgundy,  and  even  ad- 
hered to  the  will  Rene  had  made  a  year  before,  in 
favour  of  Charles  of  Anjou. 

It  is,  however,  certain,  that  it  was  at  this  time 
that  Rene  transmitted  to  Louis  all  his  rights  to  the 
kingdom  of  Naples  ;  and  thus  originated  the  wars  in 
Italy,  under  the  reign  of  Charles  VIII. ,  which  were 
as  sharply  contested,  as  bloody,  and  as  fruitless  as 
any  of  the  preceding  contests.  Nowhere  in  history 
can  we  find  a  better  example  of  the  truth  of  that 
saying,  that  "  the  faults  of  the  fathers  never  serve  as 
"  lessons  to  their  children."! 

1479  In  the  year  1479,  the  King  of  France  made  a  treaty 

of  alliance  with  Rene  II.,  Duke  of  Lorraine,  which 
probably  he  never  intended  to  execute,  since  he  ceded 
to  him  the  duchy  of  Luxembourg  and  the  earldom  of 
Bourgoyne,  being  most  reluctant  to  give  up  his  right 

*  One  author  adds,  that  Louis  conducted  his  uncle  to  the  fair  held  at 
Lyons,  where  all  the  beautiful  ladies  of  that  place  were  assembled. 

+  Bodin  ;  Monfaucon  ;  Daniel ;  Jean  de  Troye  ;  Godard  Faultrier  ; 
Hallam  ;  Barante. 


J ):  i  rant  e 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  347 

to  them  when  he  entertained  suspicions  that  this  Duke 
would  become  heir  to  his  grandfather,  King  Rene. 
This  was,  indeed,  the  ambition  of  the  Duke  of  Lor- 
raine, who  had  consented  to  a  lease  for  the  duchy  of 
Bar,  and  had  entered  upon  the  government  of  it.  He 
afterwards  went  to  Provence,  hoping  to  change  the 
will  which  had  been  made  in  favour  of  Charles  of 
Anjou. 

Louis  XL  had  strong  friends  in  Provence,  and  he 
had  one  especially  in  Palamede  de  Fourbin,  who 
directed  everything  in  that  country ;  and  we  are  told, 
that  advantage  was  taken  of  the  old  King,  whose 
mind  was  enfeebled,  to  advise  him  to  require  that 
Duke  Rene  should  give  up  the  arms  of  his  duchy  and 
his  House,  "  and  take  the  escutcheon  of  Anjou,  which 
"  this  Prince  refused,  saying  that  he  would  only 
"  quarter  his  arms."  This  answer,  it  is  reported, 
incensed  King  Rene  against  his  grandson.  * 

Not  long  after,  the  King  of  France  sent  the  Lord 
of  Blanchefort,  Mayor  of  Bourdeaux,  and  Maitre  Fran- 
cois Genas,  general  of  the  finances,  to  watch  over  his 
interests.  They  made  rich  presents  to  King  Rene, 
and  also  to  his  advisers  ;  upon  which  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine  took  the  alarm,  and  hastily  embarked  ;  but, 
not  being  willing  to  incur  the  peril  of  traversing  the 
kingdom,  he  disembarked  at  Venice. 

Louis  XL  about  this  time  being  elated  by  the  dona- 
tion of  Queen  Margaret  of  Anjou,  sent  to  reclaim  the 
duchy  of  Bar.  Duke  Rene  had  not  returned,  and  his 
mother,  Yoland,  who  was  a  proud  and  courageous 
princess,  gave  for  answer  that  "the  King  might  act 
"  as  he  thought  proper,  but  that  she  would  never 
"  abandon  the  duchy  of  Bar."  On  being  advised  she 
requested  to  wait  her  son's  return.  The  French  King, 
meanwhile,   obtained  from  King  Rene,  a  lease  of  six 

*  Barante. 


1470. 


348  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOTT. 

years,  which  granted  him  the  government  of  the  duchy 
of  Bar.  This  lease  which  Rene  agreed  to  was  never 
acknowledged  as  valid,  either  by  the  Duchess  Yoland 
or  her  son.  They  referred  to  an  act  made  in  1476, 
in  which  the  King  protested  beforehand  against  any 
disposition  he  might  thereafter  make  to  the  prejudice 
of  his  daughter  Yoland  or  her  son  Rene,  who  alone 
ought,  as  they  argued,  to  possess  the  duchy  of  Bar, 
assigned  to  them  by  King  Rene's  will.  This  difference 
did  not  terminate  even  on  the  death  of  King  Rene. 

Charles,  Count  of  Maine,  inherited  Provence,  and 
the  King  of  France  re-united  Anjou  to  the  crown. 
The  town  of  Bar,  with  some  others,  were  held  in  the 
name  of  the  King,  and  the  rest  of  the  duchy  of  Bar 
was  given  up  to  Duke  Rene,  who  maintained  he  had 
a  right  to  the  whole  of  it.* 

It  would  appear,  indeed,  that  in  the  latter  years  of 
his  life  the  good  King  Rene  could  no  longer  act  from 
his  own  free  will. 

Another  account  has  been  given  of  this  disposition 
respecting  the  duchy  of  Bar,  by  which  we  learn  that 
King  Rene,  on  the  1st  of  October,  1479,  received  at 
Aix,  the  deputies  of  the  city  of  Aries,  who  came  to 
do  him  homage  in  the  name  of  this  city.  Soon  after- 
wards, the  Duke  of  Anjou  ceded  the  revenues  of  the 
duchy  of  Bar  to  Louis  XL  for  6000  livres,|  condition- 
ally that  he  should  preserve  the  sovereignty  of  it,  and 
that  evervthino;  should  be  executed  in  his  name.  This 
disposition  Rene  in  a  manner  revoked  in  the  following 
December,  stipulating  that  at  his  death,  the  duchy  of 
Bar  should  return  to  Yoland  of  Anjou,  his  daughter, 
and  after  her  to  her  son  Rene  II.,  on  condition  that 
they  should  put  an  end  to  the  troubles  which  desolated 
this  unfortunate  country,  and  in  addition  to  pay 
40,000  crowns  of  gold  which  were  still   due  to  Mar- 

*  Barante.  f  Tornois  de  pension. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ.  349 

garet  of  Savoy,  the  widow  of  Louis  III.  and  Countess 
of  Wurtemberg.  This  alteration  undoubtedly  took 
place  contrary  to  the  will  of  Louis  XL,  who  had,  for  a 
long  time,  persecuted  his  uncle,  in  order  to  obtain 
possession  of  his  states. 

The  following  phrase,  found  in  a  letter  written  by 
this  monarch,  and  addressed  to  one  of  his  agents, 
shows  his  purpose — "  Si  vous  ne  pouvez  seduire,  ou 
"  intimider  les  commissaires  da  Roi  Rene,  tachez  de 
"  faire  inserer  quelque  bon  mot,  dont  je  puisse  me 
"  servir  dans  la  suite."  Louis  did  not  obtain-his  object, 
and  his  intrigues  failed.  Justice  triumphed,  and  it 
was  decided  that  the  Duchy  of  Bar  should  remain  in 
the  House  of  Lorraine. 

This  was  the  last  sovereign  act  of  Rene  of  Anjou. 
His  health  had  been  considerably  impaired  since  his 
misfortunes,  and  he  seemed  to  get  weaker  and  weaker 
in  the  course  of  this  year,  1479.*  1479. 

Having  a  presentiment  that  his  end  was  approach- 
ing, this  Prince  desired  to  have  near  him  his  grandson, 
Rene  II.,  and  the  Count  of  Maine,  the  only  remaining 
princes  of  his  once  numerous  family.  Charles  of 
Anjou  did  not  leave  him  any  more,  although  Bourdigne 
relates  that  he  returned  to  Mans,  after  a  journey  of 
some  time  in  the  principal  towns  of  Provence,  where 
his  grandfather  had  conducted  him,  in  order  that  he 
might  become  more  attached  to  those,  whom  he  would 
have  to  govern.  This  was  apparently  the  last  time 
that  Rene  left  his  palace  at  Aix.  The  decline  of  his 
strength,  his  exhaustion  and  melancholy,  were  visibly 
augmented  by  the  frightful  ravages  of  the  plague, 
which  had  reappeared  in  Provence.  In  the  endeavour 
to  stay  the  ravages  of  this  distemper,  the  aged  Prince 
seemed  to  forget  himself;  and  in  the  exercise  of  an 
inexhaustible  charity,   he  was  fearless  of  danger,   so 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Mariana  ;  Barante. 


350  MARGARET   OF   AXJOTJ. 

that  he  could  but  protect  his  people.  His  benefits 
even  preceded  the  attacks  of  this  destructive  disease, 
and  they  were  received  by  the  indigent  in  the  most 
obscure  and  remote  dwellings. 

It  was  in  vain,  however,  that  this  kind  monarch  dis- 
pensed his  riches  on  these  unfortunate  objects ;  equally 
vain  was  his  endeavour  to  awaken  benevolence,  and 
that  he  unceasingly  employed  workmen,  in  erecting 
various  buildings  necessary  to  the  salubrity  or  the  em- 
bellishment of  the  city  of  Aix.  The  heartrending 
picture  of  the  effects  of  this  contagion,  the  cruel 
images  which  met  his  eyes,  the  despair  of  so  many 
families,  the  sad  aspect  of  his  depopulated  capital, 
all  seemed  to  unite  to  break  his  heart  and  to  over- 
whelm him.  At  this  period  he  evinced,  as  he  had 
done  throughout  his  life,  great  courage  and  resignation 
as  regarded  his  own  misfortunes,  although  he  was 
unable  to  support  with  fortitude,  those,  of  which  his 
subjects  became  the  victims.  Such  a  lively  sensibility 
necessarily  increased  the  infirmities  with  which  King 
Rene  had  been  attacked  for  some  months,  and  he  was 
not  slow  to  perceive  the  dangerous  alteration  in  his 
health,  and  to  foresee  that  death  was  approaching.* 
He  was  prepared  for  that  hour  by  the  exercise  of  a 
fervent  piety,  as  well  as  by  strength  of  soul ;  and  the 
remembrance  of  the  cruel  plague  had  detached  him 
beforehand,  from  a  perishable  and  deceitful  world. 
During  the  first  months  of  the  year  1480  his  malady 
was  not  aggravated,  and  being  alternately  suffering 
and  convalescent,  his  court  again  indulged  the  hope 
that  this  good  prince  would  be  yet  a  long  while  pre- 
served to  them. 

Towards  the  end  of  June,  Rene,  perhaps  in  order 
to  keep  in  mind  his  own  situation,  demanded  a  renewal 
of  his  dispositions  in  favour  of  Charles  of  Maine,  ap- 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemoxit. 


MABGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  3,31 

pointing  after  him,  in  case  he  left  no  male  offspring, 
Louis  XL  his  successor,  to  whom  he  sent  his  will,  at 
this  time,  recommending  to  his  especial  care,  Queen 
Jeanne  de  Laval,  and  his  daughter,  Margaret  of  Anjou.* 
Thus  the  last  act  of  authority  of  this  Prince,  viz.,  his 
will,  was  consecrated  to  the  interests  of  his  subjects ; 
and  having  ended  this  important  duty,  which  he 
seemed  to  foresee  he  must  hasten,  his  strength,  more 
impaired  by  adversity  than  age,  appeared  to  abandon 
him,  and  the  alteration  in  his  countenance  no  longer 
left  a  doubt  with  the  Lords  admitted  to  his  intimacy, 
that  his  life  was  in  imminent  danger. 

No  sooner  had  this  news  spread  through  the  city 
than  a  profound  sentiment  of  grief  was  felt  by  the 
people  of  Aix.  Their  affection  for  their  sovereign 
banished  every  other  idea,  and  they  hastened  to  their 
churches  to  implore  for  his  life,  of  Him  who  held  in 
his  hand  the  lives  of  men  and  of  kings. 

Notwithstanding  her  grief,  the  Queen  of  Sicily  set 
the  example  of  this  religious  faith,  and  the  people  were 
inspired  with  attachment  to  her,  as  they  perceived  her 
hastening  from  her  palace,  with  a  long  veil  thrown 
over  her  head,  to  enter  the  metropolis,  and  prostrate 
herself  before  the  image  of  the  holy  Virgin.  She  was 
also  known  to  pass  in  her  oratory  some  portion  of  her 
time  daily  in  prayer.  The  divers  bodies  of  state,  by 
turns,  repaired  to  the  churches ;  there,  indeed,  every 
age,  rank,  or  sex  was  confounded,  all  being  alike 
occupied  in  expressing  the  same  vows,  feeling  the 
same  anxiety,  and  mingling  together  their  prayers, 
sighs,  and  tears.  Without  the  sacred  vaults,  scenes  no 
less  touching,  warmly  attested  the  public  grief. 

Seated  beneath  the  Linden  trees,  which  lined  the 
avenues  of  the  palace,  or  crowding  into  the  courts, 
were  to  be  seen  men,  women,   and  children,   asking 

*  Carte  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


352  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

with  sobs  the  news  of  their  common  father.  Every 
passer-by  thus  arrested,  they  mutually  communicated 
their  hopes  and  fears.  At  sunrise  the  multitude  were 
before  the  royal  mansion  in  tears ;  the  approach  of 
night  did  not  disperse  them.  A  picture  of  no  less 
interest  was  presented  on  the  roads  which  led  to  the 
capital.  Messengers  from  the  principal  towns,  and 
even  from  the  most  simple  hamlets,  were  passing  along 
continually,  for  all  desired  to  know  if  there  was  no 
amelioration  in  the  condition  of  their  King,  and  the 
return  of  these  messengers  was  watched  for  with  im- 
patience and  alarm.  It  appeared  as  though  the  entire 
county  of  Provence  were  but  one  great  family,  alarmed 
for  the  life  of  its  head,  and  as  if  upon  this  good  Prince 
alone  depended  also,  the  fate  of  each  individual,  of  each 
citv,  nay  even  of  the  state  itself. 

These  demonstrations  of  sincere  affection  reached 
the  dying  monarch,  and  they  served  to  reanimate  him. 
Deeply  affected  by  the  love  of  his  people,  tears  of 
gratitude  escaped  from  his  eyes,  about  to  close  for 
ever,  and  once  again  he  looked  with  kindness  upon 
those  who  were  respectfully  pressing  his  feeble  hands, 
and  encircling  his  humble  bed.  Then  he  mustered  the 
little  strength  remaining  to  him,  as  if  in  an  effort  to 
measure  the  depth  of  that  eternity  opening  before  him, 
yet  not  a  word  was  he  heard  to  utter  concerning  his 
bodily  health,  and  indeed  he  ceased  not  to  repeat  to 
those  who  addressed  their  prayers  to  God  for  his 
recovery,  "It 'is  for  the  soul,  yes!  it  is  for  the  soul 
"  only,  that  I  conjure  you  to  offer  up  your  petitions."  ° 

Finding  that  his  strength  was  failing  him,  Rene 
sent  for  Charles  of  Maine,  Elizar  Gamier,  his  confessor, 
the  prior  of  the  royal  convent  of  St.  Maximin,  John  of 
Matheron,  the  venerable  Fouquet  D'Agoult,  the  grand 
seneschal,    Pierre    de    la    Juille,    and    Palemade    de 

*  Villeneuve  Banremont. 


MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOU.  353 

Forbin;  at  the  same  time  arrived,  escorted  by  the 
Queen,  Jeanne  de  Laval,  the  Countess  of  Maine,  and 
her  sister,  Margaret  of  Lorraine. 

King  Rene  then  addressing  himself  to  Charles  of 
Anjou,  and  making  an  effort  to  raise  his  voice,  said, 
"  My  son,  it  seems  there  is  something  lacking  in  the 
"  love  I  have  shown  you.  It  is  not  enough  that  I 
a  have  testified  it  in  giving  you  my  states,  I  must  still 
"  teach  you  how  you  will  enjoy  them  happily.  To  this 
11  end,  the  sole  maxim  you  have  to  practise  is,  to  love 
11  your  people  as  I  have  loved  them,  and  you  will  then 
a  find  the  Provencaux  faithful  and  zealous.     Consider 

a 

"  what  they  have  done  for  me,  by  these  means,  in  my 
"  wars  of  Naples,  Catalonia,  and  even  in  Normandy, 
"  when  I  assisted  the  late  King  Charles  VII.  You 
"  know  what  has  been  said  of  them,  that  there  never 
"  was  a  better  people  under  a  good  King,  and  that 
"  there  never  was  a  worse  under  a  bad  one.  Test 
"  again  this  proof  in  your  own  person.  Preserve 
"  amongst  this  people  the  same  affection  that  you  find 
"  there,  and  remember  that  God  wills,  that  kings 
"  should  resemble  Him  more  by  their  goodness  than 
"  their  power." 

Full  of  an  admirable  presence  of  mind,  Rene  gave 
to  his  successor  yet  other  counsels  upon  the  duties  of 
a  sovereign  towards  his  people.  Like  St.  Louis,  dying 
on  the  banks  of  Carthage,  he  could  leave  him  the 
example  of  his  life.  Rene  then  presented  with  his 
feeble  hand  Charles  of  Maine  to  all  his  attendants,  who 
were  ranged  round  his  death-bed,  and  he  recommended 
him  to  his  ministers,  and  to  the  principal  lords  who  had 
served  under  him,  and  who  were  listening  to  his 
paternal  exhortations.  These  faithful  servants,  seek- 
ing to  stifle  their  sobs  and  restrain  their  tears,  were 
unable  to  answer  him,  and  Rene  then,  with  his  eyes 
almost  closed,  and  his  lips  half  fixed,  bade  them  fare- 

VOL.    II.  .*    A 


354 


MAEGAKET    OF    ANJOTJ. 


1480. 
Villeneuvc 
Barge- 
mont  ; 
Moreri ; 
Baudier  ; 
Barante  ; 
Bodin  ; 
Godard 
Faidtriev. 


well  in  terms  of  affection.  His  countenance  preserved 
the  serenity  of  a  pure  conscience,  and  his  dying  looks, 
turned  towards  heaven,  still  expressed  benevolence. 
The  little  group  of  mourners  respectfully  withdrew. 

When  alone,  as  he  desired  to  be,  with  his  confessor, 
Rene  seemed  no  longer  to  belong  to  this  earth,  but 
appeared  to  linger  here  yet  a  few  instants,  as  if  to 
abandon  himself  entirely  to  the  thoughts  which  ought 
to  terminate  the  life  of  a  good  christian  and  a  wise  man. 
He  recalled  passages  of  his  life,  as  though  in  the 
presence  of  his  great  Judge.  He  confessed  himself 
anew,  meditated,  and  then  received  the  Sacrament,  with 
a  fervour,  which  edified  the  priest  himself.  He  then 
wished  for  the  last  time  to  hear  the  holy  Scriptures, 
and  to  have  the  Psalms  read  to  him  by  Elezar  Gamier, 
who  afterwards  related  that  up  to  the  moment  of  his 
death  Rene  preserved  his  memory,  and  the  use  of  his 
other  intellectual  faculties,  and  that  while  he  read  to  him 
he  wTas  absorbed  in  pious,  profound,  and  touching  reflec- 
tions, upon  divers  passages  which  struck  his  attention. 

Thus  he  breathed  his  last,  without  grief  or  pain. 
He  expired  on  Monday,  the  10th  of  July,  1480,  at  the 
hour  of  vespers.  Rene  was  seventy -two  years  of  age 
when  he  died,  and  it  was  the  forty-seventh  year  of 
his  reign.* 

The  lamentations  without  the  Palace  speedily  an- 
nounced to  the  people  the  loss  they  had  sustained,  and 
each  individual  suspended  his  labours,  or  forgot  at  the 
moment  his  matters  of  domestic  interest,  and  coming 
forth,  they  accosted  one  another,  and  with  tears  in  their 
eyes,  repeated  their  praises  of  their  venerable  monarch, 
each  one  adding  some  touching  details  of  his  own 
reminiscence.  Their  manufactories  and  shops  were 
shut,  and   funereal  hangings  were  at  every  door  ;    as 


*  Moreri;  Carte;  Bodin  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Monf aucon  ;  Baudier; 
Barante  ;  Mariana  ;  Eccles.  Hist. ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


MARGARET    OF   ANJOU.    -  3oo 

the  news  reached  the  cottages  on  the  outskirts,  the 
labourers,  deserting  their  fields,  entered  the  town  in  a 
body,  crying,  "  The  father  of  our  country,  the  father  of 
the  poor,  is  no  more !  " 

The  people  of  Aix  and  of  the  country,  united  by 
their  common  affliction,  gained  permission  to  visit  the 
chamber  of  their  Prince,  where  they  pressed  around 
his  bed,  kissed  his  hands  and  feet,  and  gazed  for  the 
last  time  on  the  features  of  their  beloved  benefactor, 
and  a  concert  of  praises,  the  last  sad  homage  rendered 
by  them  to  the  virtues  of  their  good  King,  re-echoed 
during  several  hours  about  the  inanimate  remains  of 
this  friend  and  father  of  the  poor  and  needy. 

The  corpse  of  Rene,  having  been  embalmed,  was 
placed  in  a  leaden  coffin,  and  laid  in  state,  during  three 
days  and  nights  preceding  the  burial.  And  now,  as 
the  moment  approached  when  this  "  father  of  his 
"people"  was  about  to  disappear  for  ever  from  all 
eyes,  tears  flowed  afresh,  and  new  praises  were  lavished 
upon  his  beneficence  and  piety. 

The  obsequies  of  this  best  of  Princes  were  cele- 
brated on  the  14th  of  July,  in  the  presence  of  all  the 
communities  of  Provence,  those  deputies  of  the  town 
who  were  able  to  arrive  in  time,  the  sovereign  courts 
of  justice,  the  clergy  and  inhabitants  of  Aix,  without 
distinction,  bearing  torches  in  their  hands.  The  officers 
of  the  Palace  and  the  numerous  servants  of  Rene  were 
likewise  there,  and  weeping.  The  streets  were  hung 
with  black,  and  it  might  have  been  thought  that  death 
had  visited  each  house  with  an  especial  blow.  A 
mournful  silence  prevailed  everywhere,  interrupted 
ouly  by  the  tolling  of  the  bells  or  the  chaunts  of  the 
priests,  whose  voices  were  often  drowned  by  dolorous 
sobs.  Fouquet  cVAgoult,  who  for  many  years  had 
been  honoured  with  his  sovereign's  confidence,  presided 
at  this  sad  ceremony,  which  lasted  until  the  evening. 

A   A   2 


So6  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

The  funeral  procession,  passing  though  the  populace 
who  were  all  weeping,  arrived  at  the  Church  of  St. 
Saviour's,  where  the  service  was  performed  for  the 
dead  amidst  cries  and  tears  ;  all  were  alike  inconsol- 
able, for  indeed  the  house  and  table  of  Rene  had  been 
the  refuge  of  the  poor. 

The  coffin  was  laid  in  one  of  the  chapels  until  a 
tomb,  more  worthy  of  this  lamented  Prince,  could  be 
made,  and  as  yet  no  one  thought  that  the  remains  of 
King  Rene,  could  be  buried  elsewhere  than  in  Provence. 
This  monarch  had,  however,  commanded  in  his  will, 
that  his  remains  should  be  conveyed  to  Angers,  and 
be  placed  by  the  side  of  his  first  Queen,  Isabella  of 
Lorraine,  "  his  very  dear  wife,  in  the  Cathedral  of  St. 
"Maurice,"  where  he  had  prepared  for  himself  a 
magnificent  tomb.  In  this  church  he  had  been  bap- 
tised, and  there  reposed  the  ashes  of  almost  all  his 
ancestors.* 

Rene  had  taken  great  pleasure  in  enriching  the 
Church  of  St.  Maurice.  He  had  presented  to  it  a  very 
beautiful  urn  of  porphyry, j"  which  was  brought  from 
Jerusalem  by  his  orders,  and  the  pious  believed  that 
this  vase  was  the  same  used  by  our  Lord  at  the  feast 
of  Cana,  when  he  changed  the  water  into  wine.  In 
remembrance  of  this  miracle  the  vase  was  filled  with 
wine  every  year,  on  the  second  Sunday  after  Epiphany, 
and  it  was  distributed  to  the  people  after  the  blessing. 
This  was  established  as  a  perpetual  custom  by  King 
Rene.  To  this  church  also  Rene  bequeathed  his  rich 
woollen  tapestry,  comprising  the  visions  and  figures  of 

*  Within  this  church  might  be  seen  eight  statues  of  Dukes  of  Anjou. — 
Vllleneuve  Bargemont  ;  Bodin  ;   Godard  Fault rier. 

f  Eene  also  gave  to  this  church  a  vase,  of  oblong  form,  of  green  antique 
marble,  from  Marseilles.  This  piece  of  antiquity  is  more  precious  for  the 
rarity  of  its  material  than  for  its  workmanship.  It  is  a  baignure  of  verd 
antique,  -t  feet  8  inches  long  (French),  and  21  inches  high,  and  serves  still 
as  a  baptismal  font  at  this  church.  The  sword  of  St.  Maurice  was  also  to 
be  seen  in  this  antique  building  supported  on  lions. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  3o7 

the  Apocalypse,  an  infinite  number  of  chappes  and 
draperies,  gold  and  velvet  ornaments,  bearing  his  coat 
of  arms,  and  other  things  for  the  ceremonies  of  the 
worship  of  God.*  Both  his  Queens  were  represented 
on  the  painted  windows  of  St.  Maurice.* 

The  will  of  this  Prince  was  sworn  to  by  Jeanne  de 
Laval,  who,  believing  herself  bound  to  fulfill  strictly 
the  last  wishes  of  her  husband,  announced  her  purpose 
of  transporting  his  remains  to  Angers.  This  deter- 
mination was  no  sooner  made  public,  than  it  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  general  insurrection  in  the  town  of  Aix ; 
all  classes  expressed  their  dissatisfaction,  and  for  the 
first  time  murmurs  were  heard  against  the  "good 
"King."  "He  gave  himself  to  us  long  before  his 
"death,"  they  exclaimed  everywhere.  "No  people 
"  have  loved  him  so  well  as  the  Provencaux,  and  none 
"  can,  or  ought  to  dispute  their  right  to  his  precious 
"  remains." 

In  this  fervour  they  even  persuaded  themselves  that 
the  honour  of  their  country  was  interested  in  preserv- 
ing in  their  capital  a  monarch  whom  they  had  delighted 
in  so  much,  and  they  came  to  the  decision  that  they 
would  oppose  with  open  force,  if  necessary,  the  removal 
of  the  corpse  of  Rene  to  Angers.  This  resolution, 
which  they  considered  as  patriotic,  they  adhered  to, 
and  universally  protested  against  the  transfer  of  their 
old  master's  remains,  demanding  that  a  mausoleum 
should  be  erected  to  his  memory  at  the  expense  of  the 
faithful  Provencaux. 

Charles  of  Anjou,  Olivier  de  Penant,  Archbishop  of 
Aix,  and  other  eminent  persons  of  the  court,  who  be- 
held this  excitement,  yielded  to  the  general  feeling  which 
had  been  so  energetically  manifested,  and  which  in  its 
source  was  too  touching  to  be  any  longer  disregarded. 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;     G-odard  Faultrier  ;     Bodin  ;  Baudier  ;  Mon- 
faucon  ;   Moreri. 


3,58  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

They  also  considered  themselves  the  less  wanting  to 
the  memory  of  King  Rene,  since  the  monks  of  St. 
Maximin  offered  to  affirm  upon  oath  that  the  attach- 
ment of  the  people  of  Aix,  had  so  deeply  affected  that 
Prince,  as  to  cause  him  upon  his  death  bed,  to  revoke 
verbally  the  clause  in  his  will,  expressive  of  his 
desire  to  be  buried  in  the  Church  of  St.  Maurice,  at 
Angers. 

This  concession,  authorised  by  the  Queen,  and  in  a 
manner  extorted  from  her,  was  no  sooner  made  known, 
than  it  produced  in  its  turn  a  strong  sentiment  of  joy  ; 
and  when  the  public  peace  was  re-established,  the 
universal  subject  of  their  thoughts  was  the  construction 
of  a  monument  worthy  of  their  beloved  sovereign, 
which  should  attest  to  posterity  the  gratitude  and 
affection  of  the  Provengaux.  A  plan  was  speedily  pro- 
jected by  the  most  skilful  artists,  and  submitted  for  the 
approval  of  the  Count  of  Provence,  and  the  foundation 
was  laid  without  delay.  Amongst  the  bas  relievos  in 
white  marble  were  some  intended  to  retrace  the 
memorable  combats  in  which  this  Prince  had  signalized 
his  valour,  others  to  remind  them  of  the  virtues  which 
had  made  him  so  beloved.  Some  symbolical  figures  in 
marble  were  also  destined  to  represent  history,  mathe- 
matics, poetry,  painting,  sculpture,  and  music,  all  weep- 
ing for  a  Prince,  who  had  alike  protected  and  cultivated 
them.  They  omitted  nothing,  in  short,  which  could 
recall  to  mind  their  excellent  sovereign.* 
1480.  Whilst    the    people    of  Aix    were    exerting   every 

means  for  the  prompt  erection  of  their  national  monu- 
ment, having  no  longer  any  doubts,  that  the  precious 
remains  of  their  sovereign  would  continue  amongst 
them,  Jeanne  de  Laval  quitted  Provence  on  her 
return  to  Anjou,  where  she  had  determined  to  reside 
for  the  future,  in  the  castle  of  Beaufort. 

*  Godard  Faultrier  :  Villeneuve  Barsremont. 


MARGABET   OF   ANJOU.  359 

This  chateau,  formerly  laved  by  the  waters  of  the 
Loire,  was  built  on  a  rock,  overlooking  the  whole 
valley,  and  from  its  battlements  might  be  seen  the 
two  fine  towns  of  Angers  and  Saumur. 

King  Rene  had  purchased  this  residence,  in  1469, 
for  30,000  golden  crowns,  and  had  assigned  it  for 
dowry  to  Jeanne  de  Laval,  who  passed  in  it  the  last 
eighteen  years  of  her  life. 

This  Princess,  in  departing  from  the  place  where 
the  corpse  of  King  Rene  reposed,  perhaps  repenting 
of  her  condescension,  or  touched  by  the  grief  of  the 
Angevins,  resolved  yet  to  accomplish  the  will  of  her 
husband.  It  appears  that  before  her  departure,  she 
secretly  persuaded  a  monk  of  the  chapter  of  St. 
Saviour,  to  undertake  the  execution  of  her  project. 
This  monk  was  obliged  to  delay  for  some  time,  the 
performance  of  the  Queen's  orders ;  but  he  concerted 
his  measures  well;  the  coffin  was  removed  from  the 
cathedral  during  the  night,  placed  in  a  cask,  then 
carried  on  a  cart  to  the  banks  of  the  Rhone,  where 
being  embarked,  they  conveyed  it  by  water  to  the 
Pont  de  Ce.  This  enterprise  was  conducted  with 
such  secresy,  that  the  result  was  unknown  at  Aix 
until  such  time  as  precautions  could  be  taken  to  pre- 
vent another  commotion. 

All  that  remained  in  Provence  of  this  Prince  were 
his  entrails,  deposited  at  the  foot  of  the  altar  of  the 
great  Carmelites,  under  a  large  plate  of  copper,  sur- 
rounded by  an  iron  railing  and  again  covered  with 
wood,  on  which  was  inscribed — 

"  Hie  sunt  viscera  serenissimi  Siciliae 

"  Hierosolymis  regis  Renati  Andegavia,  ac 

"  Bari  ducis  et  Provinciae  comitis." 

While  on  the  one  hand  the  inhabitants  of  Aix  were 
plunged  into  sullen  grief  on  finding  their  confidence 


360  MARGAEET    OF   AXJOTJ. 

betrayed,  and  that  they  were  compelled  thus  to 
abandon  their  project  of  erecting  a  mausoleum,  to 
attest  thereby  to  futurity  their  respect  for  King  Rene, 
the  Angevins,  with  transports  of  joy  and  gratitude, 
received  the  royal  coffin.  Upon  the  arrival  of  this 
precious  deposit  on  the  confines  of  Anjou,  a  sweet 
satisfaction  united  to  a  religious  melancholy  was  ex- 
hibited on  all  sides.  At  last  it  was  brought  by  night  to 
St.  Laud,  near  Angers,  in  the  month  of  August,  1481, 
more  than  a  year  after  the  death  of  Kins;  Rene.* 
1481.  The  citizens  could  not  at  first  give  entire  credence 

BargemcmL  to  a  circumstance  which  appeared  so  little  probable, 
and,  influenced  by  the  popular  reports  on  this  matter, 
the  dean  and  canon  of  St.  Maurice,  even  doubted  if 
it  was  really  the  body  of  their  monarch,  which  had 
been  restored  to  them.  They  required  that  the  leaden 
coffin  should  be  opened  in  their  presence,  and  before 
other  witnesses.  This  request  being  granted,  they 
found  King  Rene  as  entire  and  perfect  and  unde- 
composed  as  if  he  had  only  died  a  few  days  before. f 

After  this  the  body  was  placed  in  a  double  coffin  of 
lead,  and  the  heart  was  laid  in  a  silver  box. 

The  sacred  remains  of  this  Prince  rested  secretly  at 
St.  Laud  from  the  month  of  August  till  the  9th  of 
October,  about  seven  weeks.  Then  the  heart  was 
taken  to  the  Cordeliers,  in  the  chapel  of  St.  Bernardin, 
and  the  body  to  the  cathedral  of  St.  Maurice.  This 
solemn  transfer  was  effected  with  the  greatest  pomp, 
and  the  most  extraordinary  expense.  Six  doctors  in 
law,  canon  and  civil,  held  the  pall ;  twenty  licentiate 
scholars,  all  gentlemen,  carried  the  coffin,  and  at  the 
head  walked  the  rector  of  the  University.  This 
homage  to  the  talents  of  Rene  shows,  at  the  same 
time,    the    supreme    rank    which    the    members    of 

*  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Villeneuve  Barg-emont ;  Bodin. 
+  Moreri ;  G-odard  Faultrier  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 


MAEGARET    OF    ANJOU.  361 

the  university    occupied   amongst   the   dignitaries  of 
Angers. 

This  ceremony  ended,  Rene  was  placed  at  the  left 
side  of  the  great  altar  of  St.  Maurice,  near  to  Isabella 
of  Lorraine,  who  had  been  interred  there  in  1453. 

A  rich  mausoleum  was  soon  raised  by  the  pious 
care  of  Jeanne  de  Laval,  over  the  tomb  of  her  hus- 
band ;  and  she  caused  to  be  executed  upon  it,  the 
designs  which  Rene  had  himself  traced  for  it.  This 
funeral  monument  was  eight  feet  in  length  and  six  in 
width,  and  it  was  entirely  covered  with  black  marble, 
and  decorated  on  the  three  sides  with  elegant  pilasters, 
between  which  were  placed  the  escutcheon  of  Anjou 
and  Lorraine,  sculptured  with  the  utmost  delicacy  and 
refinement.  The  statues  of  the  King  and  Queen  were 
lying  down,  and  formed  of  white  marble  of  Carrara ; 
they  were  placed  on  a  pedestal  of  porphyry.  That 
of  King  Rene  was  resting  on  a  cushion,  his  fore- 
head encircled  by  a  diadem,  leaving  visible  a  kind  of 
cap,  which  covered  the  top  of  his  head,  and  under  his 
long  tunic  with  large  sleeves,  was  to  be  seen  his  coat 
of  arms.  A  lion,  symbol  of  his  rare  strength  and 
courage,  reposed  at  his  feet,  and  at  the  feet  of  the 
Queen  were  placed  two  dogs,  emblems  of  fidelity.* 

This  mausoleum  was  placed  under  an  arch,  the 
bottom  of  which  was  filled  by  a  large  tableau  on 
wood,  which  it  is  pretended  that  King  Rene  painted 
himself,  or,  at  least,  that  he  commenced  it,  because,  in 
his  will,  he  gave  orders  "that  the  picture  on  his  tomb 
"  be  finished."  This  painting  represented  death  in  the 
figure  of  a  skeleton,  covered  with  a  cloak  of  gold  cloth, 
edged  with  ermine.  The  figure  is  leaning  on  the 
arms  of  a  throne,  on  which  he  is  seated,  and  bears 
a  crown,  which  appears  to  be  falling  from  his 
head. 

*  Villeneuve  Bargemont ;  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Bodin  :  Monfaucon. 


362  MAKGABET    OF    ANJOU. 

Above  tins  tableau  were  engraved  the  follow- 
ing Latin  verses ;  they  were  the  composition  of 
Rene  : 

"  Regia  scepter  luis,  rutilis  fulgentia  tronis, 

"  Dum  quondam  recolis  pressa  et  nunc  pulvere  cemis 

1 '  Marcescunt  flores,  mundi  laudes  et  honores, 

1 '  Gloria,  f ama  levis,  pomparum  f astus  inanis. 

"  Una  parit  reges  et  vulgus  terra  potentes, 

"  Quod  dedit  hsec  repetit,  mortalia  cuncta  recludit 

"  Mors,  dominis  servos,  et  turpibus  sequat  honestos 

"  Unus  erunt  tumulus,  rex,  pastor,  inersque  peritus. " 

Once  regal  sceptres  shining  from  bright  thrones, 
Adorned  thy  hands,  and  beamed  their  precious  stones. 
Now  pressed  in  dust,  earth's  flowers  fade  away : 
Fame,  glory,  honour,  praise  alike  decay. 
One  earth  is  mother  both  of  prince  and  slave  ; 
She  asketh  back,  and  hides,  whate'er  she  gave. 
Death  levels  master,  servant,  bound  and  free  ; 
Kings,  shepherds,  high  and  low,  one  heap  shall  be.* 

The  blazon  of  the  second  "  House  of  Anjou  and 
"  Sicily '  Avas  composed,  at  the  death  of  Rene,  of 
the  arms  of  Hungary,  Naples,  Jerusalem,  France, 
Bar,  Lorraine,  and  Arragon.f 

Towards  the  close  of  his  life  Rene  assumed  the  title 
of  King  of  Arragon,  Sicily,  and  Jerusalem  ;  but  these 
were  only  imaginary  and  useless  titles  to  him,  since  he 
had  no  longer  any  hope  of  recovering  what  he  had 
lost.J  Although  he  was  styled  King  of  Sicily,  Naples, 
Hungary,  and  Jerusalem,  Arragon,  Valencia,  Sardinia, 
Majorca,  and  Corsica,  Duke  of  Anjou,  Lorraine,  and 
Bar,  Count  of  Provence  and  Forcalquier,  all  these 
pompous  titles  served  only  to  enrich  his  coat  of  arms, 
while  no  other  monarch  of  his  age  had  so  little  power, 
or  money,  as  Rene  of  Anjou. 

Often  was  he  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  the  purse 
of  his  subjects,  and  proof  of  this  may  be  found  in  the 

*  Bodin  ;  Villeneuve  Bargemont. 
f  Godard  Faultrier. 
%  Mariana. 


MARGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  363 

registers  of  the  Cathedral  of  Angers.  The  chapter 
lent  him,  on  pledges,  in  1465,  five  hundred  crowns, 
and  again  twelve  thousand  crowns.  The  taxes,  how- 
ever, which  had  been  extremely  heavy  in  former 
reigns,  were  very  moderate  in  his  ;  and  he  was  not 
forced,  like  his  ancestor,  Louis  I.  of  Anjou,  to  make 
an  ordinance  at  the  time  of  his  death,  to  alleviate  the 
remorse  of  his  conscience,  for  the  distribution  to  the 
poor  shop-keepers  and  peasants  of  Anjou,  and  Tour- 
raine,  of  20,000  livres  (145,000  francs)  to  remunerate 
them  for  the  unjust  taxes  he  had  levied  upon  them.* 

With  Rene,  the  last  hero  of  the  old  chivalry,  ended 
the  "  House  of  Anjou,"  and  their  illustrious  pretensions 
to  numerous  crowns,  f 

One  author,  in  his  history  of  Provence  says,  that 
;c  this  Prince  needed  only  to  complete  his  glory,  his- 
torians worthy  of  him  ;"  and  adds,  that  "if  pains 
"  were  taken  to  collect,  in  the  different  provinces 
'  which  he  governed,  the  anecdotes  and  actions  re- 
"  lating  to  him,  it  might  be  found,  that  his  character 
"  would  be  a  worthy  parallel  to  that  of  the  renowned 
"Henry  IV. "t 

"  The  faults  of  Rene  partook  of  the  spirit  of  the  age 
"  in  which  he  lived ;  his  virtues  were  his  own.  No 
"  one  better  fulfilled  the  external  duties  of  religion, 
"  but  his  piety,  was  but  the  piety  of  his  age.  He 
"  loaded  the  churches  with  his  favours,  at  a  time  when 
"  he  was  not  able  to  pay  his  debts."  He  had  made  a 
vow  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  it  was 
then  the  heroism  of  devotion,  but  the  events  of  his  life 
did  not  permit  him  to  undertake  this  pilgrimage,  and 

*  Bodin. 

f  Asa  testimony  how  much  the  merits  and  virtues  of  King-  Rene  have 
been  appreciated  by  posterity,  it  may  be  added,  that,  as  late  as  May,  1823,  a 
marble  statue  was  erected  to  the  memory  of  the  "  Good  King  Rene  "  in  one 
of  the  finest  places  in  the  city  of  Aix. 

%  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Bodin  ;  Hist.  General  de  Provence. 


364  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

he  consequently  bequeathed  three  thousand  ducats,  to 
enable  his  heirs  to  send  his  substitute. 

"  During  the  last  years  of  his  life,  Rene  retained 
"  nothing  of  royalty,  but  the  habit  of  thinking  and 
11  feeling  as  a  king,  in  all  that  related  to  religion  and 
u  government ;  in  everything  else  he  was  the  philo- 
"  sopher."* 

At  Saumur  there  was  formerly  to  be  seen  on  the 
great  altar  of  St.  Peter's  Church,  the  statues  of  the 
King  and  Queen  of  Sicily,  in  stone.  They  were  kneel- 
ing, and  between  them  was  an  angel  covered  with  a 
cope,  and  holding  a  great  cross.  On  the  left  of  the 
angel  was  Jesus  Christ  showing  his  side  uncovered, 
and  pierced,  and  also  his  hands.  On  the  right  was 
St.  Peter,  in  an  attitude  expressive  of  surprise,  which 
he  is  said  to  have  felt,  when,  as]  he  left  the  city  of 
Rome,  to  avoid  death,  our  Saviour  met  him,  and 
showed  him  his  hands  and  side,  which  caused  the 
Apostle  to  say,  ""Where  are  you  going,  Lord?"  This 
meeting  retains  the  name  "  Quo  vadis?"  and  has  since 
afforded,  both  to  the  sculptor,  and  painter,  a  subject 
for  the  decoration  of  our  churches. 

Amongst  the  treasures  of  this  parish  of  St.  Peter, 
there  was  formerly  preserved  Rene's  letter  to  the 
clergy  of  this  church,  which  he  wrote  when  he  sent 
these  statues,  and  below  it  is  related,  as  by  St.  Ber- 
nard in  his  memoirs,  "  I  send  you  the  '  Quo  vadis,' 
"  with  the  figures  of  us,  and  of  our  companions."  All 
these  figures  have  been  destroyed.  That  of  Rene 
must  be  regretted ;  for  he  was  looked  upon,  says  our 
author,  as  one  of  the  best  sovereigns  that  ever  reigned 
in  Anjou.f 

After  the  death  of  Rene,  the  pretensions  of  the 
House  of  Anjou  to  the  crown  of  Naples  legally  de- 
scended to  his  grandson,  Rene  II. :   but,  his  mother 

*  Hist.  General  de  Provence.  f  Bodin. 


MAKGABET    OF   ANJOU.  365 

Yoland,  having  married  into  the  House  of  Lorraine, 
had  thus  given  such  displeasure  to  her  father,  that  he 
bequeathed  his  Neapolitan  title,  along  with  his  real 
patrimony,  the  county  of  Provence,  to  his  nephew,  the 
Count  of  Maine. 

Charles  of  Anjou  obtained  possession  of  Provence, 
but  he  did  not  long  survive  his  aged  relative.  He  died 
at  Marseilles,  on  the  10th  of  December,  1481,  leaving  1481. 
no  children.*  Louis  XL  was  by  this  prince  instituted  BsSe.' 
his  heir.  He  recommended  to  this  monarch  the  care 
of  Provence,  her  customs  and  privileges.  Thus  was 
this  province  reunited  to  the  crown. 

We  learn  that  Charles  of  Anjou  was  influenced  in 
making  his  will  by  Palamecle  de  Fourbin,  Seigneur  de 
Lollier,  who  prevailed  upon  him  to  give  the  succession 
to  the  King,  to  the  prejudice  of  Rene,  Duke  of  Lorraine ; 
who,  in  vain  asserted  his  pretensions  to  it.  The  King 
of  France,  in  gratitude  to  Palamede  de  Fourbin,  made 
him  lieutenant-general  in  Provence,  with  extensive 
authority. 

Louis  XL  took  possession  of  Provence,  but  gave 
himself  no  trouble  about  the  kingdom  of  Naples.*)" 

King  Rene  had  invested  his  grandson,  Rene  II., 
with  the  duchies  of  Lorraine  and  of  Bar.  This  he 
appears  to  have  been  constrained  to  do,  but  the  rest  of 
his  inheritance  he  bestowed  on  the  Count  of  Maine  ;  to 
the  great  displeasure  of  Duke  Rene,  who,  upon  the 
death  of  his  grandfather,  earnestly  endeavoured  to 
form  a  party  in  Provence,  in  order  to  secure  this 
prince's  dominions,  but  his  efforts  were  vain,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  fly  precipitately. 

These  attempts  served  only  to  incense  the  King  of 
France    against   Duke  Rene ;    the   former  seeking  to 

*  Some  write  that  he  died  on  the  11th  of  December. 

f  Monfaucon  ;  Mezerai  ;  Barante  :  Eccles.  Hist.  ;  Daniel;    Hallam's  Mid. 
Ages  ;  Wraxall  ;  Gibbon's  Miscel. 


366  MABGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

deprive  him  of  the  duchy  of  Bar,  and  asserting  bis  own 
right  to  it,  according  to  the  lease  granted  to  him  by 
King  Rene,  and  the  cession  of  Queen  Margaret  of 
England. 

Louis  XL,  having  seized  and  fortified  Bar,  and  other 
cities,  refused  to  submit  this  difference  to  any  arbi- 
tration, but  that  of  the  Pope.*  Eventually  Louis 
triumphed;  and  in  the  reign  of  his  successor,  Rene  II. 
was  still  demanding  the  restoration  of  his  duchv  of 
Bar,  kept  from  him  by  Louis  XL.  and  also  the  county 
of  Provence.  Bar  was  restored  to  him  for  a  sum  of 
money,  which  the  King  insisted  upon ;  and  the  Duke 
of  Lorraine  being  in  great  favour  at  court,  and  having 
many  friends,  was  permitted  to  lead  a  company  of  a 
hundred  lances  in  an  expedition  against  Naples  ;  which 
he  claimed,  in  right  of  his  mother,  Yoland  of  Anjou. 
A  pension  of  36,000  francs  was  granted  him  also  for 
four  years  ;  in  which  time,  his  title  to  Provence  was  to 
be  examined  into.  Before  the  expiration  of  that 
period,  however,  objections  were  raised  to  Duke  Rene's 
inheritino-  this  countrv.  and  he  finallv  left  the  French 
court  in  disgust.  This  prince  also  lost,  by  his  delay, 
all  chance  of  success  in  Xaples ;  where  the  Lords  had 
rebelled  against  Ferdinand,  and  had,  with  the  Pope, 
united  their  solicitations  to  Duke  Rene  to  assume  the 
crown. 

In  taking  possession  of  Provence,  Louis  XL,  and 
after  him  Charles  YIIL,  did  so  because,  it  was  a  male- 
fief,  and  the  male  line  was  extinct,  on  which  account 
Rene  II.  could  have  no  claim  to  it.  There  was  no 
Salic  law  in  the  kingdom  of  Xaples ;  therefore, 
although  Duke  Rene  was  allowed  to  proceed  thither, 
with  his  company  of  a  hundred  lances,  it  was  after- 
wards discovered,  from  ancient  testaments  of  Charles  I. 
and  others  of  the  Angevine  princes,  that  the  kingdom 

*  Daniel :  Barante. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  307 

of  Naples,  and  the  county  of  Provence,  were  irrevocably 
united.  Thus  Charles  VIII.  drew  this  conclusion,  that 
being  Count  of  Provence  by  the  will  of  Charles  of 
Maine,  he  was  also  lawful  heir  to  the  crown  of  Naples ; 
and  the  rights  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  Avho  had  no 
power  to  enforce  them,  were  from  this  time  forgotten. 
In  right  of  his  mother  Yoland,  Rene  II.  assumed 
the  title  and  arms,  of  the  King  of  Sicily  and  Arragon. 
Duke  Rene  II.  died  on  the  10th  of  December,  1508.* 

*  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Gibbon  ;  Sismondi ;  Moreri ;  Barante. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

"  Strong  is  the  arm  of  fate  !  we  fall  to  rise  no  more  !  " 

Miss  Holford. 

Queen  Margaret's  second  cession  to  Louis  XI. — Her  pension — Her  sister's 
cession — The  Queen's  residence  at  Darnpierre — Her  last  days — Her 
death — Burial  and  will— The  Cathedral  of  St.  Maurice — Queen  Mar- 
garet's character — Her  advice  to  the  Earl  of  Richmond — Sketches  of 
some  of  her  relatives  and  distinguished  persons  of  her  times  —  Of 
Jeanne  de  Laval— Yoland  of  Anjou — Margaret  of  Lorraine — Cecily, 
Duchess  of  York— Elizabeth  Woodville  and  others,  in  conclusion. 

Queen  Margaret  had  been  residing  in  the  city  of 
Aix,  under  the  protection  of  her  father ;  and  upon  his 
death  she  went  into  Anjou,  and  there  made  a  second 
cession  to  Louis  XL  of  the  provinces  of  Lorraine, 
Bar,  and  Provence.  This  act  was  signed  by  her  in 
the  hall  of  the  mansion  of  Reculee,  built  by  Rene, 
near  Angers,  on  the  19th  of  October,  1480.*  It  was 
also  signed  by  her  sister,  the  Duchess  of  Lorraine, 
and  one  writer  tells  us,  that  this  cession  was  made  in 
November,  of  1480. 

The  French  monarch  then  granted  to  the  unfor- 
tunate Queen  an  annual  pension  for  her  maintenance, 
consisting  of  the  sum  of  10,500  livres,")"  chargeable 
on  the  revenues  of  the  duchy  of  Bar,  to  be  paid  to 
her  during  the  remainder  of  her  life. 

This  brief  period  of  her  existence  was  passed  by 
Queen  Margaret  in  the  Chateau   de  Darnpierre,  near 

*  Bourdigne  ;  Baudier  ;  Bodin  ;  Monstrelet ;  Hist.  General  de  Provence ; 
Godard  Faultrier  :  Female  Worthies, 
f  This  was  2000  livres  tournols. 


MARGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  369 

Saumur,  where  she  found  an  asylum  in  the  house  of 
a  private  individual,  Francis  de  Vignolles,*  Seigneur  de 
Moraens,  who  had  formerly  been  an  officer  of  the 
household  of  King  Rene,  whom  he  had  served  during 
forty  years,  and  from  whom  he  had  received  some 
benefits. 

It  is  interesting  to  consider  this  Queen  in  the  entire 
seclusion  of  this  Chateau  of  Dampierre,  f  when  she 
had  lost  her  wealth,  rank,  and  possessions,  and  above 
all,  had  been  deprived  of  the  most  beloved  objects 
of  her  affections.  Her  decline  was  hastened  by  melan- 
choly and  regret ;  it  was  not  the  gradual  decay  of  a 
noble  edifice  by  the  hand  of  time,  but  in  far  more 
striking  characters  exhibited  the  most  abrupt  anni- 
hilation of  the  human  fabric. 

This  once  high-minded  and  courageous  Princess, 
whose  beauty  and  talents  were  the  admiration  of  all 
Europe,  passed  the  two  last  years  of  her  eventful  life 
in  this  tranquil  retreat,  mourning  over  her  misfor- 
tunes, and  those  of  her  family. 

The  situation  of  her  habitation  must  have  peculiarly 
favoured  the  indulgence  of  her  dejected  spirits.  From 
many  spots  on  the  hill  on  which  the  Chateau  de  Dam- 
pierre  stood,  Queen  Margaret  could  behold  the  Castle 

*  His  brother,  John  de  la  Vignolles,  was  dean  of  the  church  at  Angers. 

+  This  old  turreted  house  has  still  considerable  beauty,  besides  its 
peculiar  interest  as  the  last  habitation  of  this  Angevine  Princess.  Nothing 
now  remains  but  a  small  narrow  tower,  with  a  winding  staircase  much 
dilapidated,  and  also  a  part  of  a  massive  wall,  richly  ornamented  with 
carved  stone  work.  Monsieur  de  la  Riviere,  a  canon,  possessed  the  chateau 
at  the  time  of  the  French  revolution  ;  after  which,  all  ecclesiastical  pro- 
perty being  sold,  Dampierre  was  purchased  by  M.  Richeaudieu,  and  it  now 
belongs  to  his  son-in-law,  M.  Fontenailles.  Very  near  to  Dampierre  there 
were  also  a  few  rooms  and  a  chapel,  for  the  most  part  excavated  from  the 
rock,  which  is  said  to  have  formed  an  occasional  summer  residence  for 
Queen  Margaret  ;  but  it  is  many  years  since  they  were  wholly  removed. 
The  spot  on  which  they  were  built  was  the  property  of  M.  de  Tigney  in 
1845.  Of  this  last  edifice  there  remains  only  a  small  narrow  tower  with  a 
winding  staircase  in  a  dilapidated  condition,  and  part  of  a  massive  wall, 
richly  ornamented  with  carved  stone-work. 

VOL.   II.  B    B 


370  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOXJ. 

of  Saumur,  which  she  had  often  inhabited  in  her 
youthful  days,  when  crowds  of  gay  and  brilliant  knights 
and  ladies,  joined  the  court  of  Anjou,  to  share  in  the 
various  gratifications  of  the  tournament. 

The  unhappy  Princess  could  see  towards  the  south, 
the  Chateau  of  Breze,  which  must  have  recalled  to  her 
recollection  the  Grand  Seneschal  of  Normandy,  Pierre 
de  Breze,  her  valiant  champion,  who  in  her  greatest 
perils  had  come  to  her  aid,  having  been  dismissed 
by  the  perfidious  Louis  XL,  rather  with  the  intent 
to  get  rid  of  him,  than  with  a  view  to  succour  the 
Queen.  It  was  to  reward  this  knight  for  his  valour 
and  fidelity  in  her  cause,  that  she  bestowed  upon  him 
the  Channel  Islands — a  recompense  which  afterwards 
involved  him  in  much  peril  and  disgrace. 

Queen  Margaret  fell  a  victim  to  disappointment  and 
grief.  While  brooding  over  her  unhappy  fate,  one 
might  imagine  the  bitter  words  which  would  escape 
her  lips — 

"  "Who  sues,  who  kneels,  who  says  '  God  save  the  Queen  ?  ' 

1 '  Where  be  the  bending  peers  that  flatter'd  thee  ? 

"  Where  be  the  thronging  troops  that  follow'd  thee  ? 

1 '  Decline  all  this  and  see  what  now  thou  art  : 

"  For  happy  wife,  a  most  distressed  widow ; 

11  For  joyful  mother,  one  that  wails  the  name  ; 

"  For  Queen,  a  very  caitiff, — crown'd  with  care."* 

The  decline  of  Queen  Margaret  has  been  well  pour- 
trayed  by  the  graphic  pen  of  one  old  author,  who  says, 
"  Her  blood,  corrupted  by  so  many  sombre  emotions, 
"became  like  a  poison,  which  infected  all  the  parts 
"  that  it  should  nourish  ;  her  skin  dried  up,  until  it 
"  crumbled  away  in  dust;  her  stomach  contracted,  and 
"  her  eyes,  as  hollow  and  sunken  as  if  they  had  been 
tc  driven  into  her  head,  lost  all  the  fire,  which  had,  for 
"  so  long  a  time,  served  to  interpret  the  lofty  senti- 

*  Shakespeare. 


MARGARET    OF   ANJOTJ.  37 1 

"ments  of  her  soul."*     What  a  picture  of  the  once 
beautiful  Queen  Margaret ! 

This  unfortunate  heroine  died  of  grief,  at  the  Chateau      1432. 
de  Dampierre,  near  Saumur,  at  the  age  of  fifty-three,  ^^ ; 
on  the  25th  of  August,  1482.t  Godar(I 

Faultrier 

The  mortal  remains  of  this  Princess  were  transported  Hume : 
to  the  magnificent  tomb  of  the  "  good  King  Rene,"  ingar  * 
her  father,  in  the  Church  of  St.  Maurice,  at  Angers  ; 
but  there  was  no  epitaph,  or  inscription  to  her  memory. 
The  deficiency  in  this  respect  was,  however,  in  some 
measure  compensated  by  an  annual  ceremony  per- 
formed there.  Every  year,  at  the  feast  of  All  Saints, 
the  Chapter  of  St.  Maurice,  after  vespers  for  the  dead, 
perform  a  semicircular  procession  around  the  tomb, 
singing  a  subvenite  for  the  unhappy  Queen.  J 

Twenty-three  days  before  her  decease,  Queen  Mar- 
garet confirmed  by  her  will,  dated  August  the  2nd, 
1482,  the  conveyance  of  all  her  rights  to  her  father's 
territories,  to  the  King  of  France,  Louis  XI.§ 

We  are  told  that  in  the  year  1783,  when  the  deco- 
ration of  the  choir  of  the  Church  of  St.  Maurice 
was  begun,  the  tomb  containing  the  last  remains  of 
the  "  good  King  Rene,"  and  of  his  daughter,  Queen 
Margaret  of  Anjou,  was  transferred  beneath  an  arch  of 
the  nave  of  this  Church,  where  it  remained  until  the 
year  1793,  the  period  of  its  destruction  during  the 
Revolution.  The  same  author  says,  that  the  coffin  of 
Rene  was  never  removed  from  the  vault,  but  still  re- 
mains, along  with  two  others,  presumed  to  be  those  of 
his  wife  Isabella  and  his  daughter  Margaret.      Another 

*  Bodin. 

f  Moreri  ;  Bodin ;  Dom  Calniet ;  Baudier  ;  Baker  ;  Toplis  ;  Habington ; 
Lingard  ;  Hume  ;  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Encyclopaedia  Britannica  ;  Female 
Worthies  ;  Bodin. 

X  Bodin  ;  Toplis  ;  Baudier ;  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Female  Worthies  ;  En- 
cyclopaedia Britannica. 

§  Carte. 

b  b  2 


372  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

writer  informs  us  that  the  tomb  of  Rene  was  conveyed 
to  the  place  where  the  altar  memoriale  mortis  is 
situated.* 

No  Queen  of  England  has  ever  enjoyed  so  great  a 
meed  of  praise  and  admiration,  and  deservedly  so,  as 
Margaret  of  Anjou,  for  no  other  Queen  has  equalled 
her  in  character. 

She  has  been  extolled  by  all  the  writers  of  her  times 
for  her  virtues,  her  beauty,  her  conjugal  fidelity,  and 
for  her  maternal  love ;  for  her  patience  under  adver- 
sity, her  courage  and  martial  conduct  ;  also,  for  her 
sympathy  with  the  unfortunate,  and  earnestness  in  the 
advancement  of  those  who  needed  her  assistance ;  and 
above  all  for  her  persevering  activity  during  her  hus- 
band's misfortunes. 

In  early  life  her  pride  or  ambition,  we  are  told,  made 
her  aspire  to  one  of  the  highest  thrones  in  Europe  ; 
but,  when  so  exalted,  how  soon  did  she  exhibit  her 
natural  good  sense  and  feeling,  by  her  concealment  of 
the  weaknesses  and  failings  of  her  husband,  when  he 
betrayed  his  inability  to  rule.  Surely  her  readiness  to 
assist  the  unfortunate  Henry  ought  rather  to  call  forth 
praise  than  blame,  since  it  would  naturally  appear  to 
her  as  the  path  of  duty,  especially  being  conscious  of 
her  own  abilities  for  the  position  of  command. 

When  established  on  the  throne,  Queen  Margaret 
began  by  exerting  great  power  over  all  who  surrounded 
her,  uniting  to  the  regal  sway  her  female  influence,  her 
personal  charms  not  a  little  contributing  to  further  her 
purposes. 

The  extreme  youth  of  Margaret  should  be  admitted 
in  palliation  of  the  faults  which  she  committed  in  the 

*  "  The  architecture  of  St.  Maurice  is  exquisite,  and  at  this  day,  the  fine 
"  painted  glass  and  tapestry  of  the  fifteenth  century  have  happily  remained 
"  uninjured  from  the  civil  ■wars." 

It  has  been  projected  to  re-establish  the  mausoleum  of  King  Rene. 

Bodin  ;  Godard  Faultrier. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  373 

commencement  of  her  reign,  and  Henry's  inability  to 
govern  caused  her  to  be  placed  at  the  helm  while  she 
was  yet  unable  to  direct  it.  Her  first  step  unfor- 
tunately, was  to  adopt  a  peculiar  party  in  the  king- 
dom ;  but  this  eventually  became  the  ruin  of  herself 
and  of  all  her  house. 

When  surrounded  at  her  early  age  by  trials  and 
difficulties,  her  talents  and  energy  enabled  her  to  over- 
come them.  She  seized  the  reins  of  government  with 
all  the  confidence  of  youth,  not  having  gained  the 
experience  requisite  for  her  position.  While,  however, 
she  was  assisted  by  the  wise  Cardinal  of  Winchester 
the  public  affairs  were  prosperous.  But  the  death  of 
Gloucester,  followed  by  that  of  the  Cardinal,  left  her 
alone  to  guide  the  helm. 

The  mysterious  close  of  Gloucester's  life  (which 
remains  an  enigma  in  English  history)  first  caused  her 
unpopularity  with  the  people.  Nothing  has  been 
proved  against  the  Queen  in  this  affair ;  although  it 
may  be  admitted  that  she  yielded  to  her  prejudices 
against  him,  and  sought  to  remove  him  from  the  King 
and  his  Council.  In  this  it  was  her  object  to  rule  her- 
self for  King  Henry.  In  allusion  to  this,  one  author 
writes  that,  "  had  she  adopted  the  nobler  part  of  suc- 
"  couring  the  oppressed  party,  her  character  would 
"  have  shone  with  greater  lustre  to  posterity ;  "  and  in 
conclusion  he  infers  that  "  she  could  not  be  guiltless, 
"  for  she  might  have  saved  the  life  of  Gloucester." 
Truly  she  could  have  been  more  perfect,  but  it  is  hard 
to  judge  another  by  what  they  might  have  done.  She 
was  besides  influenced  by  the  Cardinal  and  his  party, 
who  were  the  enemies  of  Gloucester.  This  Duke  was, 
nevertheless,  by  contemporary  writers  said,  to  have  died 
a  natural  death. 

The  epithets  of  arbitrary  and  tyrannical,  so  often 
applied  to  this  Queen's  early  rule,  doubtless  by  her 


374  MARGARET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

enemies,  do  not  seem  applicable  to  the  daughter  of 
the  "good  King  Rene "  and  his  noble  consort,  the 
former  so  distinguished  by  his  refinements  and 
clemency.  The  talents  and  courage,  born  and  nursed, 
so  to  speak,  in  the  very  age  and  country  of  chivalry, 
would  surely  revolt  from  harshness  and  cruelty.  It 
does  not  appear  that  any  historian  has  dwelt  on  the 
peculiar  difficulties  of  the  situation  of  this  Queen, 
united  to  a  monarch  who,  far  from  assisting  her  by  his 
advice  in  affairs  of  difficulty,  required  to  be  governed 
himself.  Margaret  was  compelled,  in  addition  to  the 
responsibility  and  uncertainty  of  ruling  a  turbulent  and 
rebellious  people,  to  bear  the  weight  of  every  unpopular 
measure  herself,  without  the  advice  of  ministers  of 
worth,  who,  having  the  Lancastrian  interest  at  heart, 
might  have  alleviated  her  anxiety. 

Queen  Margaret  was  more  illustrious  by  her  un- 
daunted spirit  in  adversity,  than  by  her  moderation  in 
prosperity.  She  was  not  subject  to  the  weaknesses  of 
her  sex ;  yet  it  is  just  to  observe,  that  she  has  been 
charged  with  being  "mutable  and  changeable.''  When 
in  prosperous  circumstances  she  assumed  haughtiness, 
or  imperiousness,  on  finding  a  reverse  she  could  lay 
these  aside,  and  employ  all  her  personal  charms, 
insinuation,  persuasion,  and  address  to  gain  over  the 
people  to  her  interests.  The  nobility  were  envious  of 
Suffolk  and  Somerset,  who  engrossed  all  her  favour. 
Having  lost  these  favourites,  her  preference  was 
shown  to  everybody  who  could  render  her  service,  or 
whose  merits  deserved  her  good  opinion.  In  spite  of 
her  eminent  beauty,  we  are  told,  that  her  look  inspired 
terror  in  all  those  who  displeased  her. 

Queen  Margaret's  surprising  talents  for  war,  her 
conduct  as  a  general,  her  martial  spirit,  and  her  presence 
of  mind  in  her  adverse  fortunes,  all  came  with  the 
troubles  of  her  times,  which,  like  the  thorns  around  the 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  37.3 

"  Rose,"  she  patiently  endured  to  preserve  her  crown. 
This  she  deserved  to  wear,  but  it  was  wrested  from 
her.  She  had  shown  feminine  weakness  in  the  insur- 
rection of  Cade,  but  the  utmost  firmness  in  the  conflicts 
which  ensued.  Her  courage  and  intrepidity  might 
have  reflected  honour  on  the  most  renowned  generals 
of  her  age. 

Some  authors  assure  us  that,  her  martial  spirit  was 
not  seen  until  she  found  it  was  needful  to  protect  her 
son.  This,  if  it  be  the  case,  manifests  her  sincere 
maternal  love. 

It  is  needless  to  refer  to  the  mysterious  accounts 
of  this  Queen's  illicit  intercourse  with  the  Earl  of 
Suffolk,  which  could  only  be  the  product  of  the  malice 
of  her  enemies,  and  positively  contradictory  to  all  the 
tenour  of  her  life.  Also  her  genuine  piety  has  never 
been  disputed,  any  more  than  her  moral  fortitude. 

Her  destiny  was  to  launch  her  little  bark  on  the 
noontide  of  prosperity,  and  after  tossing  on  the  waves 
of  a  troubled  ocean,  to  become  at  last  a  solitary  wreck, 
lost  to  the  world,  and  to  herself,  and  like  a  bright 
meteor,  to  perish  in  oblivion.  No  monument  was 
erected  to  her  memory,  and  none  was  needed.  As 
long  as  much  worth,  greatness  of  soul,  filial  duty,  con- 
jugal fidelity,  and  maternal  tenderness  have  admirers 
amongst  mankind,  the  name  of  Margaret  of  Anjou 
cannot  be  forgotten. 

After  the  unsuccessful  termination  of  the  affairs  of 
the  Lancastrians,  the  young  Earl  of  Richmond  (after- 
wards Henry  VII.)  escaped  from  Wales  in  1470,  with 
his  uncle,  the  Earl  of  Pembroke.  They  bent  their 
course  towards  Normandy,  but  a  tempest  cast  them 
on  the  coast  of  Brittany.  Duke  Francois  II.,  hearing 
of  their  disaster,  sent  them  an  honourable  escort,  and 
caused  them  to  be  conducted  to  Vannes,  where  he 
received  them  with  every  demonstration  of  friendship. 


376  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOIT. 

King  Edward  required  that  these  two  noblemen  should 
be  delivered  up  to  him ;  but  Duke  Francois  only  pro- 
mised that  they  should  cause  the  King  of  England  no 
disquietude.  Having  promised  protection  to  these 
suppliants,  he  would  not  betray  them,  but  they  were 
kept  in  a  kind  of  honourable  confinement  during  the 
lifetime  of  King  Edward  IV.  By  this  policy  they 
were  preserved;  and,  in  the  reign  of  his  successor, 
they  reappeared  in  England,  to  inflict  vengeance  on 
the  House  of  York.* 

It  was  during  Queen  Margaret's  residence  at 
Dampierre  that  she  was  visited  by  Henry,  Earl  of 
Richmond ;  and  it  was  by  the  advice  and  instigation  of 
the  Lancastrian  Queen  that,  this  young  nobleman  was 
determined  in  his  resolution  to  attempt  the  overthrow 
of  the  House  of  York  ;  in  which  purpose  he  was  ulti- 
mately successful ;  but  Margaret  did  not  live  to  witness 
his  triumph. 

John  de  Vere,  Earl  of  Oxford,  when  he  escaped,  in 
1485,  from  the  castle  of  Hammes,  after  his  long  im- 
prisonment, joined  the  Earl  of  Richmond,  and  subse- 
quently fought  in  the  battle  of  Bos  worth,  wmere  he 
was  captain  of  the  archers.  This  Earl  became  a  per- 
son of  great  importance  in  the  state  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  VII.  He  died  in  1512,  in  the  fourth  year  of 
Henry  VIII.| 

This  nobleman  experienced  many  vicissitudes  in 
these  stormy  times,  sometimes  cast  into  the  shade,  at 
others  enjoying  a  gleam  of  sunshine.  His  father  had 
been  deprived  of  his  inheritance ;  but  his  son,  John  de 
Vere,  was  restored  to  them,  then  attainted,  and  again 
after  their  being  forfeited,  again  restored.  Finally  he 
died  in  possession  of  them.  He  is  described  as  valiant, 
wise,   magnificent,   and  learned,  and  also   a  religious 

*  Stow  ;  Philip  de  Comines  ;  Roujoux's  Brittany  ;  Lingard. 
t  Paston  Letters. 


MAKGARET   OF   ANJOU.  377 

man.  His  prudence  and  bravery  contributed  much  to 
the  success  of  the  Lancastrian  cause.  When  he 
escaped  from  the  castle  of  Hammes,  he  persuaded  the 
governor  of  this  fortress  to  declare  for  the  Earl  of 
Richmond,  and  carried  him  to  Paris,  to  vouch  for  his 
fidelity. 

When  Richard  III.  afterwards  besieged  the  castle 
of  Hammes,  the  Earl  of  Oxford  gathered  together  a 
few  troops  in  France,  and  proceeded  to  its  relief;  he 
had  the  gratification  to  carry  the  garrison,  which  sur- 
rendered to  the  Earl  of  Richmond.* 

Jeanne  de  Laval,  generally  distinguished  by  the 
name  of  the  Queen  of  Sicily,  after  the  death  of  her 
husband,  whom  she  survived  many  years,  lived  at  her 
Chateau  de  Beaufort  during  eighteen  years,  employing 
herself  in  so  many  good  works,  that  her  memory  has 
ever  been  cherished  by  the  Angevines  ;  who,  even  at 
the  present  clay,  still  delight  in  attributing  to  her  name 
(which  has  remained  proverbial)  everything  great  that 
was  done  in  Anjou  in  the  Middle  Ages.  They  speak 
of  her  with  affection  in  these  days ;  and  such  was  the 
interest  she  excited,  that  many  buildings  and  acts 
have  been  attributed  to  her,  in  which  she  never  parti- 
cipated. Amongst  these  we  have  the  following  in- 
stance. William  de  Haraucourt,  Bishop  of  Verdun, 
invented  a  cage  of  wood,  in  1469,  some  of  which  were 
used  at  the  Bastille,  two  at  the  Chateau  de  Loches, 
and  one  at  Angers.  At  this  city  the  people,  ever  fond 
of  the  marvellous,  were  accustomed  to  call  it  the 
"  cage  of  the  Queen  of  Sicily,"  because  they  pretended 
that  she  had  been  imprisoned  therein  ;  and  they  some- 
times persisted  that  her  sabots,|  beautifully  sculptured 
and  transparent,  might  be  seen  there  in  the  daytime. 
But  this  Queen  of  Sicily  was  no  other  than  Jeanne 

•  Rymer ;  Caister  Castle. 

f  These  sabots  are  now  preserved  in  the  Museum. 


:}78  MARGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

de    Laval,     who,    however,     had     never    been    im- 
prisoned.* 

Jeanne  de  Laval  had  no  children.  She  died  at  the 
Chateau  de  Beaufort,  in  1498,  and  was  interred  by 
the  side  of  Rene,  in  the  church  of  St.  Maurice  at 
Angers ;  also  her  statue  was  placed  by  his  upon  the 
tomb. 

At  the  feet  of  Rene  had  been  carved  a  lion,  the 
symbol   of  strength  and  courage ;  and  at  the  feet   of 
Queen  Jeanne  de  Laval,  his  second  wife,  were  plac 
two  dogs,  emblematical  of  fidelity. 

The  heart  of  Jeanne,  "  so  full  of  love,"  says  one 
author,  "and  so  tenderly  beloved,"  was  deposited 
with  the  Cordeliers  of  Angers,  in  the  chapel  of 
St.  Bernardin.  Jeanne  de  Laval  is  represented  on 
the  painted  glass  windows  of  the  Cordeliers  at 
Angers. 

In  her  escutcheon  were  seen,  the  arms  of  all  her 
husband's  states,  and  those  of  Laval.  | 

Jeanne  de  Laval,  at  her  death,  instituted  as  her 
heir,  Guy,  15th  Count  of  Laval,  her  brother,  and  after 
him  Nicolas  de  Laval,  Seigneur  de  la  Roche.J 

With  this  Princess  ended  the  second  House  of  Anjou 
and  Sicily.  § 

In  the  choir  of  St.  Maurice  at  Angers  reposed  the 
ashes  of  Louis  I.  of  Anjou,  his  wife  Mary  of  Blois.  and 
his  second  son  Charles  ;  Louis  II.  of  Anjou.  and  his 
wife  Yoland  of  Arragon  ;  Louis  III.  of  Anjou  ;  Rene, 
his  two  wives,  Isabella  of  Lorraine  and  Jeanne  de 
Laval,  and  also  his  noble-minded  son  John,  Duke  of 
Calabria  ;  lastly,  were  deposited  there  also,  the  remains 
of  Margaret   of  Anjou,  Queen  of  England.     Of  these 


*  Godard  Faultrier. 

+  Montf aucon  ;  Moreri  :  Bodin ;  Godard  Faultrier. 

t  Hist,  de  Montmorency  et  de  Laval,  par  Andre  du  Chesne. 

§  Beaufort  was  afterwards  reunited  to  the  crown. 


MAEGARET    OF    ANJOU.  379 

eleven  individuals,   all  so  distinguished  in  their  day, 
scarcely  a  vestige  remains.* 

From  this  period  Anjou  returned  to  the  crown,  and 
ceased  to  be  an  independent  government.  "The 
"  nationality  of  Anjou,  gave  place  to  the  nationality  of 
"  France."  Some  of  the  younger  sons  of  France  after- 
wards assumed  the  title  of  "  Duke  of  Anjou,"  but  only 
as  apanagistes,  viz.,  having  only  a  useful  enjoyment, 
with  certain  rights  and  revenues  which  were  limited. 
Of  these  princes  of  the  House  of  France,  who  bore  the 
name  of  Anjou  with  the  most  eclat,  were  Edward,  who 
became  Henry  III.,  and  Francois,  Duke  of  Alengon, 
his  brother  ;  Philip,  grandson  of  Louis  XIV.,  made 
King  of  Spain  in  1700 ;  Louis  XV. ;  and  Louis 
Stanislaus  Xavier,  Count  of  Provence,  afterwards 
Louis  XVIII.,  who  was  the  last  apanagiste.f 

Yoland  of  Anjou,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Rene,  and 
the  wife  of  Ferri,  Count  de  Vaudemont,  the  sister  of 
Queen  Margaret,  became  Duchess  of  Lorraine  and 
Bar,  which  estates  she  inherited  upon  the  death  of  her 
nephew,  Nicolas  of  Anjou,  in  1473.  When  her  cousin 
Charles  of  Anjou  died,  this  princess  took  the  title  of 
Queen  of  Jerusalem  and  Sicily,  and  the  escutcheon 
which  belonged  to  John,  Duke  of  Calabria,  her  brother. 
The  Duchess  of  Lorraine  did  not  long  survive  her 
father  and  sister ;  she  died  on  the  21st  February,  1483, 
at  Nanci,  at  the  age  of  fifty-seven, \  and  was  interred 
in  St.  Laurent  de  Joinville.§ 

Margaret  of  Lorraine,  the  daughter  of  Yoland,  and 
the  grandchild  of  Rene,  who  had  taken  such  pleasure 
in  giving  her  instruction,  employed  herself  in  the 
education  of    her    son  and  daughters,  in   a   manner 


*  Godard  Faultrier  ;  Bodin.  +  Godard  Faultrier. 

\  Dom  Calmet  says  her  age  was  oo,  but  this  must  be  an  error,  as  we 
cannot  doubt  the  historians  who  speak  of  her  birth  in  1426. 
§  Dom  Calmet ;  Moreri  ;  Montfaucon. 


380  MARGARET    OF   ANJOTJ. 

suitably  to  their  birth,  and  with  high  sentiments  of 
religion.  After  the  death  of  her  husband,  she  solaced 
herself  in  her  retirement  by  the  exercise  of  piety  and 
the  care  of  the  poor  ;  and  having  founded  a  charitable 
institution  at  Argenton,  she  daily  conversed  with  the 
holy  sisters,  and  with  her  own  hands,  distributed  her 
gifts  to  the  indigent ;  she  even  condescended  to  serve 
them  at  table,  and  bathe  their  wounds,  without  showing 
any  symptoms  of  disgust.  Finally,  she  retired  to  the 
convent  of  St.  Clair,  putting  on  the  habit  of  the  order 
of  that  establishment,  in  the  presence  of  her  son,  the 
Duke  of  Alengon,  and  the  Bishop  of  Sees,  but  declaring 
that,  in  taking  this  habit,  she  did  not  pretend  to  greater 
poverty  than  formerly  :  for  which  she  assigned  three 
reasons,  1st,  that  she  would  preserve  the  power  of  still 
recompensing  her  servants  as  they  deserved ;  2ndly, 
that  she  might  be  able  to  pay  the  debts  of  her  hus- 
band ;  and  3rdly,  to  finish  the  building,  &c,  of  the 
monastery  where  she  desired  to  live  and  die. 

This  declaration  she  made  only  that  she  might  per- 
form more  perfectly  the  three  solemn  vows  she  had 
taken. 

This  pious  Duchess  of  Lorraine  died  on  All-Saints' 
Day,  in  1521,  leaving  a  great  example  of  virtue, 
charity,  contempt  of  the  world,  and  of  perfect  devotion.  * 
Cicely,  Duchess  of  York,  the  daughter  of  Ralph 
Nevill,  Earl  of  Westmoreland,  survived  her  husband, 
Richard  Plantagenet,  Duke  of  York,  many  years.  Her 
life,  an  eventful  one,  extended  beyond  that  of  her  son, 
King  Edward  IV.  ;  and  if  her  ambition  was  to  behold 
her  family  enjoy  the  regal  dignity,  the  measure  of  her 
days  afforded  ample'  opportunity  for  the  contemplation 
of  the  "  ills  which  flesh  is  heir  to."  She  first  witnessed 
the  vain  struggle  for  power  which  her  husband  origi- 
nated, and  which  brought  his  defeat  and  death ;    then 

*  Doui  Calmet. 


MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOU.  381 

her  own  son's  contentions,  usurpations,  cruelties,  and 
untimely  death.  These  succeeded  one  by  one,  and 
sorrowful  indeed  must  have  been  the  heart  of  the 
widow  and  mother  of  that  house  which  brought  such 
cruel  strife  amongst  her  kindred  and  through  every 
portion  of  her  native  land.  Cicely,  of  Raby,  died  in 
May,  1495,  at  an  advanced  age,  at  her  castle  of  Berk- 
hamsted,  and  was  buried  near  her  husband,  in  the 
choir  of  the  collegiate  church  of  Fotheringay,  in 
Northamptonshire.  * 

The  romantic  fortunes  of  Elizabeth  Woodville  may, 
by  some,  have  been  thought  to  have  been  great 
happiness ;  but  let  those  who  too  highly  estimate  ex- 
alted rank,  contemplate  her  subsequent  reverses — how, 
at  first  she  drew  upon  herself  the  envy  of  the  nobility, 
which  was  ultimately  the  cause  of  King  Edward's 
flight,  and  in  whose  absence  she  gladly  took  refuge  in 
the  sanctuary  of  Westminster,  and  there  gave  birth  to 
a  son,  'the  heir  to  the  throne. 

She  survived  her  husband,  and  afterwards  had  the 
misfortune  to  witness  the  cruel  murder  of  her  two 
infant  sons  ;  and  finally,  she  was  herself  confined  in 
the  Monastery  of  Bermondsey,  in  South wark,  and  her 
effects  confiscated  by  her  own  son-in-law.  f 

John  de  la  Pole,  the  son  of  the  Duke  of  Suffolk, 
married  Elizabeth  Plantagenet,  sister  of  Edward  IV. 
His  son  became  Earl  of  Lincoln,  and  afterwards  joined 
in  the  rebellion  of  Lambert  Simnel,  and  was  killed  in 
battle  in  1487.  His  brother  Edmund,  the  last  who 
bore  the  title  of  Earl  of  Suffolk,  having  excited  the 
suspicions  of  Henry  VII.,  was  imprisoned  by  this 
monarch  during  seven  years  in  the  Tower  of  London, 
and  was  finally  put  to  death  by  Henry  VIII.  With 
this  nobleman  expired  the  honours  of  that  family ; 
which  arose,  in  the  time  of  Edward  III.,  from  a  mer- 

*  Paston  Letters.  +  Baker. 


382  MARGARET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

cantile  station,  and  flourished  during  a  period  of  120 
years.  The  handsome  palace  in  Hull,  called  Suffolk 
Palace,  and  all  the  family  possessions  were  confiscated 
to  the  crown.  The  town  of  Hull  was  much  indebted 
for  its  prosperity  to  this  family.*  John  de  la  Pole 
died  in  149 1.| 

There  were  other  partizans  of  the  House  of  Lan- 
caster, the  chief  of  whom,  when  they  had  lost  all 
hope  of  maintaining  this  cause,  after  the  death  of 
King  Henry  VI.  and  his  son,  and  the  capture  of 
Queen  Margaret,  condescended  to  implore  the  mercy 
of  King  Edward.  No  longer  having  a  rival  to  fear, 
this  monarch  listened  to  their  petitions,  reversed  their 
attainders  in  the  next  Parliament,  and  sought  to 
render  some  of  them  useful  to  him. 

Of  these  were  Dr.  Morton,  parson  of  Bokesworth, 
and  Sir  John  Fortescue,  the  Lord  Chief  Justice. 
They  had  both  been  present  in  the  battle  of  Towton, 
and  had  been  attainted  in  the  following  Parliament. 

Their  petitions  to  the  King  were  very  similar,  and 
were  thus  expressed  : — "  They  are  as  sorrowful  and 
repentant  as  any  creature  may  be,  for  whatever 
they  have  done  to  the  displeasure  of  the  King's 
highness ;  and  protest  they  are,  and  ever  will  be, 
true  liegemen  and  obeissant  subjects  to  him,  their 
sovereign  lord." 
King  Edward  had  already  granted  to  Morton  his 
pardon,  and,  knowing  his  talents,  he  made  him  Keeper 
of  the  Rolls,  and  afterwards  preferred  him  to  the 
bishopric  of  Ely.  The  attachment  of  Morton  to  the 
sons  of  Edward,  his  benefactor,  drew  on  him  the  dis- 
pleasure of  Richard  III.,  and  at  a  subsequent  period 
his  counsels  led  to  the  deposition  of  the  usurper, 
and  the  termination  of  civil  discord  by  the  mar- 
riage of  Henry  VII.  to  the  daughter  of  Edward  IV., 

*  Allen's  York  :  Biographia  Britannica.  f  Paston  Letters. 


MAKGARET    OF    ANJOU.  383 

and  thus  were  united  the  Houses  of  York  and  Lan- 
caster.* 

Henry,  Lord  Percy,  the  son  and  heir  of  Henry 
Percy,  Earl  of  Northumberland,  who  lost  his  life  in 
the  battle  of  Towton,  continued  to  be  styled  Lord 
Percy,  although  his  father  had  been  attainted.  He 
was  fully  restored  to  his  title  and  honours  in  1472, 
and  his  father's  attainder  made  void. 

In  the  year  1488  this  nobleman  was  murdered  by  a 
tumultuous  mob,  in  Yorkshire. f 

Charles  VIII. ,  in  1492,  was  inspired  with  the  desire 
of  making  the  conquest  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples  ; 
and  after  meditating  on  this  enterprise  during  two 
years,  and  several  times  abandoning  it,  he  set  out  for 
Italy  in  1494. 

The  claims  of  this  monarch  were  founded  thus : — 
Rene  of  Anjou,  heir  to  Joanna  II.,  Queen  of  Naples, 
had  left  to  Charles,  Count  of  Maine,  Provence  and  all 
his  rights  to  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and  Sicily ;  and 
this  Count  had  made  Louis  XI.  his  successor. 

The  princes  of  Italy  all  united  in  this  war,  each  one 
according  to  his  private  interest. 

King  Charles  marched  to  Rome,  and  entered  that 
city  in  triumph  ;  he  made  an  easy  conquest  of  the 
kingdom  of  Naples,  with  which  the  Pope  invested 
him,  although  he  was  the  enemy  of  the  French.  He 
also  crowned  him  Emperor  of  Constantinople. 

But  all  these  rapid  conquests,  which  occupied  this 
King  but  six  months,  were  again  lost  to  him  in  as 
short  a  space  of  time.J 

*  Lingard  ;  Rot.  Pari.  t  Paston  Letters. 

X  Eccles.  Hist.;  Montfaucon  ;  Hallam  ;  Universal  Hist. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Review  of  the  Fifteenth  Century — Causes  of  the  Wars  of  the  Roses — 
Religion — Politics — Literature — Arts  and  Sciences — Manners  and 
Customs. 

In  the  concluding  pages  of  this  volume  it  may  not 
be  uninteresting  to  the  general  reader  to  take  a  sum- 
mary review  of  England  during  the  fifteenth  century, 
the  period  in  which  King  Henry  YI.  and  Queen 
Margaret  reigned  in  this  country.  Many  wTere  the 
peculiarities  of  that  age,  and  singular  the  contrast 
afforded  to  the  present  century  of  modern  refinement ; 
its  religion  being  then  guided  by  the  Papal  power,  and 
its  forms  Roman  Catholic,  though  becoming  modified 
by  the  exercise  of  private  judgment,  through  the  light 
of  the  Reformers.  Then  came  the  interference  of 
religion  with  politics  and  with  monarchical  rule,  and, 
what  was  still  more  astonishing,  the  part  it  took  in 
the  wars  of  the  times.  The  three  divisions  of  Western 
Europe  at  this  time  most  prominent  were  France  and 
Spain,  Germany  divided  into  monarchical  states,  and 
Italy  into  small  principalities  and  republics. 

The  fifteenth  century  was  a  remarkable  epoch, 
especially  interesting  as  preceding  the  times  'Of  the 
Reformation,  in  which,  from  the  midst  of  darkness, 
infatuation,  and  superstition,  the  light  of  Christianity 
shone  forth.  In  the  ages  preceding,  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures had  not  been  universally  read.  The  clergy,  king, 
and  men  of  high  rank,  whose  minds  were,  however, 
enlightened  by  Holy  Writ,  had  greater  power  to  rule 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  383 

by  its  precepts,  and  thus  gained  an  especial  influence 
over  the  multitude,  who  seemed  grovelling  in  dark- 
ness and  superstition.  One  of  the  greatest  blessings 
resulting  from  the  Reformation,  was  the  "  free  circu- 
"  lation  of  the  Word  of  God."  Also  it  effected  a 
"diminution  of  cruel  punishments,"  and,  lastly,  it 
"  raised  the  tone  of  morals ; "  while  the  blessing  of 
God,  which  He  gave  to  the  nations  zealous  in  this 
cause,  was  manifested  in  the  enjoyment  of  civil 
liberty. 

Tn  the  preceding  century,  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion  had  prevailed  throughout  Christendom.  The 
Pope  had  exerted  his  power  to  subject  all  the 
kingdoms  to  his  rule,  some  of  which  yielded  to  his 
domination,  whilst  others  resisted  it.  In  England  the 
papal  doctrines  prevailed,  although  the  new  opinions 
of  Wickliffe  and  other  Reformers  had  begun  to  pave 
the  way  for  the  Reformation.  England  could,  how- 
ever, scarcely  be  charged  at  this  time  with  entire 
subserviency  to  Rome,  when  we  remember  the  stream 
of  legislation  continuously  poured  forth  against  the 
papal  usurpations,  the  influence  of  Wickliffe,  and 
also  that  Lollardism  had  not  yet  been  effectually 
suppressed.* 

There  was,  at  various  times  in  England,  a  strong 
resistance  to  the  papal  influence,  and  especially  to  the 
Pope's  exactions  from  the  clergy,  which  occasioned 
much  subterfuge,  and  even  led  to  open  disobedience 
on  their  part,  as  they  sought  to  fortify  themselves  with 
laws  against  the  court  of  Rome. 

Of  this  we  have  an  instance,  in  the  early  part  of 
the  reign  of  Henry  VI.,  when  "  the  Bishop  of  Win- 
"  chester  did  presumptuously,  as  Legate  of  the  Pope, 
"  enter  this  land  contrary  to  the  law,  and  it  was  pub- 
"  licly  made  known  by  the  King's  Procurator,  Richard 

*  The  Debate. 

TOT,    ii.  C   C 


386  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

11  Caudroy,  tliat  this  was  not  by  the  King's  consent, 
"  or  by  the  advice  of  his  Council.  Neither  would 
"  they  assent  to  the  exercise  of  his  authority  Legatine, 
"  or  to  any  future  acts  contrary  to  the  laws  and 
"  liberties  of  the  realm."  The  same  document  states 
also,  that,  "  the  King,  and  his  predecessors  on  the 
11  throne,  had  ever  preserved  the  special  privilege  and 
"  custom  observed  in  the  realm,  that  no  Legate  from 
"  the  Apostolic  See  should  enter  this  land  except  by 
11  the  request  and  desire  of  the  King;  thus,  had  the 
"  Cardinal  of  St.  Eusebius  (Henry,  Bishop  of  Win- 
"  Chester),  as  the  Pope's  Legate,  presumptuously  done, 
"  without  being  called,  or  sent  for  by  the  King,  who 
"  had  no  intent  to  approve  of  his  thus  coming  in 
"  derogation  of  the  laws,  nor  would  he  assent  to  the 
"  exercise  of  his  authority  Legatine,  or  to  any  attempts, 
"  or  acts  contrary  to  the  laws  and  liberties  of  this 
"  realm."  * 

The  Bishop  of  Winchester  had,  notwithstanding, 
great  control  over  his  sovereign,  and  much  of  the 
violent  ecclesiastical  transactions  of  this  epoch  were 
attributable  to  the  undue  influence  gained  by  the 
clergy  over  their  monarch,  in  this,  and  the  two  pre- 
ceding reigns. 

The  strength  and  wealth  of  the  country  for  a  time 
remained  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  clerical  autho- 
rities. It  was  necessarily  an  ecclesiastical  government, 
and  each  successive  King,  who  courted  its  influence, 
only  augmented  its  abuses,  and  increased  the  oppres- 
sion of  every  other  class  in  the  state.  It  was  in  vain 
that  the  Barons,  in  the  incursion  into  Wales,  in  1403, 
proposed  to  the  King,  who  was  in  difficulties,  to  seize 
upon  a  portion  of  the  riches  of  those  members  of  the 
clergy  who  accompanied  them,  and  employ  it  for 
the   common  good  ;  they  were   overruled  by  the  pri- 

*  Fox's  Martyrs,  or  Eccles.  Hist. 


MARGARET    OF    ANJOU.  387 

mate  Arundel,  who  menaced  with  awful  retribution 
any  who  should  dare  to  touch  the  effects  of  the 
Church.  It  was  also  in  vain,  that  in  a  Parliament  held 
at  Coventry,  in  1404,  the  Commons  represented  to 
Henry  IV.  in  the  House  of  Lords  the  excessive  riches 
of  the  clergy,  and  prayed  that  the  wealthy  prelates 
might  be  taxed,  for  the  demands  of  the  state.  In  this 
instance,  Arundel  is  reported  to  have  fallen  on  his 
knees  before  the  King,  and  besought  him  to  remember 
his  coronation  oath  of  protection  to  the  Church ;  and 
finally  the  Commons  were  obliged  "  to  beg  pardon  for 
"  their  presumption !  "  *  Again  the  Commons  exem- 
plified the  same  presumption  and  weakness,  in  the 
Parliament  at  Westminster,  in  1409,  in  which  his 
Majesty  was  informed,  that  the  superfluous  estates  of 
the  bishops,  abbots,  and  clergy  would  support  fifteen 
earls,  1,500  knights,  6,200  esquires,  and  one  hundred 
hospitals.  We  are  told  that  the  Peers  presented  a 
counter-petition,  while  that  of  the  Commons  was 
rejected.  At  last,  however,  the  attention  of  Henry  V. 
was  drawn  to  the  subject  in  the  year  1415,  when  he 
commanded  the  University  of  Oxford  to  make  out  a 
catalogue  of  abuses,  to  be  presented  to  the  Council  of 
Constance.  It  contained  forty-six  articles  for  reforma- 
tion, and  represented  particularly  the  avarice  and  pro- 
fligacy of  the  clerical  body.  But  if  the  father  of 
Henry  VI.  was  disposed  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  his 
distressed  people  in  this  matter,  the  case  was  far 
different  with  his  immediate  successor,  Edward  IV., 
who,  to  gain  the  support  of  the  affluent  clergy,  actually 
made  a  charter,  which  placed  everyone  in  Holy  Orders 
without  the  pale  of  the  law,  and  enabled  them  to 
commit  all  manner  of  crimes  with  impunity.  The 
consequence  was,  the  most  gross  violation  of  every 
decorum  of  society,  by  a  class  of  "  vile  reprobates  and 

*  Henry's  Hist,  of  Great  Britain. 


c  c  a 


3S8  MAEGAEET    OF    ANJOTJ. 

"  ignorant  vagabonds,"  for  such  were  the  epithets 
used  by  the  Primate  in  his  description  of  them.  This 
was  Archbishop  Bouchier,  who  was  himself  able  to 
effect  some  degree  of  reformation,  though  only  tempo- 
rary. Superstition  and  profaneness  were  often  united 
in  the  religious  belief  of  the  Middle  Ages."* 

England  was  at  this  time  divided,  ecclesiastically, 
into  two  provinces,  and  the  Archbishop  of  York,  as 
well  as  of  Canterbury,  had  each  the  power  of  making 
canons  for  his  own  province,  which  were  not  always 
conformable  to  those  of  the  other  See. 

Some  very  singular  laws  were  constituted  in  14G6, 
by  Xeville,  Archbishop  of  York,  which  show  the 
various  religious  tenets  of  this  period.  Xeville  details 
thirty-seven  sins  which  could  be  pardoned  only  by  the 
Pope,  or  a  bishop,  of  which  the  first,  and  greatest,  was 
heresy.  Pope  Martin  V.,  in  1427,  had  published  several 
Bulls  against  the  support  of  the  law  premunire  by  the 
Parliament  of  England.")"  The  object  of  this  law  was 
to  prevent  the  Pope  from  disposing  of  all  the  benefices 
in  the  kingdom,  which  he  seemed  to  consider  as  part 
of  his  prerogative. 

The  usurpation  of  undue  authority  at  this  period, 
in  both  Church  and  State,  seems  to  have  been  the 
main  root  of  evil,  from  which  sprung  the  hatred  and 
revenge  that  soon  desolated  the  land.  Indeed  it  is 
with  kings  and  potentates  as  with  individuals  of  inferior 
rank,  the  greater  their  power  and  influence,  the  greater 
their  responsibility ;  and  proportionate  is  the  reward, 
or  chastisement,  of  the  good  or  bad  exercise  of  their 
authority. 

Many  writers  have  been  led  to  suggest  as  the  true 
source,  whence  arose  the  cruel  and  lengthened  contest 

*  Dean  Stanley's  Westminster  Abbey. 

f  In  these  Bulls  it  appears  that  he  treated  Chicheley,  and  even  Henry 
the  Sixth  himself,  as  his  menial. 


MAKGAKET   OF   AXJOU.  389 

between  the  Houses  of  York  and  Lancaster,  the 
usurpation  of  Henry  IV. ;  and,  if  correct,  this  crime 
was  indeed  severely  visited  on  his  descendant.  The 
meek  and  holy  King  Henry  VI.,  inheriting  the  natural 
imbecility  of  his  maternal  grandfather,  Charles  VI., 
was  incapable  of  maintaining  his  regal  dignity,  and 
his  crown,  and  incurred  the  penalty  of  the  ambition 
and  usurpation  of  his  headstrong  predecessor.* 

Again,  this  dreadful  era  of  war  and  confusion,  some 
authors  have  traced  back,  only  to  the  times  of 
Henry  V.,  to  which  period  they  have  looked  for  the 
causes  of  the  quarrels  of  the  "Roses." 

In  the  first  year  of  this  monarch's  reign,  he  had 
issued  his  commands  for  the  seizure  of  the  effects,  and 
confiscation  of  the  property,  of  Henry,  Lord  Scrope,  of 
Masham,  whose  head  was  placed  on  the  top  of  Mickle- 
gate  Bar,  York.  When  this  nobleman  was  beheaded, 
the  same  fate  befell  Sir  Thomas  Gray,  and  the  Earl  of 
Cambridge,  for  high  treason,  at  Southampton.  This 
Earl  of  Cambridge  had  married  the  heiress  of  the 
House  of  York.  Hence  came  the  claims  of  Richard, 
Duke  of  York,  which  availed  him  in  his  contests  with 
the  reigning  monarch,  and  against  which,  the  latter 
was  unable  to  remove  the  original  defect  in  his  own 
cle  scent,  f 

The  long  minority  of  Henry  VI.  and  his  feeble 
character,  added  to  his  exclusion  from  affairs  of  state, 
left  ample  room  for  the  dissensions  of  his  uncles,  and 
for  the  indulgence  of  the  pride  and  grasping  ambition 
of  the  ancient  nobles  of  the  land.J  The  peculiar 
quality  of  a  "  wise  man,"  namely  contentment,  is  sel- 
dom found  with  the  wealthy ;  envy  and  discord  too 
often  arise  with  the  means  for  self-indulgence,  and 
chase  it  away  to  the  modest  retreats  of  mediocrity,  or 

*  Allen's  York  ;  Leigh's  Kings.  f  Allen's  York  ;  Lingard. 

±  Lin~ard. 


390  MAEGABET   OF   ANJOU. 

to  the  humble  dwelling  of  the  peasant.  From  the 
evil  passions  of  the  human  heart  have  always  origi- 
nated the  contentions  of  factions,  or  parties,  which, 
bringing  in  civil  dissensions,  have  been  more  injurious 
to  a  country,  than  even  foreign  war,  famine,  or 
pestilence.* 

It  was  a  distinguishing  characteristic  of  this  age, 
that  the  divines  took  an  active  part  in  the  religious 
wars ;  and  strange  indeed  appeared  the  conjunction  of 
the  two  professions,  the  religious  and  military.  It 
was  not  enough,  that  with  pretended  zeal  for  their  holy 
callings,  they  should  burn  human  beings  alive,  but  they 
must  rush  with  pater  nosters  on  their  lips,  to  strike 
down  their  fellow-man  in  the  field  of  carnage.  There 
seems  less  excuse  for  this,  because  the  members  of  the 
military  profession,  were  all  "  sworn  to  defend  God's 
"  law  against  infidels,  as  their  primary  and  standing 
14  duty."  Writers  on  the  Middle  Ages  have  compared 
the  knightly,  to  the  priestly  character,  in  an  elaborate 
parallel,  and  the  investiture  of  the  one,  was  supposed 
to  be  analogous  to  the  ordination  of  the  other. 

The  quarrels  of  families  were  a  fertile  source  of  the 
evils  which  prevailed  at  this  period  of  anarchy.  The 
feuds  of  some  of  the  high-born  families  of  England,  had 
great  influence  in  general  society.  Their  personal 
quarrels  were  not  settled,  as  in  after  days,  by  an 
appeal  to  the  laws,  or  even  decided  by  arbitration,  but 
often  the  sword  was  drawn,  and  hundreds  of  the 
retainers  of  these  powerful  families  were  involved  in 
these  feuds,  and  many  even  became  victims  of  the 
result  of  indulgence  of  their  passions  or  follies.  Such 
outrages  were  frequent  in  the  early  part  of  the  reign 
of  Henry  VI. 

One  of  them  has  been  especially  narrated  by  the 
old  chroniclers.     It  was  a  violent  quarrel  between  two 

*  Pol.  Vergil. 


MAKGARET   OF  AXJOU.  391 

tranches  of  the  Neville  family,  supported  by  three 
members  on  each  side,  two  of  them  being  earls,  one  a 
countess,  and  the  fourth  a  baron,  nearly  connected 
with  the  richest  and  most  influential  families  in  the 
kingdom.*  Their  feud  assumed  "  the  appearance  of  a 
14  civil  war ;  they  proceeded  against  each  other  by 
"  manner  of  war  and  insurrection,  and  assembled  in 
"  great  routs  and  companies  in  the  field,  committing 
44  horrible  offences,  both  in  the  slaughter  and  destruc- 
44  tion  of  the  King's  subjects  as  otherwise."  The 
King's  commands  were  issued  to  suppress  this  alarm- 
ing riot ;  but  all  the  chroniclers  and  biographers  are 
silent  as  to  its  conclusion,  as  well  as  to  its  origin. 

The  most  probable  cause  would  seem  to  have  been, 
a  claim  upon  some  lands,  the  parties  being  all  descen- 
dants of  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland ;  those  on  the  one 
side,  from  his  first  wife ;  and  those  on  the  other,  being 
the  two  sons  of  his  widow.  This  family  feud  appears- 
to  have  occurred  between  the  years  1432  and  1440, 
the  date  of  the  death  of  Joan,  Countess  of  West- 
moreland.*)" 

44  The  strong  attachments  also,  which,  at  this  period, 

men  of  the    same   relationship   bore   towards   each 

other,    and    the    vindictive    spirit   which   prevailed 

amongst  those  of  opposite  interests,  to  indulge  which 

they  regarded  as  a  point  of  honour,  caused  the  high 

families  to  be  implacable,  and  widened  every  breach 

between  them."  "j: 

Civil  war  is  never  the  product  of  the   tyrannical 

commands  of  one,  or  more  of  the  reigning  despots  of 

the  age ;  and  thus  the  anarchy  which  prevailed  during 

the  reign  of  Henry  VI.  was  not  the  ebullition  of  a 


*  See  "  Appendix."    The  genealogy  of  Ralph  Neville,  first  Earl  of  West- 
moreland. 

f  Bentley's  Excerpta  Historica. 
±  Hume. 


392  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOTJ. 

moment,  excited  by  the  call  of  one  or  more  influential 
persons,  but  the  result  of  a  long  succession  of  party 
animosities  and  family  resentments,  which,  amidst  the 
misgovernment  of  bad  ministers,  like  a  pent-up  vapour, 
suddenly  burst  into  a  flame,  and  the  high-born  chiefs, 
who  had  been  ever  ready  to  retaliate  their  petty 
injuries  and  insults,  when  once  drawn  out  into  the 
field,  fought  with  desperation,  forgetful  of  the  ties  of 
kindred  and  of  human  nature. 

In  proof  of  this  may  be  adduced  the  conduct  of 
Somerset,  and  many  others,  who  vacillated  between 
the  two  parties.  This  Duke  was  attached  to  the 
Lancastrian  interests,  on  account  of  his  personal  hatred 
to  the  House  of  York ;  but  he  was  seen  to  change 
sides,  although  he  was  himself  the  representative  of 
the  House  of  Lancaster,  should  King  Henry's  issue 
fail. 

•  "  Margaret  of  Anjou's  favouritism,  and  spirit  of 
"  political  intrigue,  hastened  the  crisis  which  the  dis- 
"  putes  and  jealousies  of  the  feudal  aristocracy  of 
"  England  were  already  preparing ; "  but  it  is  an 
erroneous  idea,  entertained  by  some,  that  the  Wars  of 
,:  the  Eoses  "  resulted  from  the  mismanagement  of  the 
reins  of  government  by  this  energetic  Queen.  Intes- 
tine war  is  like  a  consuming  flame,  ever  indiscriminate 
in  its  objects,  but  its  appearance  is  always  preceded 
by  a  long  train  of  evils,  discontent,  miseries,  hatred, 
variance,  not  of  a  few,  but  many  individuals ;  until  the 
kindling  spark  is  given  by  some  unforeseen,  perhaps 
trivial  incident ;  thus  arose  the  contests  of  York  and 
Lancaster. 

The  great  wealth  and  power  of  the  clergy,  even 
superior  to  that  of  the  King,  or  the  aristocracy,  caused 
them  to  be  so  firmly  established,  that  they  could  not 
be  shaken  except  by  a  convulsion  in  the  country. 
The  system  they  pursued  was  to  prevent  the  union  of 


MAKGAEET   OP   ANJOU.  393 

the  crown  and  the  nobility,  which  they  considered  and 
felt  dangerous  to  themselves,  and  induced  them  to 
join  the  House  of  Lancaster,  which  had  deposed 
Richard  II.  By  this  means  they  followed  up,  under 
the  reigns  of  Henry  IV.,  V.,  and  VI.,  a  course  of 
persecution,  imprisonment,  and  burning,  which,  by 
supplying  continual  fuel  to  the  discontents  of  the 
nation,  contributed  greatly  to  the  intestine  wars  of  the 
Yorkists  and  Lancastrians.* 

One  modern  writer,  after  alluding  to  the  political 
changes  which  succeeded  the  feudal  times,  goes  on  to 
say,  that  "  from  the  peculiar  and  extraordinary  systems 
"  of  those  times,  resulted,  almost  as  naturally,  as  cause 
"  and  effect,  the  state  of  this,  and  the  ensuing  period." 

It  has  been  aptly  expressed,  "  que  c'est  du  frotte- 
"  ment  des  idees,  que  sort  la  lumiere !  "  Thus  from 
the  agitation  of  European  kingdoms  was  elicited 
stability  and  order.  The  wars  of  families  brought 
about  changes  in  governments,  and  the  increase  of 
kingly  power  in  France,  in  England,  and  in  Spain ; 
the  monarchs,  with  their  ambitious  relatives,  leading 
on  the  warfare.  First  the  wars  of  the  English  in 
France,  then  the  French  war  called,  "  du  bien  public," 
and  then  the  wars,  of  "  the  Roses,"  in  England.  When 
these  wars  were  terminated,  the  laws  and  institutions 
of  society  were  established  on  a  more  permanent  basis, 
family  rivalries  were  annihilated,  and  the  unity  of  the 
state  conferred  tranquillity.  Thus  terminated  the 
fifteenth  century ;  but  if  during  this  period  the  in- 
fluence of  religion  had  been  great,  it  became  still 
more  powerful  in  the  following  era.| 

In  the  early  ages  of  Christianity  the  heavenly  doc- 
trines of  Our  Lord,  arose  upon  the  heathen  world,  like 
the  mild  light  of  the  rising  sun,  gradually  extending 

*  Sharon  Turner's  Middle  Ages. 

Van  Praet's  Essay  on  Political  History. 


394  MABGASEI   OF   AKJOU. 

its  Learns  over  the  broad  expanse.  The  purest  of  mural 
creeds,  sent  forth,  from  Our  Saviour,  was.  through  his 
Apostles,  instilled  into  the  minds  and  hearts  of  all  true 
diseiples,  who  manifested  their  faith,  by  love  and  good 
works.  Man  felt  for  his  fellow-man,  and  his  brother's 
affliction  became  his  own  ;  thus,  a  new  and  spiritual 
life,  east  a  benign  aspect  over  the  existence  of  man- 
kind. But  human  degradation  prevailed,  and  paganism 
and  tyranny  raised  persecutions  and  terror  amongst 
the  early  Christians,  and  the  Apostles,  following  in  the 
way  of  their  Master,  one  by  one.  suffered.  Their  bright 
examples  no  longer  led  the  way  to  true  devotion  and 
self-sacrifice,  and  a  cloud  of  oppression  rapidly  dis- 
pelled the  transcendent  light  which  had  been  diffus 
at  Our  Lord's  first  advent.  Numerous  bishops  then 
ruled  the  church,  seeking,  but  vainly,  to  supply 
apostles'  rule ;  then  sects  arose,  and  much  division, 
one  calling  himself  of  Paul,  another  of  Apollos,  and 
all  forgetful  of  the  unity  of  the  One  Body  of  Christ. 
Soon  came  division  amongst  the  shepherds  of  the  flock, 
with  the  grasping  of  earthly  power,  and  the  mingling 
of  secular  honours  with  their  clerical  office, — St.  Peter's 
chair  filled  unworthily,  and  his  position  disputed,  until 
two.  and  even  three,  arrogated  this  high  authority.    Xo 

7  CD  CJ  •/ 

wonder  that  a  gloomy  obscurity  overspread  the  Chris- 
tian  hemisphere  in  succeeding  centuries,  since  divine 
truth  became  hidden  by  the  grossest  superstition,  and 
ignorance,  and  spiritual  darkness,  universally  prevailed. 
Such  was  the  condition  of  the  Christian  world  in  the 
fifteenth  century  ! 

This  era  commenced  with  the  persecutions  of  the 
Waldenses,  many  of  whom  were  murdered,  and  others 
starved  to  death.*  Then  succeeded  the  persecutions  of 
the  ki  Lollards,"  the  followers  of  one  of  the  early  re- 
formers, Wickliffe.   His  doctrines  met  with  great  oppo- 

*  BEflnc    s  hHist  ty. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOTJ.  395 

sition  in  England ;  but,  protected  by  the  Duke  of 
Lancaster,  lie  had  escaped  the  severities  directed 
against  him  by  Courtney,  Bishop  of  London,  whose 
vengeance,  however,  fell  upon  the  unfortunate  Lol- 
lards. None  of  them  had  yet  suffered  death,  although 
these  persecutions  had  been  sanctioned  by  Richard  the 
Second ;  but  in  his  reign  the  power  of  his  consort,  Anne 
of  Bohemia,  and  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  had  prevented 
these  cruelties,  the  former  being  a  patroness  of  the  Wick- 
liffites,  and  styled  the  link  between  Wickliffe  and  Huss.* 

The  Lollards,  by  exposing  the  disorders  of  the  clergy, 
occasioned  much  discord.  These  abuses  were  not  re- 
formed ;  but  an  apprehension  arose,  that  Henry  IV. 
would  abridge  the  privileges  of  the  clergy.  A  revolt 
followed,  headed  by  the  Archbishop  of  York,  who  was 
punished  with  death,  f 

Arundel,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  who  had  crowned 
Henry  IV.,  commenced,  with  the  support  of  his  sove- 
reign, a  powerful  persecution  of  the  Lollards.  The 
first  victims  for  their  opposition  to  popery,  were  Sir 
William  Sawtree,  J  who  was  burnt  to  death  in  1400 ; 
and  another,  named  Thomas  Badley,  in  1409.  After 
this  Arundel  continued  to  pursue  his  plans,  for  the 
extirpation  of  the  Lollards,  being  sanctioned  by  the 
new  King,  Henry  V. ;  and  Lord  Cobham  fell  a  sacrifice 
to  their  vengeance. 

Henry  V.  was,  however,  naturally  averse  to  cruelty, 
and  had  in  private  listened  to  the  opinions  of  Lord 
Cobham,  who  had  frequently  appeared  before  the  heads 
of  the  clergy  concerning  his  faith.  He  boldly  spoke  of 
his  belief  in  the  gospel  of  Christ  uncorrupted  by  human 
institutions.  He  ventured  to  expose  the  follies,  and  to 
smile  at  the  threatenings  of  the  Church,  which  he  con- 
sidered repugnant  to  the  truth.     By  this  conduct  he 

*  Milner's  Church  History.  +  Eccles.  Hist. 

%  He  was  rector  of  St.  Oswyth,  London. 


396  MAEGJlRET   OF   ANJOU. 

raised  the  resentment  of  Archbishop  Chicheley,  who 
committed  him  to  prison.  A  Parliament  was  called  to 
prosecute  the  Lollards,  and  while  the  King  was  fol- 
lowing his  wars  with  France,  Chicheley  was  domineer- 
ing over  the  Church  at  home.  This  continued  from 
1414  to  1443.  Chicheley  was  even  supported  in  his 
measures  for  a  time  by  the  King's  brother,  the  Duke 
of  Bedford.  In  order  the  more  effectually  to  check  the 
progress  of  AVickliffe's  doctrines,  the  clergy  attacked 
the  principal  promulgator,  Sir  John  Oldcastle,  Baron 
of  Cobham,  and  sought  to  persuade  Kiug  Henry,  that 
the  Lollards  were  conspiring  against  the  throne,  and 
state.  There  was  indeed  a  meeting  in  St.  Giles's 
fields  of  20,000  men,  headed  by  Sir  John  Oldcastle,  and 
the  King,  at  length,  was  prevailed  on  to  think  he  was 
taking  a  treasonable  part.* 

At  this  time  in  Germany,  as  well  as  in  England,  the 
cupidity  of  the  government  was  called  forth  by  the 
wealth  of  the  clergy;  while  in  Italy  the  taxes  were  paid 
by  the  priests,  in  common  with  the  other  citizens,  and 
often  in  a  greater  proportion;  thus,  "no  one  thought 
"  of  despoiling  them,  and  no  jealousy  seconded  the 
tc  projects  of  the  Reformers." 

This  country  was  the  first,  however,  to  assert  re- 
ligious independence  ;  and  while  indifferent  to  the 
reform  of  the  Church,  feared  not  the  menaces  of  the 
Popes  at  this  period,  when  their  threats  and  excom- 
munications made  all  other  powers  in  Europe  to 
tremble."!" 

France  suffered  for  some  years  the  papal  exactions, 
but,  at  length,  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Basle, 
caused  her  to  assert  her  independence  ;  and  the  famous 
Pragmatic  Sanction  was  enacted  by  Charles  VII.  By 
this  law  a  general  council  was  declared  superior  to  the 
Pope ;  bishops  were  freely  elected,  grants  in  expect- 

*  Fox's  Hist.  Gf  Christian  Martyrdom.  f  Sismondi. 


MABGAJBET   OF   ANJOU.  397 

ancy,  and  reservation  of  benefices  were  taken  away, 
and  first-fruits  abolished. 

Pius  II.  (iEneas  Sylvius)  used  every  means  to  get 
this  ordinance  repealed,  and  finally  prevailed  with 
Louis  XL ;  who,  partly  out  of  hatred  to  his  father's 
memory,  and  partly  from  a  delusive  hope  that  the 
Pope  would  support  the  Angevine  cause  in  Naples, 
repealed  the  Pragmatic  Sanction.*  This  law  has  been 
deemed  a  sort  of  Magna  Charta  of  the  Gallican  church ; 
for,  although  it  was  so  speedily  abrogated,  its  prin- 
ciple has  remained  fixed,  as  the  basis  of  ecclesiastical 
liberty.  | 

The  Angevines  were  deeply  interested  in  the  deci- 
sions of  the  Council  of  Basle,  which  occurred  about 
the  time  of  Rene  of  Anjou's  accession.  This  assembly 
of  distinguished  persons,  during  twelve  years,  held 
forty-five  sessions.  Its  object  was  not  only  the  union 
of  the  Greek  and  Roman  churches,  but  also,  the  uni- 
versal reformation  of  the  church,  both  in  its  head  and 
in  its  members.;); 

In  England  there  were  but  fourteen  bishops,  and 
two  archbishops,  if  we  omit  the  Welsh  bishoprics,  and 
that  of  Sodor  and  Man  ;  the  former  of  these  was  the  last 
to  assert  independence,  and  the  latter  was  bestowed  on 
the  Stanley  family  by  King  Henry  IV.  In  the  public 
councils  of  this  kingdom,  especially  in  Parliament,  the 
clergy  had  great  influence ;  and  as  their  numbers  ex- 
ceeded that  of  the  laity,  they  could  carry  their  own  views 
without  opposition.  The  bishops  were  expected  to 
attend  at  all  the  meetings  of  Parliament.  The  power 
they  obtained  was  not  so  much  effected  by  their  superior 
knowledge  and  holiness,  which  they  did  not  much 
affect,  but  was  the  result  of  their  constant  residence  in 
this  country,  and  of  their  attendance  at  these  councils, 

*  Hallam's  Mid.  Ages.  t  Hallam. 

J  Godard  Faultrier. 


398  MAEGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

while  the  nobility  and  great  men  were  absent,  being 
engaged  in  the  wars  with  France,  or  Scotland.  Twenty- 
five  abbots  and  their  priors  were  summoned  to  each 
Parliament,  and  even  more,  which  doubled  the  number 
of  the  lords  spiritual  over  those  temporal.  Thus  did 
the  clergy  obtain  sanguinary  laws,  punish  heretics,  and 
preserve  their  immense  possessions.* 

Yielding  to  their  cruel  dispositions,  the  clergy  passed 
sentence  of  death  on  Lord  Cobham,  both  as  a  traitor 
and  a  heretic.  He  was  led  from  the  Tower,  on  the 
day  of  his  execution,  with  his  arms  tied  behind  him, 
and  drawn  on  a  hurdle  into  St.  Giles's  fields.  Re- 
signed and  cheerful,  he  prayed  for  God's  forgiveness 
of  his  enemies,  and  then  addressed  the  people,  and 
conjured  them  to  observe  the  laws  of  God,  as  delivered 
in  the  Scriptures ;  then  with  Christian  resignation  he 
gave  himself  up  to  his  fate.  He  was  hanged  in  chains, 
on  a  new  gallows,  under  which  a  fire  was  lighted,  to 
torment  him  by  a  lingering  death,  while  impious  monks, 
and  priests,  sent  forth  curses  and  imprecations  at  the 
time  their  noble  victim  was  expiring  by  the  flames. 
Such  was  the  treatment  of  Lord  Cobham  from  his 
enemies,  who  pretended  to  be  ministers  of  the  gospel 
of  peace !  f 

The  rapacity  of  the  Popes,  and  the  profligacy  of  the 
Court  of  Rome,  were  excessive.  The  following  account 
has  been  given  by  two  well-known  historians : — De- 
nina  assures  us,  that,  "the  licentiousness  of  the  clergy 
"  became  excessive,  and  universal  from  the  time  that 
"  the  scandals  of  Avignon  had  removed  all  restraint 
"  and  shame;"  and  Sismondi  also  declares  that,  "that 
"  people,  and  that  court,  made  themselves  manners,  out 
"  of  the  vices  of  all  other  nations."  These  historians 
do  not  exceed  the  testimony  of  contemporary  autho- 
rities. 

*  The  Debate  ;  Henry's  Hist.  Great  Britain.  t  Throsby's  Leicester. 


MARGARET   OF   AXJOU.  399 

The  city  of  Avignon,  at  one  time,  became  the  seat 
of  papal  power.*  It  had  been  purchased  of  Queen 
Joanna  of  Naples  (who  was  also  Countess  of  Pro- 
vence), in  the  time  of  her  poverty,  for  80,000  golden 
florins,  by  Clement  VI. ,  who  thus  obtained  this  valu- 
able possession,  and  there  completed  the  splendid 
palace  commenced  by  Benedict  XII.  At  this  period 
the  cardinals  began  to  imitate  the  luxury  of  the  popes. f 
Then  came  the  grand  schism  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
church,  and  divided  the  church  for  about  forty  years ; 
this  only  terminated  in  1429,  and  hastened  the  decline 
of  the  papal  power. 

Catholic  despotism  led  to  a  threat  of  appeal  to  a 
general  council.  "  That  there  was  a  power  superior 
"  to  the  Pope,  within  the  church"  was  a  principle  which 
had  many  advocates,  even  in  the  ecclesiastical  body. 
Attempts  were  made  at  reformation,  and  the  means  of 
education  were  multiplied ;  then  arose  divisions  and  here- 
sies. The  flagrant  conduct  of  the  clergy,  and  especially 
of  the  popes,  and  cardinals,  aroused  many  reflective 
minds  to  a  sense  of  their  unworthiness.  Intellectual 
men,  who  looked  to  the  examples  of  the  early  Chris- 
tians, and  who  walked  in  the  fear  of  God,  sought,  with 
earnest  zeal,  to  ameliorate  the  spiritual  condition  of 
mankind.  They  had  no  longer  the  rule  of  Apostles, 
nor  the  prophetic  light  to  guide  them ;  but  they  yielded 
to  the  benevolence  of  their  characters,  and  looking,  in 
the  simplicity  of  faith,  to  their  Lord,  they  raised  a 
kind  of  reflected  light  over  the  ignorance,  superstition, 
and  darkness  which  surrounded  them. 

Mosheim,^  who  has  diligently  and  profoundly  studied 
the  subject  of  the  early  reformers,  tells  us,  that  the 
Lollards  were  a  society  of  pious  laymen  at  Antwerp, 

*  The  Holy  See,  transferred  to  Avignon,  lasted  there  for  seventy  years. 
+  Denina  ;  Sismondi  ;  Waddington's  Ch.  Hist. 
J  Eccles.  Hist. 


400  MAEGAEET    OF   ANJOTJ. 

whose  object  was  to  visit  the  sick,  and  bury  the  dead, 
during  a  time  of  pestilence,  when  the  clergy  neglected 
to  fulfil  their  duties,  because  they  were  attended  with 
danger.  The  good  motives,  and  religious  actions  of 
this  new  sect,  obtained  throughout  Flanders  and  Ger- 
many, not  only  the  respect  of  the  magistrates,  but  the 
love  of  the  inhabitants.  "  The  clergy  were  excited  to 
"  jealousy,  especially  the  mendicants,  who  found  their 
"  own  profits  diminished  by  this  charity ;  and  clamours 
"  were  raised  against  them.  They  were  denounced  at 
11  the  pontifical  throne,  and  their  names  passed  to  de- 
"  signate,  sanctified  hypocrites.  They  were  afterwards 
"  persecuted  in  Austria."* 

One  unfortunate  Lollard,  named  John  Clay  don,  a 
furrier  of  London,  suffered  death.  He  was  tried  and 
burnt  at  Smithfield,  on  the  19th  of  August,  1415. 
Heretical  books  were  produced  on  the  evidence,  and 
one  in  particular,  called  "The  Lantern  of  Light,"  was 
declared  to  contain  fifteen  heresies.  After  this  followed 
a  general  prosecution  of  the  Lollards.  Immense  num- 
bers were  imprisoned  and  cruelly  tormented  ;  but  from 
this  time  they  appear  to  have  cherished  their  opinions 
in  secret,  or,  if  exposed,  they  recanted,  as  was  the 
case  with  Reginald  Peacock,  Bishop  of  Chichester, 
in  the  reign  of  Henry  VI. ,  already  detailed  in  this 
history.  The  persecutions  to  which  this  highly  talented 
man  was  subjected,  reflect  little  credit  on  the  primacy 
of  Archbishop  Bouchier,  or  the  character  of  the  con- 
temporary clergy.  Bouchier  would  seem  to  have  been 
favourable  to  the  Roman  Pontiff,  and  his  conduct  to 
the  unfortunate  Bishop  was  dictated  by  political  as  well 
as  religious  motives. 

The  following  account  has  been  given  by  one  of  our 
old  chroniclers  of  the  doctrines  of  Reginald  Peacock, 
which  awakened  such  general  enmity  against  him : — 

*  Mcsheim. 


MAEGAEET   OP   ANJOU.  401 

"  Some  say  lie  held  that  spiritual  persons  by  God's 
11  law  ought  to  have  no  temporal  possessions,  nor  that 
"  personal  titles,  by  God's  law,  were  due ;  nor  that 
"  Christian  men  were  to  believe  in  the  Catholic  church, 
"  nor  in  the  communion  of  saints ;  but,  to  believe  that 
"  a  Catholic  church,  and  a  communion  of  saints  there 
"is,"  and  that  he  held,  "  how  the  universal  church 
"  might  err  in  matters  of  faith,  and  that  it  is  not  of 
u  necessity,  to  believe  all  that  is  ordained  by  general 
"  councils ;  nor,  all  that  which  they  call  the  universal 
"  church  ought  to  be  allowed  and  holden  of  all  Chris- 
"  tian  people.  Moreover,  that  it  was  meet  to  every 
"  man,  to  understand  the  Scriptures  in  the  true  and 
"  plain  sense."* 

Reginald  Peacock,  however,  after  much  persecution, 
and  to  save  his  life,  recanted  his  opinions,  and  at  length 
sided  with  the  Pope,  who,  at  this  time,  had  succeeded 
in  silencing  the  Councils. 

The  bad  conduct  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs,  of  whom 
two,  and  even  three,  appeared  at  one  time,  in  the 
antagonistic  character,  gave  rise  to  the  forming  of 
Councils,  for  the  direction  of  the  Church.  First,  in 
a.d.  1409,  was  the  Council  of  Pisa,  when  Gregory  XII. 
and  Benedict  XIII.  were  deposed,  and  Alexander  elected. 
Secondly,  the  Council  of  Constance,  in  1414,  when 
Martin  V.  was  elected  Pope.f  Thirdly,  the  Council  of 
Basle,  in  1431.  These  grand  Councils  had  declared  that 
the  Pope  was  the  servant  of  the  Church,  and  answer- 
able to  her,  for  his  conduct  in  a  general  Council.  He 
might  even  be  deposed  by  the  bishops  representing  the 
different  Churches. 

When  the  Pope  subsequently  triumphed  over  the 
Councils,  and  silenced  them,  he  asserted  the  opposite 

*  Holinshed. 

+  At  this  time  John  Huss  and  Jerome  of  Prague  were  condemned  to  be 
burnt. 

VOL.  II.  D  D 


402  MAEGAEET    OF   AXJOU. 

principle,  viz.,  that  the  Pope  was  the  source  of  all 
power. 

The  last  struggle  between  the  Pope  and  the  Councils 
was  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Sixth ;  and  the  real 
offence  of  Peacock  (whose  history  has  been  related)  was 
this,  that  in  order  to  make  the  Pope  the  sole  bishop  in 
the  Church,  he  laboured  to  depress  the  authority  of  the 
general  Councils.  After  this,  Martin  and  his  successors 
maintained  the  supremacy  of  the  Pope,  and  the  Coun- 
cils having  been  defeated,  the  Western  Church  gradually 
yielded  to  the  Pope  ;  but  this  had  not  been  completely 
accomplished  in  either  the  Gallican  or  the  Anglican 
Church  by  the  papal  party  before  the  period  of  the 
Reformation.* 

Our  astonishment  and  indignation  in  these  days  of 
humanity,  if  we  may  so  style  them,  will  be  naturally 
great,  while  reading  of  the  fanatical  excesses  of  the 
holy  fathers  of  that  period,  and  more  particularly  of 
that  wicked  and  cruel  act  of  bigotry,  the  practice  of 
burning  human  beings  alive  for  heresies  in  faith.  Even 
if  it  were  not  coupled  with  the  ignorance  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  even  if  there  were  indisputable  proof,  that  the 
Church  of  Rome  was  the  only  true  Church,  we  could 
not  contemplate  this  act,  as  other  than  brutal,  bar- 
barous, and  disgusting  in  the  utmost  degree.  These 
acts  seem  to  have  belonged,  almost  always,  to  the 
fanaticism  of  the  Roman  Catholics.  Such  cruel  deeds 
cannot  be  too  much  held  up  to  the  general  odium  of 
mankind ;  and  they  must  have  been,  at  least,  an  aggra- 
vation to  the  wars  of  the  fifteenth  century,  in  which  the 
burning  of  the  heroic  Maid  of  Orleans,  at  its  com- 
mencement, would  almost  lead  to  the  decision  that  this 
was  a  barbarous  age. 

"The  ravages  of  Attilawere  less  fatal  to  the  Church  of 
"  France,  than  those  of  England  in  the  fifteenth  century. 

*  Hook's  Archbishops. 


MARGARET    OF   ANJOU.  403 

"  Christianity  found  no  solid  tie  amongst  a  people,  who 
"  professed  and  gloried  in  warfare,  and  dreadful  were  the 
"  evils  brought  upon  France,  by  the  long  and  cruel  wars 
"  of  Henry  V.  This  monarch's  sole  motive  had  been 
11  ambition,  and  the  invasion  of  France  caused  much 
"  disorder  and  confusion  in  the  Church.  The  English 
"  nation  was  next  visited  by  the  judgments  of  God. 
"  By  the  death  of  Henry  V.  England  became  the  seat 
u  of  intestine  divisions,  while  the  French  gained  time 
"  to  respire,  and  found  means  to  recover  their 
"  territories.  "* 

When  Church  and  State  fail  to  preserve  their  rela- 
tive position  to  each  other,  many  evils  arise.  In  the 
countries  where  the  papal  dominion  has  been  disre- 
garded, the  Church  has  been  controlled  and  oppressed 
by  the  State ;  while  the  contrary  has  resulted  in  the 
dominions  of  the  Pope,  in  which  its  oppressive  govern- 
ment has  absorbed  the  powers  and  offices  of  state. 
Ignorance  of  their  relative  duties  was  the  occasion  in 
the  fifteenth  century  of  much  interference  on  the  part 
of  the  clergy  with  affairs  of  state,  and  in  England, 
especially,  involved  both  in  the  party  strife  of  that 
period.  Churchmen  often  failed  to  show  the  example 
of  obedience  to  authority,  and  to  set  forth  a  life  of 
holiness ;  thus  they  were  unable  to  inculcate  in 
others  religious  and  moral  principles,  for  while  the 
Church  should  instruct  men,  the  State  should  uphold 
and  aid  the  Church,  to  carry  out  her  high  and  holy 
vocation. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  how  seldom  Christians  in 
those  unhappy  times,  respected  the  sacred  ties  which 
attached  them  to  their  sovereigns.  When  a  people  are 
unfaithful  to  God,  there  is  truly  great  reason  to  fear 
they  will  become  so,  also  to  their  King.")" 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  agitations  and 

*  Eccles.  Hist.  f  Ibid. 

D  D  2 


404  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

contentions  on  religious  subjects  throughout  England, 
greatly  augmented  in  those  "  troublous  times  "  the 
disrespect  shown  to  King  Henry  the  Sixth,  whose 
excellent  qualities  and  meek  disposition  rendered  him 
worthy  of  a  better  fate.  This  monarch  at  last  preserved 
but  the  bare  title  of  King,  yet  "  as  the  dignity  of  a 
"  Prince  consisteth  in  his  sovereignty,"  so  Henry  being 
unable  to  rule,  his  prerogative  was  taken  from  him  by 
his  nobility,  as  it  were  by  stealth,  each  turbulent 
and  ambitious  spirit  rising  up  to  gratify  its  individual 
passions  at  the  expense  of  the  country,  some,  effecting 
this  by  sundry  indirect  practices,  others,  by  open  force.* 

We  cannot  be  surprised  at  the  frequent  and  strong 
resistance  to  the  authority  of  the  Pope  in  this  country, 
when  we  consider  the  dreadful  anathemas  so  often 
issued  from  the  papal  throne  against  those  who  trans- 
gressed. Also  the  mortifying  atonements  to  which 
persons,  even  of  exalted  rank,  were  subjected,  and  which 
showed  the  force  in  those  times  of  ecclesiastical 
censures. 

These  severe  decrees  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
might  be  called  the  stepping-stones  which,  in  the 
Middle  Ages  led  on,  from  darkness  and  ignorance  to  the 
light  of  the  Reformation. 

The  delegates  of  the  Pope  in  England  had  also,  the 
power  to  pronounce  anathemas  on  such  as  were 
offenders.  An  instance  of  this  is  given  in  the  life  of 
Chicheley.  The  Archbishop  having  held  a  Synod  in 
1417,  at  the  dismissal,  gave  a  mandate  to  the  Dean  and 
Chapter  of  St.  Paul's  to  denounce  a  solemn  anathema 
against  certain  persons  unknown  who  had  murdered 
three  priests  within  the  sanctuary  of  that  cathedral. 

The  revenging  of  personal  wrongs  was  carried  to 
such  an  extreme  in  the  Middle  Ages,  as  to  afford  many 
instances  of  the  forgetfulness  in  men's  minds  of  Our 

*  Malcolm. 


MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU.  405 

Lord's  doctrine  of  forgiveness  of  sins.  Tims  we  read 
of  frequent  outrages  in  churches,  and  affrays,  too  violent 
to  be  appeased.  One  of  these  occurred  in  1459  in  the 
Cathedral  of  St.  Peter's,  at  Exeter,  between  some  young 
gentlemen,  and  many  of  them  being  grievously 
wounded,  this  church  was  closed,  being  generally 
considered  to  be  unhallowed,  and  polluted  by  blood- 
shed ;  and  the  services  were  suspended,  by  orders 
of  the  Dean  and  Chapter,  until  the  building  was  con- 
secrated anew.  In  the  absence  of  the  Diocesan,  they 
procured  one  Thomas,  who  was  then  suffragan  to  the 
Bishop  of  Bath,  to  restore  it  as  before.* 

Life  for  life  was  the  law  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  the 
widow,  or  relations  of  a  murdered  person  had  the  right, 
which  society  converted  into  an  imperative  duty,  to 
avenge  his  death.  This  right  was  established  in 
Europe,  although  differently  regulated,  according  to 
municipal  law,f  and  in  England  modified  by  Magna 
Charta,  and  other  ancient  statutes.  Its  power  was  so 
great,  as  even  to  set  aside  the  royal  prerogative  of 
mercy ;  for  when  a  criminal  was  condemned  under  this 
law,  the  king  could  not  extend  his  forgiveness  to  the 
culprit. 

In  the  religion  of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  obscurity  of 
men's  minds  caused  them  to  exhibit  an  entire  forget- 
fulness  of  the  Advent  of  Our  Lord  ;  but  there  was  often 
a  greater  observance  of  the  Old  Law  and  Jewish 
ceremonies. 

Customs  and  privileges  were  adopted  which  were 
even  established,  and  confirmed  for  centuries,  through 
the  superstition  and  ignorance  of  those  times.  One  of 
the  most  remarkable  of  these  in  Europe,  was  a  custom 
which  prevailed  at  Rouen,  in  Normandy,  from  a  very 
early  period  until  the  French  Revolution.     It  may  be 

*  Life  of  Chicheley  ;  Izaak's  Exeter. 

f  This  right  was  not  abolished  in  this  country  until  the  present  century. 


406  MARGARET   OF   ANJOU. 

traced  by  authentic  documents  more  than  six  hundred 
years.*  This  custom  was  called  the  privilege  of  St. 
Romain,  or  "La  Fierte,"  according  to  which  "  in  every 
"  year,  on  the  day  of  Ascension,  a  prisoner  was  selected 
"  by  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  the  Cathedral  of  Notre 
"  Dame,  and  delivered  up  to  them  by  the  magistrates ; 
"  and  after  many  solemn  ceremonies  and  a  procession, 
"  in  which  figured  an  immense  dragon  called  la  gar- 
" gonille,  the  prisoner  received  a  full  pardon."! 

This  privilege  was  confirmed  by  many  distinguished 
monarchs,  amongst  whom  were  Henry  the  Fourth,  of 
France,  and  Henry  the  Fifth  and  Sixth,  of  England, 
also  by  members  of  noble  families  in  Normandy,  besides 
several  English  men  .\ 

The  early  history  of  Scotland  shows,  that  the  ordina- 
tion of  Scotch  bishops  took  place  in  their  own  country, 
but  afterwards,  the  Bishops  of  St.  Andrew's  were  con- 
secrated by  the  Archbishop  of  York ;  and  successively, 
until  Pope  Calixtus  IV.  made  the  Bishop  of  St. 
Andrew's  Primate  of  all  Scotland,  appointing  twelve 
bishops  under  him.  This  took  place  in  the  primacy  of 
George  Neville,  and  during  the  reign  of  Edward  IV. § 

Before  the  Reformation  the  Church  of  Scotland  was, 
like  England,  subject  to  the  Pope,  but  it  had  its  own 
Church  also.  The  people  were  subject  to  the  despotic 
rule  of  their  kings  and  a  debasing  superstition. 

In  January,  1450,  a  Bull  was  issued  by  Pope 
Nicholas  the  Fifth  for  the  erection  of  a  university  in 
Glasgow.  The  papal  Bull  was  solemnly  read  at  the 
market  cross,  and  a  plenary  indulgence  was  promised 

*  See  Appendix  (p.  43G). 

f  This  may  remind  our  readers  of  the  Jewish  custom  of  releasing  a 
prisoner  at  the  Passover. 

J  By  letters  patent  of  1512,  Louis  XII.  confirmed  this  custom,  under  the 
name  of  "  La  Fierte,"  and  it  continued  in  use,  till  the  year  1789,  when  the 
National  Assembly  abolished  all  the  peculiar  privileges  of  cities  and 
provinces. 

§  Allen's  Antiquities  of  York. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  407 

to  all  who  should  visit  the  Cathedral  during  the  current 
year.  This  university,  although  obscure  at  first,  in 
time  shone  with  a  degree  of  splendour.  In  1453,  it 
had  the  royal  protection  from  James  the  Second,  who 
was  an  energetic  monarch,  and  framed  good  laws."* 

The  Pope  sent  as  his  legate,  Patrick  Grahame,  who 
met  with  the  opposition  of  the  ruling  party,  the  Boyds, 
to  his  election  to  the  See  of  St.  Andrew's,  and  he  went 
to  Rome,  to  establish  his  claim  through  the  papal 
influence,  which  afforded  an  opportunity  to  the  Arch- 
bishop of  York  (Neville)  to  attempt  to  recover  the 
spiritual  supremacy  of  Scotland.  In  this  attempt  the 
Archbishop  failed,  and  the  result  was  that  Sixtus  IV. 
granted  a  Bull  creating  Grahame  Archbishop  of  St. 
Andrew's  and  Primate  of  Scotland.  The  Pope  also 
appointed  him  his  legate,  to  add  grace  to  the  first 
Archbishop  of  Scotland,  and  he  gave  him  full  power 
to  reform  all  abuses  in  the  Church,  and  correct  the 
dissoluteness  of  the  clergy.  From  this  time  the  spiritual 
independence  of  Scotland  was  secured. 

Grahame  expected  to  be  received  on  his  return  with 
triumph,  but  his  enemies  still  prevailed,  and  they 
appealed  to  the  Pope,  offering  to  prove  the  invalidity 
of  his  documents,  and  finally  the  King  ordered  him  to 
retire  to  his  bishopric,  and  refrain  from  wearing  the 
archiepiscopal  pall  till  the  cause  was  determined. 

The  two  kings,  James  I.  and  James  II. ,  prohibited 
the  clergy  from  purchasing  benefices  of  the  court  of 
Rome,  but  it  was  reserved  for  James  III.  to  divert  the 
stream  of  wealth  which  had  hitherto  flowed  into  the 
Pope's  treasury,  that  it  might  be  poured  into  his  own. 

Amongst  the  privileges  conferred  by  papal  power  on 
certain  of  the  monasteries,  was  that  of  the  Sanctuary, 
which  had  often  a  pernicious  tendency,  for  although 
the  unfortunate  obtained  protection  within  their  walls, 

*  Cunninffliam's  Hist,  of  Scotland. 


408  MAEGAEET   OP   AXJOU. 

many  delinquents  fled  thither,  after  the  commission  of 
crimes,  to  seek  concealment  in  the  precincts  of  those 
abbeys.  Here  they  found  personal  shelter  from  the 
Church,  and  were  enabled,  during  forty  days,  to  defy 
the  laws.  The  arm  of  justice  could  not  reach  them, 
since  the  magistrates  dared  not  drag  a  culprit  from  his 
place  of  refuge,  without  incurring  the  resentment  of  the 
Church,  and  the  severest  penalties  of  the  law.* 

In  the  absence  of  the  lio-ht  of  truth  and  Divine 
guidance,  many  were  the  superstitions  of  the  [Middle 
Ages.  Amid  the  darkness  that  prevailed,  how  great 
was  the  need  of  a  faithful  guide  in  spiritual,  as  well  as 
in  temporal  affairs. 

Popes  had,  by  despotic  rule  arid  cruel  bigotry,  given 
mortal  offence  in  this,  and  other  lands,  while  many  of 
the  clergy,  by  their  unworthy  deeds,  had  dishonoured 
their  high  and  holy  calling.  In  the  State  the  usurpa- 
tion of  undue  authority  by  those  of  noble  birth,  failed  to 
secure  the  ready  obedience  which  springs  only  from 
respect  and  love,  and  thus,  disorder  and  anarchy  ensued 
throughout  the  land. 

Yet  even  at  this  dark  epoch  an  earnest  desire  arose 
from  many  hearts  that  a  ruler,  wise  and  good,  might 
be  found  to  quell  the  party  spirit  of  contention,  and  to 
restore  harmony  and  peace.  Not,  however,  in  the 
reign  of  the  meek  Henry  was  this  to  occur,  but  at  a 
later  period,  when  the  precepts  of  Holy  Writ  had 
become  disseminated  through  the  land,  was  the  bless- 
ing of  peace  again  bestowed. 

How  marvellously  is  the  welfare  of  nations  ordered 
by  Him,  who  has  His  witnesses  in  every  age,  and  who 
is  bringing  them  by  the  rays  of  His  righteousness  to 

*  The  dissolution  of  monasteries,  as  at  the  Reformation,  had  a  precedent 
in  the  times  of  Henry  the  Sixth,  when  many  of  the  religious  houses  were 
suppressed,  and  others  converted  to  the  foundations  of  colleges,  by  Arch- 
bishop Chichelcy  and  others. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  409 

the  light  of  that  Perfect  Day,  when  His  will  shall  be 
"  done  on  earth,  as  it  is  in  heaven,"  and  His  Kingdom 
shall  be  made  manifest. 

To  return  to  the  stirring  events  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  when  the  social,  as  well  as  religious  aspect 
was  so  stormy  and  disturbed. 

The  political  changes  in  England,  and  other  countries 
throughout  Europe,  may  be  said  to  have  commenced 
when  the  feudal  system  terminated.  Kings  and  rulers 
had,  in  those  preceding  times,  been  much  constrained 
in  action  and  authority,  by  the  petty  sovereigns  of 
principalities  and  fiefs,  who  only  nominally  deferred  to 
the  crown  ;  while  as  kings  and  independent  rulers,  they 
warred  with  each  other  for  their  own  rights  and  terri- 
tories. One  might  say,  that  feudality  was  absorbed 
by  monarchy,  for  it  became  the  wisdom  of  kings,  to 
bring  about  the  unity  of  states,  upon  which  to  estab- 
lish political  order,  and  social  arrangements.  This  was 
ultimately  effected,  but  not  until  the  close  of  the 
fifteenth  century. 

"  To  speak  of  the  politics  of  a  kingdom,  means  its 
"  every-day  life,  its  institutions,  laws  of  general  in- 
14  terest,  and  relation  of  one  country  to  others,  and  the 
"  relations  of  the  people  to  their  government,  and  their 
"  government  to  foreign  states ;  these  being  explained, 
"constitute  its  political  history."*  These  subjects 
were  enveloped  in  darkness  and  ignorance  compared 
with  later  times ;  but,  it  is  remarkable,  that  it  was  at 
this  epoch,  the  fifteenth  century,  that  the  politics,  as 
well  as  the  literature  and  religion  of  this  country,  were 
undergoing  a  decided  and  beneficial  change.  It  is 
besides  worthy  of  especial  observation,  that  then,  as 
now,  we  surpassed  generally  as  a  nation  all  the  other 
states  of  Europe  in  our  constitution,  government,  and 

*  Van  Praet's  Essay  on  Political  History. 


410  MARGARET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

laws.     Sir  John  Fortescue  and  Philip  de  Comines  have 
equally  borne  testimony  to  this  fact.* 

We  can  gather  from  history  but  little  concerning 
the  constitutional  prerogative  of  our  kings  at  this 
period,  yet  we  have  contemporary  authorities  to  show 
that,  while  France  and  other  states  were  under  the 
absolute  dominion  of  one  individual,  England  was  pos- 
sessed of  a  limited  monarchy. 

It  is  certain  that  the  King  was  so  far  prescribed, 
that  without  the  consenting  voice  of  Parliament  he 
could  neither  make,  nor  alter,  any  of  the  laws  of  the 
land. 

Next  to  the  King,  the  Lords  and  Commons  each 
possessed  a  certain  degree  of  influence  in  the  affairs  of 
the  nation,  but  the  powers  enjoyed  by  each  separately 
were  ill  defined.  Thus,  if  the  modified  prerogative 
vested  in  the  kings  of  this  age  formed  not,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  other  parts  of  the  constitution,  so  just  a 
balance  of  power  as  in  later  times,  we  must  bear  in 
mind  the  persons  by  whom  it  was  wielded,  the  circum- 
stances in  which  the  nation  was  placed,  the  absence  of 
a  public  press,  and  of  all  those  controlling  media  of  civi- 
lisation which  were  then  only  beginning  to  dawn  upon 
the  world.  It  is  asserted,  that  the  King  on  several 
occasions,  violated  the  constitution  by  assuming  a 
power  of  dispensing,  as  it  is  termed,  with  the  laws, 
and  granting  permission  to  individuals  and  bodies  of 
men  to  break  them  with  impunity.  It  was  thus,  that 
to  secure  the  clergy  in  his  interest,  we  find  King 
Edward  IV.,  in  1462,  by  a  most  extravagant  use  of 
this  dispensing  power,  granted  them  permission  to 
violate  every  law  of  the  land,  sacerdotal  and  judicial. 

The  violent  factions  and  cruel  wars  were  the  great 
obstacles  to  impartial  justice.  The  people  of  England 
were  often  placed  under  a  kind  of  military  government, 

*  Sir  John  Fortescue,  Philip  de  Comines. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  411 

the  High  Constable  having  the  power  to  put  to  death 
even  the  highest  in  the  land,  without  the  forms  of  law, 
provided  he  was  himself  convinced  of  their  guilt ;  nay 
more,  there  was  not  even  an  inquiry  after  evidence. 
When  the  Constable  required  a  show  of  proof,  and 
could  not  procure  it  by  other  means,  he  had  recourse 
to  the  rack.* 

The  death  of  the  Earl  of  Oxford  in  the  first  year  of 
the  reign  of  the  triumphant  Edward  IV.,  is  an  instance 
sufficiently  striking  of  the  exercise  of  this  power. 

Party  animosity  had  no  doubt  sealed  the  fate  of  this 
aged  veteran,  although  the  charge  against  him  was  his 
correspondence  with  Queen  Margaret ;  for  in  these 
times  it  was  perilous  to  use  great  boldness  of  speech, 
and  the  force  of  the  Earl's  arguments  in  Parliament,  on 
the  disputed  question  of  the  precedency  of  the  Barons 
Temporal  and  Spiritual,  had  obtained  the  judgment  in 
favour  of  the  former. 

During  the  Lancastrian  dynasty  the  authority  of 
Parliament  was  more  confirmed,  and  the  privileges  of 
the  people  more  attended  to,  than  during  former  times. 
On  the  death  of  Henry  V.  the  prospect  of  a  long 
minority,  encouraged  both  the  Lords  and  Commons  to 
extend  their  power ;  and,  disregarding  the  injunctions 
of  the  late  monarch,  they  made  a  new  arrangement  for 
the  administration,  putting  aside  the  name  of  Regent, 
and  adopting  that  of  Protector,  for  the  Duke  of  Bedford, 
and  for  Gloucester  in  the  absence  of  his  elder  brother. 
The  regal  power  thus  divided,  was  further  restrained 
by  a  Council,  whose  advice  was  required  on  every 
measure  of  importance.! 

The  large  amount  of  debt  contracted  during  the 
wars  of  Henry  V.  in  France,  was  left  to  his  successor 
to  discharge,  and  the  ministers  found  themselves  obliged 

*  Henry. 

j-  Hume;  Rymer;  The  Citizens  and  their  Rulers,  by  B.  B.  Orridge. 


412  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

to  recur  to  old  abuses,  and  amongst  these  to  the  arbi- 
trary practice  of  purveyance,  and  by  these  means  the 
affections  of  the  people  were  greatly  estranged  from 
their  sovereign.*  In  1433,  the  amount  of  debt  was 
announced  to  be  £35,000  annually ;  and  as  it  in- 
creased, it  involved  the  State  in  more  embarrassment 
and  caused  more  popular  dissatisfaction. 

During  the  short  but  brilliant  reign  of  Henry  V.  the 
Parliament  was  remarkably  quiet ;  not  a  breath  was 
raised  by  them  against  the  dispositions  of  his  house- 
hold affairs,  although  his  expenses  were  ruinous.  VTe 
are  told  that  "  there  was  less  injustice  committed  by 
"  the  governments  of  Henry  V.  and  Henry  VI.  than 
"  at  any  former  period."  The  extravagant  expendi- 
ture of  his  father,  however,  and  the  wastefulness  with 
which  the  Regency  is  justly  charged,  had  entailed  an 
enormous  amount  of  debt  upon  his  son  Henry  VI., 
which  was  one  great  cause  of  disaffection  throughout 
his  reign.  Henry  IV.,  in  his  address  to  his  son  upon 
his  death-bed,  said  to  him,  "  Of  Englishmen,  so  long 
"as  they  have  wealth  and  riches,  so  long  shalt  thou 
"  have  obeysance  ;  but  when  they  be  poor,  they  are 
"  always  ready  to  make  insurrection  at  every  motion."  f 
Thus  it  was,  that  during  the  reign  of  Margaret  of 
Anjou  the  most  trivial  causes  gave  rise  to  the  most 
serious  disaffection  and  mutiny.  After  the  losses  in 
France,  the  misappropriation  of  public  moneys  and 
gifts  gave  occasion  for  much  complaint. 

There  was  indeed  a  great  predisposition  throughout 
the  kingdom  for  the  discord  and  anarchy  which  pre- 
vailed during  the  reign  of  Henrv  VI. ,  which  was 
evidenced,  not  only  by  the  dispositions  of  the  nobility, 
in  many  circumstances  of  the  times,  but  even  may  be 

*  The  Citizens  and  their  Rulers,  by  Orridge. 

t  Leigh's  Choice   Observations  of    the  Kings  of    England :    Hallam's 
Middle  Aires. 


MARGARET    OP   ANJOU.  413 

deduced  from  the  statutes  then  enacted.  It  was  in 
1429  that  the  state  of  the  country  called  for  the  forty- 
shilling  franchise,  which  was  then  first  constituted, 
exactly  as  it  at  present  exists. 

The  first  statute  which  fixed  the  value  of  the  free- 
hold franchise  was  in  the  eighth  year  of  the  reign  of 
Henry  VI.,  and  the  preamble  runs  thus  : — 

"  Whereas  the  elections  of  knights  of  the  shire  to 

come  to  Parliament  in  many  counties  of  the  realm 

have  now  been  of  late  years  made  by  very  great 

outrages,  and  excessive  numbers  of  people,  dwelling 

within  the  same  counties  of  the  realm  of  England,  of 

which  most  part  was  of  people  of  small  substance 

and  of  no  value,  whereof  every  one  of  them  pretended 

a  voice,  equivalent  as  to  such  elections  to  be  made 

with  the  most  worthy  knights  and  esquires  dwelling 

within   the   same  counties,    whereby  manslaughter, 

riots,  robberies,  and  divisions  among  the  gentlemen 

and  other  people  of  the  same  counties,  shall  very 

likely  arise  and  be,  unless  convenient  and  due  remedy 

be  provided  in  this  behalf."  * 

The   limitations  of  government    were   strenuously 

enforced  by  Sir  John  Fortescue  in  his  instructions  to 

his  pupil,  the  King's  son  ;  he  speaks  "  of  the  limited 

'  nature  of  the  monarch's  authority,  and  the  inalien- 

1  able  rights  of  the  subjects,  while  he  calls  on  Prince 

1  Edward  to  reverence  the  free  institutions  of  his  native 

1  land.     Nowhere  else  did  the  people  possess  by  law 

4  and  upon  the  whole,  in  effect,  so  much  security  for  their 

1  personal  freedom  and  property.     The  middling  ranks 

'  flourished  remarkably,  not  only  in  commercial  towns, 

'  but  among  the  cultivators  of  the  soil.     There  is  scarce 

'  a  small  village,  says  Sir  John  Fortescue,  in  which 

'  you  may  not  find  a  knight,  an  esquire,  or  some  sub- 

*  Hume  ;  Speech  of  Mr,  Peel,  March  Gth,  1 829. 


414  MAEGAHET   OF   AXJOU. 

"  stantial  householder,  commonly  called  a  franklayn,* 
"  possessed  of  considerable  estate,  besides  others  called 
"  freeholders,  and  many  yeomen  of  estates,  sufficient 
"  to  make  a  substantial  jury."  f 

Cases  of  arbitrary  imprisonment  frequently  occurred 
in  these  times,  and  were  remonstrated  against  by  the 
Commons. 

No  privilege  of  the  Commons  can  be  so  fundamental 
as  the  liberty  of  speech.  A  complaint  was  made  in 
the  thirty-third  year  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VI.  by 
Thomas  Young,  member  for  Bristol,  of  his  imprison- 
ment in  the  Tower  of  London,  six  years  previously,  in 
consequence  of  a  motion  which  he  made,  to  the 
effect  that  the  King,  then  having  no  issue,  the  Duke 
of  York  might  be  declared  heir  apparent  to  the  crown. 
In  the  session  when  Young  claimed  remuneration  the 
Duke  was  Protector,  and  likely  to  regard  his  com- 
plaint 4 

The  ministers  of  the  King  were  expected  to  main- 
tain themselves,  but  if  they  required  remuneration,  it 
was  obtained  through  the  appointments  of  the  church, 
which  were  at  the  King's  disposal. 

King  Henry  had  the  appointment  of  sheriffs,  but  they 
often  failed  to  execute  the  duties  of  their  office,  unless 
guaranteed  against  loss.  Besides  these,  there  were 
bannerets,  who  ranked  below  barons,  and  sat  with 
the  peers.  The  barons  were  styled  Le  Sieur  de,  while 
bannerets  merely  had  Monsieur  prefixed  to  their  names. 
Peers  were  created  by  the  King,  but  with  the  consent 
of  Parliament. 

We  have  now  to  speak  of  the  Privy  Council  and  the 

*  By  a  franklayn  we  are  to  understand  what  we  call  a  country  squire, 
like  the  "  f rankleyn  "  of  Chaucer.  The  heads  of  families  were  esquires, 
shield-bearers  to  the  knights,  and  the  younger  ones  were  styled  gentlemen  : 
both  were  military  dignities,  and  the  lowest  titles  borne  in  England. 

+  Hallam  ;  Lower's  Heraldry. 

X  Hallam's  Mid.  Ages  ;  W.  of  Worcester. 


MARGARET   OF   AXJOU.  415 

courts  of  law  and  police.  The  three  great  tribunals 
of  common  law  were,  the  King's  Bench,  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas,  and  the  Exchequer.  The  number  of 
judges  who  sat  in  the  Courts  of  Westminster,  were  in 
the  time  of  Henry  VI.  from  five  to  eight.  Their 
salaries  were  small,  viz.,  the  chief  justice  of  the  King's 
Bench  £1,G00  per  annum  of  our  money,  the  chief  justice 
of  the  Common  Pleas  £1,300,  and  each  of  the  others 
£1,000.  Besides  these  salaries,  they  received  their  robes 
and  dresses  from  the  royal  wardrobe,  or  £85  in  money, 
as  an  equivalent.  They  also  acted  as  justices  of  assize, 
and  received  £200  extra  for  that  office.  The  whole 
income  which  the  Attorney-General  received  from  the 
State  was  under  £120.  From  Fortescue  we  learn,  that 
the  entire  fees,  in  the  year  1421,  of  the  Treasurer  of 
England,  keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal,  judges  of  both 
benches,  barons  of  the  Exchequer,  and  other  officers  of 
the  courts  was  not  more  than  £30,000. 

The  small  income  and  precarious  position  of  the 
judges,  was,  indeed,  one  of  several  causes  of  the  venal 
and  irregular  application  of  justice  at  this  period. 
Another  cause  was  the  banding  together  of  hordes  of 
men  for  right,  or  wrong,  ever  ready  for  mutiny.  Again, 
the  shelter  which  the  sanctuaries  gave  to  crime,  and 
the  difficulty  of  rendering  the  members  of  the  clergy 
amenable  to  the  lay  courts.  These  courts  were  fast 
asserting,  their  supremacy  over  the  ecclesiastical  courts, 
for  the  administration  of  common  law  ;  but  the  struggle 
continued  during  the  whole  of  this  epoch. 

In  tracing  the  political  events  of  one  nation,  we  find 
that  like  the  sister  arts,  or  sciences,  the  subject  cannot 
well  be  pursued  alone  ;  being  so  intimately  connected 
with  others,  that  the  mind  is  insensibly  led  away  from 
the  more  circumscribed  view  ;  and,  like  the  philosopher, 
who  is  tempted  on  from  one  science  to  another,  the 
historian,    whose  peculiar   study  is  mankind,    cannot 


416  MAEGABET   OF   AXJOU. 

fail,  in  the  midst  of  his  survey  of  party  strife  and  war- 
fare in  England,  to  be  led  to  the  contemplation  of  the 
condition  of  the  surrounding  nations  during  this  event- 
ful period,  the  fifteenth  century.  A  striking  similarity 
immediately  appears,  between  the  history  of  the  French 
nation  and  of  our  own. 

First,  let  us  instance  the  death-bed,  and  dying 
injunctions,  of  Charles  V.  of  France,  and  then,  on 
looking  to  the  conclusion  of  the  brilliant  career  of  our 
monarch,  Henry  V.,  the  same  scene  occurs.  Both 
these  sovereigns  were  distinguished  for  their  wisdom 
and  skill;  and  their  foresight  alike  directed  them,  to 
provide  for  the  future  welfare  of  their  sons,  while  in 
their  minority,  and  exposed  to  the  domineering  and 
violent  character  of  their  powerful  relatives. 

These  princes  of  turbuleut  memory  soon  aroused,  in 
their  respective  countries,  the  spirit  of  discontent  and 
rebellion,  and  each  one  seeking  to  be  greatest,  quickly 
forgot  his  allegiance,  his  duty,  and  his  promises  to  his 
King.  How  soon  were  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy  and 
Orleans  in  arms  against  each  other,  and  alternately 
disturbing  the  peace  of  France  with  anarchy  and 
bloodshed,  until  they  both  came  to  an  untimely  end ! 
The  murders  of  these  two  princes  were  committed 
openly,  and  one  of  them  was  even  publicly  justified ; 
similar  transactions  folllowed  in  England,  but  here 
these  crimes  were  planned,  and  executed  in  secret. 

The  results,  however,  were  not  less  disastrous ;  one 
crime  brought  on  another,  and  the  death  of  Gloucester 
was  succeeded  by  the  hurried  execution  of  Suffolk  ; 
even  the  mock  trial  employed  upon  this  occasion,  was 
soon  after  dispensed  with,  and  the  summary  vengeance 
of  party  hurried  its  victims,  without  preparation  or  trial, 
into  another  world.  Then  came  battle  after  battle  in 
either  land,  and  fiercely  strove  brother  against  brother, 
and  kinsfolk  against  kinsfolk. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  417 

Such  were  the  events  produced  by  these  two  mino- 
rities !  and  if  we  review  the  third,  and  sister  king 
dom,  we  shall  not  find  the  people  were  more  fortunate. 
In  France,  Charles  VI.  ascended  the  throne  when 
he  had  only  attained  his  ninth  year;  in  England, 
Henry  VI.  was  but  an  infant  of  nine  months  old  at  his 
accession ;  and  in  Scotland,  in  14G0,  James  III. 
assumed  the  crown  at  eight  years  of  age.  His  prede- 
cessor was,  with  the  other  monarchs,  alike  distinguished 
for  wisdom  and  foresight;  and  Pinkerton  says,  that 
u  such  lawTs  as  those  passed  by  James  II.  shine  like  a 
"  coruscation  amid  the  night  of  barbarism." 

The  rebellion  of  York  in  England  fostered  that  of 
Douglas  in  Scotland,  and  we  see  the  boy-monarch 
vainly  striving,  with  the  aid  of  France,  to  maintain  the 
interests  of  the  Lancastrians ;  until,  the  intestine  divi- 
sions and  turmoils  of  his  own  kingdom  engrossed  his 
whole  care  and  attention. 

There  is  much  room  for  reflection  on  the  histories  of 
these  several  countries,  which  seem  at  this  period  to 
illustrate  one  another,  or  afford  a  lively  contrast. 

Chicheley,  the  Archbishop,  early  followed  the  example 
of  William  of  Wykeham  in  "diverting  a  portion  of  the 
"  conventual  revenues  to  the  establishment  of  schools 
"  and  colleges,  under  the  direction  of  the  secular 
"clergy."  Previously,  schools  had  been  attached  to 
monasteries,  and  these  becoming  in  time  less  useful, 
the  greater  ones  absorbed  the  smaller,  by  the  purchase 
of  their  property. 

Thus  it  was  that  William  of  Wykeham  and  Chich- 
eley found  themselves  able  to  endow  their  schools 
with  lands  which  they  purchased.  Henry  VI.,  in  his 
foundation,  of  Eton,  and  of  King's  College,  closely  fol- 
lowed the  system  of  education  said  to  have  been 
invented  by  the  genius  of  William  of  Wykeham,  who 
has  been  styled  one  of  the  master-spirits  of  his  times. 

VOL.  II.  E   E 


418  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

Thus  commenced  the  system  of  public  schools, 
which,  for  so  many  years,  has  been  instrumental  in  the 
formation  of  the  character  of  the  English  gentleman. 

At  an  early  period  the  attention  of  government  was 
directed  towards  education.  It  was  considered  to  be, 
as  much  a  branch  of  the  prerogative,  to  prevent  persons 
who  were  ill  qualified,  from  exercising  the  profession 
of  schoolmaster,  as  it  was  to  put  down  a  conspiracy. 

The  reformation  of  the  grammar-schools  in  London 
arose,  it  is  said,  from  many  ignorant  persons  having 
presumed  to  teach  grammar,  "  to  the  injury  both  of 
"  their  scholars  and  their  friends  ;"  and  the  number  of 
the  schools  was  limited  to  five,  that  being  deemed 
fully  sufficient  for  the  metropolis. 

This  arrangement  originated  with  John  Stafford, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  Robert  Gilbert,  Bishop 
of  London ;  and  doubtless  they  had  worthy  motives, 
when  we  consider  the  piety,  and  love  of  learning,  of 
their  sovereign.  King  Henry  directed  the  establish- 
ment of  grammar-schools  ;  for  at  this  period  the 
grossest  ignorance  prevailed,  so  that  the  ancient 
schools  were  quite  neglected,  and  left  "  to  decay ; 
"  wherefore  for  the  restoration  of  learning:,  four  clergv- 
"  men,  viz.  Maistre  William  Lyechefeld,  parson  of 
"  the  parish  Chirche  of  All  Hallowen  the  More,  in 
11  London,  Maistre  Gilbert,  parson  of  Saint  Andre  we, 
"  Holboume,  in  the  suburbs  of  the  said  Citee ;  Maistre 
"  John  Cotes,  parson  of  Saint  Petre,  in  Cornhull,  of 
"  London ;  and  John  Neel,  maistre  of  the  Hous,  or 
"  Hospital  of  Saint  Thomas  of  Acres  and  parson  of 
"  Colchirche,  in  London. 

"  By  these  four  clergymen  the  Parliament  was 
"  petitioned,  in  the  25th  year  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VI. 
"  that  they  and  their  successors  might  be  allowed  to 
"  set  up  schools  in  their  respective  churches  and  ap- 
"  point  masters  in  them;  which  petition  was  granted." 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  419 

King  Henry  not  only  appointed  these  four  grammar- 
schools,  viz.,  St.  Andrew's,  Holborn  ;  Allhallows  the 
Great,  in  Thames  Street ;  St.  Peter's,  Cornhill ;  and  in 
the  Hospital,  St.  Thomas  of  Aeons,  in  West  Cheap ; 
but  schools  were  established  likewise  as  follows : — 
St.  Paul's,  at  St.  Martin's-le-Grand ;  St.  Mary-le-Bow, 
in  Cheap  ;  St.  Dunstan  in  the  West,  and  St.  Anthony ; 
also  Sion  College,  over  against  London  Wall,  near 
Cripplegate,  and  adjoining  to  St.  Alphage  church.* 

In  the  eighth  year  of  Henry  VI.  this  monarch 
granted  a  license  for  rebuilding  the  chapel,  or  college, 
as  it  was  then  called  ;  and  in  the  twenty-seventh  year 
of  his  reign,  he  empowered  the  parish  clerks  of  London 
to  have  a  guild  dedicated  to  St.  Nicholas,  with  two 
chaplains  to  the  chapel. 

There  were  ten  Inns  of  Chancery  in  the  time  of 
Henry  the  Sixth  :f — Clifford's  Inn,  Clement's  Inn, 
New  Inn,  Streined,  or  Chester  Inn,  George's  Inn, 
Thavies  Inn,  Furnival's  Inn,  Staple  Inn,  Barnard's  Inn, 
Sergeants'  and  Scrope's  Inn  .J 

Of  historians  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VI. :  amongst 
these  was  John  Skewish,  a  native  of  Cornwall,  who 
compiled  an  abridgment  of  the  chronicles  and  of  the 
wars  of  Troy.§ 

Harding,  another  historian  of  those  times,  was  like- 
wise the  first  poet-laureate.  He  held  this  appointment 
to  Edward  IV. 

Amongst  the  poets  of  this  period  we  may  especially 
mention  James  I.,  King  of  Scotland  ;  Lydgate,  a  monk 
of  Bury,  whose  pieces  amounted  to  251  in  number ; 
also  Hugh  Campden  and  Thomas  Chester. 

At  the  latter  end  of  King  Henry  the  Sixth's  reign 
they  began  to  paint  in  oil.     Four  curious  specimens 

*  Bentley's  Exerpta  ;  Stow's  Survey  ;  Mackay's  London, 
f  Londiniana.  %  Ibid. 

§  Lyson's  Magna  Britannia. 

E  E  2 


420  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

were  painted  on  panels  which  composed  a  door  of 
some  cabinet,  or  shrine,  belonging  to  the  Abbey  of  St. 
Albans  ;  thereon  are  represented  the  portraits  of 
Cardinal  Beaufort  and  Humphrey,  Duke  of  Gloucester. 
These  valuable  curiosities  are  in  the  possession  of 
John  Ives,  Esq.,  of  Great  Yarmouth,  in  Norfolk. 

Engravings  in  wood  and  copper  first  appeared 
about  the  vear  1460.  These  may  be  seen  in  the 
remaining  old  prints  of  Andrew  Muntagae,  Martin 
Schoon,  and  Albert  Durer.  The  woodcuts  were 
chiefly  designed,  and  made  as  ornaments  to  the  old 
printed  books. 

The  art  of  printing  was  first  invented  in  the  city  of 
Metz,  in  Germany.*  Another  account  is,  that  printing 
was  found  out  at  Mayence,  in  Germany,  by  a  knight 
called  John  Guttenbergen,  and  brought  into  England 
by  AVilliam  Caxton,  of  London,  mercer,  who  first  prac- 
tised the  same,  in  the  Abbey  at  Westminster,  in  the 
year,  1471.+ 

The  Nuremberg  Chronicle,  printed  at  Nuremberg  in 
1493,  is  enriched  with  a  variety  of  excellent  woodcuts, 
every  page  almost  in  that  work  representing  the  cos- 
tumes then  used  in  Germany.:); 

Heraldry  was  taught  orally,  in  the  earliest  ages,  to 
novitiate  heralds ;  but,  when  the  rules  of  chivalry 
were  gathered  into  a  code,  they  were  committed  to 
writing.  The  first  author  of  any  note  on  this  subject 
was  Doctor  Nicholas  Upton,  a  native  of  Devonshire, 
who  was  patronised  by  the  "  good  Duke  Humphrey, 
"  of  Gloucester,"  during  the  reign  of  Henry  IV., 
through  whose  favour  he  became  Canon  of  Sarum, 
AVells,  and  St.  Paul's.  He  had  previously  served  in 
the  French  wars  under  the  Earl   of    Salisbury ;   and 

*  Holinshed  ;  Strutt's  Manners  and  Customs,  f  Baker. 

J  Btrntt's  Manners  and  Customs. 


MAKGAEET   OF    ANJOTJ.  421 

during  these  campaigns  lie  composed  a  Latin  treatise, 
called  "  De  Studio  Militari."  *  It  was  a  systematic 
grammar  of  heraldry,  in  very  classical  diction  for  that 
period,  f 

One  of  the  earliest  productions  of  the  printing- 
press  in  England,  was  the  celebrated  "  Boke  of  St. 
"  Albans."  It  was  printed  in  1486,  within  the  pre- 
cincts of  that  monastery,  from  which  it  took  its  name. 
This  rare  work  contains  tracts  on  hawking,  hunting, 
and  "  coot-armuris,"  the  last  being  the  main  subject 
of  the  volume.  This  work  was  attributed,  for  the 
first  three  centuries  after  it  appeared,  to  Dame  Julyan 
Berners,  a  woman  of  singular  personal  as  well  as 
mental  endowments.  She  was  a  great  promoter  of 
English  literature ;  and,  although  doubts  have  been 
thrown  on  the  authorship  of  this  noble  work,  the 
"  Boke  of  St.  Albans  "  may  fairly  be  attributed  to  this 
lady's  pen4 

In  the  troublous  times  of  the  Wars  of  the  Roses 
much  treasure  was  hidden  and  buried  underground. 
A  discovery  of  this  kind  was  made,  in  April,  1861,  by 
an  inhabitant  of  the  High  Street,  at  Hounslow,  when 
enlarging  a  cellar  :  embedded  in  the  loam  just  below 
the  old  foundation  on  which  his  house  stands,  an 
earthen  vase,  or  cup,  was  found,  containing  800  silver 
and  a  few  copper  coins  ;  silver  groats  of  Henry  VI., 
struck  at  Norwich,  York,  Bristol,  and  London ;  also 
others  of  Edward  IV.,  Richard  III.,  and  Burgundian 
pieces  of  silver,  of  Charles  "  the  Bold,"  the  brother- 
in-law  of  Edward  IV.  The  dates  of  these  coins 
ranged  from  1406  to  1485.  It  is  possible  that  the 
owner  of  the  treasure  might  have  fallen  at  Bos- 
worth. 

*  This  work  is  still  to  be  seen  in  manuscript  in  the  College  of  Arms  and 
elsewhere. 

f  Lower's  Curiosities  of  Heraldry.  Z  Ibid. 


422  MAEGAEET    OF   AXJOU. 

The  franc,  a  very  ancient  coin  in  France,  was  struck 
by  King  Henry  VI.,  as  king  of  that  country.* 

(Salute  (Tor.)  The  salute  was  a  gold  coin  of  Henry 
VI. ,  current  in  France  for  £1  5s.  English.")" 

There  is  an  instance  in  the  armorial  bearings  of 
Margaret  of  Anjou,  of  what  is  called  vicious  or  false 
heraldry.  It  is  a  fundamental  rule  in  heraldry  that 
metal  shall  not  be  put  upon  metal,  nor  colour  upon 
colour  ;  but  in  the  third  quartering  of  her  arms,  which 
contains  those  of  Jerusalem  (her  father  Rene  being 
titular  king  of  Jerusalem),  the  golden  crosses  are  on  a 
silver  ground.  The  old  heralds  being  too  scientific  to 
have  overlooked  so  great  a  departure  from  an  important 
rule,  it  has  been  ascertained,  that,  holding  Jerusalem 
in  the  highest  estimation,  as  the  very  queen  of  cities, 
they  judged  it  unworthy  to  submit  her  to  those  rules,  to 
which  the  kings  and  princes  of  the  earth  were  subject. 
They  therefore  created,  as  it  were,  the  special  excep- 
tion in  her  favour,  to  distinguish  her  heraldrically 
from  all  the  cities  of  the  world. 

A  coin  of  Edward  IV.,  called  a  noble,  made  of 
silver  and  gold,  value  10s.,  and  8d.  of  allay  weighing, 
was  stamped  with  a  rose.\ 

At  the  time  of  the  marriage  of  Kino*  Edward  IV.  a 
proclamation  was  made  at  Reading,  and  throughout 
England,  that  the  noble  of  Henry  VI.  should  value 
85.  4  c 7. ,  and  a  new  coinage  was  made  at  the  Tower  of 
London,  to  the  great  loss  of  the  lords. 

In  1462  the  gold  coins  were  further  reduced, 
45  nobles  being  made  to  the  pound,  and  passing  at 
10s.,  and  angels  at  6s.  Sd.  The  new  nobles  were 
termed  roycds — a  new  name  given  by  the  French  to 
their  gold  coins,  impressed  with  the  figure  of  the 
sovereign  in  his  royal  robes. 

*  Letters  of  Queen  Margaret  of  Anjou.  f  Paston  Letters. 

±  Stow. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  4  23 

It  lias  been  supposed  by  some  antiquarians  that, 
during  the  civil  wars  of  York  and  Lancaster,  there 
were  no  fixed  places  of  mintage,  and  that  the  dies  were 
conveyed  from  one  place  to  another,  according  as  ne- 
cessity required.  This  idea  arose  from  some  of  the  coins 
of  Edward  IV.  being  found  with  initial  letters  on  the 
breast  of  the  bust.  Thus  a  groat  of  the  mint  of  Co- 
ventry has  a  B  on  the  breast,  which  has  been  sup- 
posed to  signify  that  the  piece  was  struck  at  Bristol. 

The  beautiful  ornamented  churches  were  by  WicklifT, 
in  his  earnest  enthusiasm,  condemned,  as  savouring  of 
hypocrisy,  and  therefore  injurious.  This  aimed  at  the 
very  origin  and  foundation  of  the  lodges,  and  caused 
much  persecution  to  arise  against  the  societies  of 
masons. 

It  appears  that  Henry  VI.  was  their  great  patron, 
and  protected  them ;  he  even  joined  their  society,  and 
in  his  will  bequeathed  to  his  college  in  Cambridge,  the 
sum  annually  of  £117  6s.  lOcl.  for  wages,  of  the 
officers  of  the  works  then  in  operation.  This  was  no 
small  sum  in  those  days 

According  to  Bede,  masons  and  workers  in  stone 
were  brought  into  England  by  Bennet,  Abbot  of 
Wirral. 

The  Free  Masons'  Company  had  their  arms  granted 
to  them  by  William  Huckeslow,  Clarencieux  King-at- 
Arms ;  and  a  company  of  under-masons  were  established 
in  London  two  years  before,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of 
Edward  IV.  "  The  antiquary,  John  Lelancl,  has  pre- 
"  served  in  his  collections  in  the  Bodleian  Library 
"  certayne  questyons  with  answeres  to  the  same,  con- 
"  cernynge  the  mystery  of  masonry e,  written  by  the 
"  hand  of  Kynge  Henry e  the  Sixthe."  * 

Henry  VI.  is  said  to  have  endeavoured  to  recruit 
his  empty  coffers    by  alchemy.        The  record  which 

*  Arclireoloffia. 


424  MARGAKET    OF   AXJOTJ. 

contains  this  remarkable  proposition,  sets  forth  in  "a 
"  grave  and  solemn  manner,  the  feasibility  and  virtues 
"  of  the  philosopher's  stone,  encouraging  its  search, 
"  and  dispensing  with  all  the  statutes  and  prohibitions 
"  to  the  contrary."  When  this  patent  was  published, 
many  promised  to  answer  the  expectations  of  the  King 
so  effectually,  that  the  following  year  he  published 
another  patent,  wherein  he  informs  his  subjects  that 
the  "  happy  hour  "  was  drawing  nigh,  and  by  means 
of  the  stone,  which  he  should  soon  be  master  of,  he 
would  pay  all  the  debts  of  the  nation  in  real  gold  and 
silver.  The  persons  chosen  for  his  operators  in  this 
new  pursuit  were  appointed  by  King  Henry  on  the 
9th  of  March,  in  the  year  1455  (or  the  thirty-fifth  of 
his  reign).  These  were  Henry  Sharp,  doctor  of  laws, 
who,  with  three  other  persons,  were  to  pursue  the 
study  of  alchemy  for  the  emolument  of  their  royal 
master.  There  were  others  who  laboured  to  the  same 
purpose,  viz.,  Thomas  Harvey,  an  Austin  friar;  Robert 
Glapeley,  a  preaching  friar ;  and  William  Atclyffe,  the 
Queen's  physician.* 

Private  duelling  was  at  the  period  (1-461)  unknown. 
It  became  necessary,  before  a  combat,  to  obtain  the 
King's  license ;  this  being  granted,  the  combat  pro- 
ceeded in  public,  and,  in  affairs  of  treason,  the  con- 
quered party  was  instantly  executed. f 

Several  of  these  deeds  of  arms  are  related  by  the 
chroniclers.  One  John  Asteley,  squire,  a  noted 
warrior,  held  a  combat  with  Piers  de  Masse,  a  French- 
man, in  Paris,  before  King  Charles,  in  1438.  Again, 
John  Asteley  was  challenged  by  Philip  Boyle,  knight, 
an  Aragonese.  This  combat  took  place  on  the  30th 
of  January,  1442,  in  the  presence  of  the  King, 
Henry  VI.,  within  Smithfield. 

*  Wilson's  Hist,  of  St.  Lawrence  Poulteney  ;  Curiosities  of  Literature. 

f  Paston  Letters. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  425 

In  144G  two  other  combats  were  appointed.  The 
first  was  by  the  prior  of  Kilmanin  and  the  Earl  of 
Ormond,  the  former  having  impeached  the  earl  of 
high  treason;  but  the  quarrel  was  decided  by  the 
King,  who  prevented  the  fighting.  The  second 
impeachment  was  by  John  David,  an  armourer, 
against  his  master,  William  Catur,  for  treason  ;  but 
the  latter,  being  intoxicated,  was  unhappily  slain 
previous  to  the  combat,  without  just  proof  of  his  guilt, 
and  the  servant  was  hanged  at  the  next  assize  for 
felony.* 

Artillery  was  seldom  made  use  of  in  the  civil  wars 
in  England,  and  in  the  field  partially  only ;  it  had  but 
little,  or  no  effect  on  the  issue  of  the  battle,  excepting 
only  at  the  engagement  at  Tewkesbury,  in  1471. 

"  The  cavalry  and  infantry  were  arranged  in  the 
"  old  system.  The  lance  was  the  weapon  of  those  of 
u  gentle  birth,  while  the  bow  and  the  bill  were  used 
"  by  people  of  inferior  state.  The  archers  formed  the 
*e  main  strength  of  the  battle. "  j" 

The  method  adopted  for  raising  an  army  was  by 
sending  letters  under  the  Privy  Seal,  sometimes  signed 
by  the  King  himself,  commanding  the  attendance  of 
such  persons  as  were  named,  the  time  and  place  of 
resorting  being  mentioned,  and  that  they  should  bring 
with  them  men,  &c,  according  to  their  rank. 

Thus,  in  the  month  of  April,  in  1459,  these  Privy 
Seals  were  issued  at  the  time  when  the  King  was  at 
Coventry,  raising  an  army  to  oppose  the  Duke  of  York 
and  the  Earl  of  Salisbury. ;[; 

*  Brown's  Abstract  of  Hist,  of  Eng.  f  Philip  de  Comines. 

X  Paston  Letters. 


APPENDIX 

TO    THE    SECOND     VOLUME. 


A  manuscript,  preserved  in  the  library  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin, 
has  also  a  few  interesting  political  songs,  commencing  with  the  date  of 
the  public  reconciliation  previously  described.  The  earliest,  written  in 
the  year  1458,  is  the  work  of  a  Lancastrian.  "  Henry  VI.  is  represented 
under  the  form  of  a  ship,  with  the  young  Prince  Edward  for  a  mast. 
The  ship's  light  was  a  blazing  cresset,  representing  the  Duke  of  Exeter ; 
and  its  strong  stern  was  the  Duke  of  Somerset.  The  sail-yard  was  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  the  stay  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  and  the  shrouds 
consisted  of  the  Lords  Devonshire,  Grey,  Beauchamp  of  Powik,  and 
Scales.  The  Earl  of  Northumberland,  with  lios,  Clifford,  and  Egre- 
mont,  formed  the  sail ;  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  was  the  topmast ;  and  the 
ship  had  three  good  anchors,  the  Lords  Beaumont,  Welles,  and  Eivers. 
St.  George  is  appealed  to  for  protection  for  this  stately  ship."1 

« 

Stere  welle  the  good  shype,  God  be  ouer  guide. 
:'  Ouer  shyp  is  launched  from  the  grounde, 

Blessed  be  God,  both  faire  and  sounde, 
"  Ouer  maryners  hau  the  shypmen  foundej 
"  By  here  taklynge  wille  abyde. 

This  noble  shyp  made  of  good  tree, 
!<  Ouer  souerayne  lord  Kynge  Henry  ; 
"  God  gyde  hym  from  adversyte, 
11  Wherever  he  go  or  ryde. 

1  The  shyp  was  charged  wt  a  mast, 
1  Crased  it  was,  it  myght  not  last ; 2 
'  Now  hathe  he  one  bt  wol  not  brest, 
1  The  old  is  leyde  on  syde, 
'  Thys  fayre  mast,  this  myghty  yeard, 
'  Of  whom  fals  shrewes  be  afered, 
'  Hys  name  of  ryght  is  Prince  Edward,3 
'  Long  myght  he  wt  us  abyde  ! 

1  Wright's  Political  Songs. 

2  This  may  refer  to  the  administration  under  Suffolk,  which  was  dissolved  in 
1450. 

3  Edward,  only  son  of  Henry  VI. 


428  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

11  The  shyp  hathe  closed  hym  a  lyglit, 
11  To  kepe  her  course  in  way  of  ryght, 
1 '  A  f yre  cressant, 1  it  bemetlie  bryght, 
"  Nt  fawte  was  neuer  spyed, 

I  •  Thys  good  lyglit,  it  is  so  clere, 

II  Calle  y  the  Duke  of  Exceter, 

"  "Whose  name  yn  trouve  shyned  clere, 
"  Hys  worshyp  spryngethe  wyde. 

u  Tbys  shyp  hathe  a  sterne  fulle  good 

11  Hem  to  gyde  in  ebbe  and  flood, 

"  Ayeyne  her  was  both  wild  and  wode, 

"  That  rynnethe  on  euery  syde  ; 

11  The  sterne  that  on  the  shype  is  sette 

"  Ys  the  Duke  Somerset,2 

1 '  For  ragged  rokkes  he  wolle  not  lette 

"  To  sterre  in  ebe  and  eke  in  tyde. 

"  There  is  a  sayle-yeard  fulle  good  and  sure, 

"  To  the  shyp  a  grete  tresour, 

"  For  alle  stormes  it  wolle  endure, 

"  It  is  trusty  atte  nede  ; 

"  Now  the  sayle-yeard  I  wolle  reherse 

"  The  Erie  of  Penbroke,3  curtys  and  ferce 

11  Acros  the  mast  he  hathe  travel's 

1 '  The  good  shyp  for  to  lede. 

11  The  mast  hathe  a  welle  good  stay, 
u  With  shrowthes  sure,  I  dare  well  say, 
*  "In  humble  wyse  hym  to  obey, 

11  Yf  he  to  hem  hathe  nede  ; 
"  The  Duke  of  Bokyngham4  thys  stay  is  he 
11  Thys  shrowdes  be  sure  in  thare  degre, 
"  Devenshyre,5  and  Grey6  and  Becheham"  the  free, 
"  And  Scales,8  with  them  in  tyde. 

"  Tlie  shyp  hath  a  welle  good  sayle 
11  Of  fine  canvas,  it  wolle  not  fayle, 
"  With  bonet  III 9  for  to  travayle 
u  That  mekelle  beth  of  pryde  ; 


1  The  Duke  of  Exeter's  badge. 

2  Henry  Beaufort,  son  of  the  Duke  who  fell  at  St.  Alban's,  beheaded  in  1464. 

3  Jasper  Tudor,  half  brother  of  Henry  VI. 

4  Humphrey  Stafford,  killed  at  the  battle  of  Northampton. 

5  Thomas  Courtney,  Earl  of  Devonshire,  beheaded  by  the  Yorkists  in  1461. 

6  Edmund,  Lord  Grey  of  Ruthyn. 

'  John,  Lord  Beauchamp  of  Powyk. 

8  Thomas,  Lord  Scales,  killed  by  Yorkists  in  1460. 

9  A  bonnet,  in  nautical  language,  is  an  addition  made  to  the  sails. 


MARGARET   OP   ANJOU.  429 

"  This  good  sayle,  I  understand 
"  The  Erie  of  Northumberland,1 
"  Ros,2  Clyfford,3  and  Egremond4 
"  The  trouth  is  not  to  hyde. 

"  Ther  is  a  toppe,  the  mast  on  hyght, 

"  The  shyp  to  defende,  in  alle  hys  ryght 

"  With  his  foomen  when  he  schalle  fyght 

' '  They  dare  hym  not  abyde  ; 

"The  Erie  of  Schrouesbury 5  the  toppes  name 

' '  He  kepethe  the  shype  from  harme  and  blame, 

"  The  Erie  of  Wylchyre6  one  of  the  same 

"  That  kepethe  the  shyp  from  drede. 

"  Thys  good  shype  hathe  ankers  thre 

"  Of  bether  mettel  ther  may  non  be, 

"  To  strenthe  the  shyp  be  londe  and  se, 

- '  When  he  wolle  stop  hys  tyde ; 

"  The  furst  anker,  hole  and  sounde, 

"  He  is  named  the  Lord  Beamond,7 

' '  Wellys  8  and  Ry  veres,9  truth  yn  them  found, 

"  In  worshyp  they  hem  gyde. 

"  Now  help  Saynte  George,  oure  Ladye  knyght, 

"  And  be  our  lode-starre  day  and  nyght 

"  To  strengthe  our  Kynge,  and  England  ryght, 

"  And  felle  oure  fomenous  pryde. 

*'  Now  is  oure  shyp  dressed  in  hys  kynde 

"  With  hys  taklynge  befor  and  behynde  : 

"  Whoso  love  it  not,  God  make  hym  blynde 

"  In  peynes  to  abyde."  1J 


ON  THE  BATTLE  OF  NORTHAMPTON. 
10  July,  1460. 

' '  Of  alle  mennys  disposicion  naturalle 
"  Philisophyrs  wry  ten  in  every  place, 
"  That  after  the  bodyes  celestialle, 
"  The  erthely  body  his  wirkyng  hase  ; 


1  Henry  Percy,  slain  at  the  battle  of  Towton,  1461. 

2  Thomas  de  Roos,  Baron  Roos  of  Hamlake,  attainted  in  1461. 

3  John,  Lord  Clifford. 

4  Thomas  Percy,  Lord  Egremont,  killed  at  Northampton  in  1460. 

5  John  Talbot,  killed  at  Northampton  in  1460. 

ames  Butler,  beheaded  in  1461. 
"  John,  Viscount  Beaumond,  killed  at  Northampton  in  1460. 
s  Leo,  Lord  Welles,  slain  at  Towton,  in  1461. 

9  Richard  Widville,  Lord  Rivers,  beheaded  by  the  peasantry,  in  1469. 

10  Archaeolocria  Lond. 


430  MAEGAEET   OF   AXJOU. 

"  Some  tyme  clisposid  it  is  to  solace, 
"  Som  tyme  by  enspecialle  grace 
"  Sorow  is  turned  into  gladnesse. 

l'  And  ensauinple  here  of  I  take  witnesse 
'  *  Of  certayne  persones  that  late  exiled  were, 
11  Whos  sorow  is  turned  into  joyfulnesse, 
"  The  Rose,1  the  Fetyrlok,2  the  Egle,3  and  the  Bere.4 
"  Grete  games  in  Inglond  sum  tym  ther  were 
"  In  hauking,  huntyng,  and  fisshing,  in  every  place 
"  Among  lordes  with  shelde  and  spere, 
"  Prosperite  in  reme  than  reignyng  wase. 

"  Where  of  God,  of  his  specialle  grace 
"  Heryng  the  peple  crying  for  mercye, 
11  Considering  the  falsehode  in  every  place, 
"  Gave  inflewenz  of  myrthe  into  bodyes  on  hye, 
The  whiche  in  a  Berward  5  lighted  prevelye, 
Edward,  yong  of  age,  disposed  in  solace 
In  hauking  and  huntyng  to  begyne  meryly 


a 


a 


"  To  Northanrpton  with  the  Bere  he  toke  his  trace. 


"  Blessed  be  God  in  Trinite, 

"  Fadir,  and  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost, 

"  Whiche  kepithe  his  servauntes  in  adversite, 

"  And  wold  not  suffre  thyme  to  be  loste  ; 

As  Thou  art  Lord  of  mightes  moste, 
"  Save  the  Kyng  and  his  ryalte, 
"  And  ilium yn  him  with  the  Holy  Goste, 
11  His  reme  to  set  in  perfect  charite." 

Amen. 


k 


EPITAPH  FOR  RICHARD,  DUKE  OF  YORK. 

"  A  remembrer  a  tous  ceurs  de  noblesse 

' '  Que  ycy  gist  la  fleur  de  gentillesse, 

'*  Le  puissant  due  d'York,  Rychart  ot  nom, 

' l  Prince  royal,  preudomme  de  renom, 

"  Saige,  vaillant,  vertueux  en  sa  vie, 

"  Qui  bien  ama  loyaulte  sans  envie, 

"  Droyt  heritier,  prouve  en  mainte  terre, 

u  Des  couronnez  de  France  et  d'Engleterre. 

"  Ou  parlement  tenu  It  Yestmestre,' 

"  Bien  fut  congneu  et  trouve  vray  heir  estre. 

"  Sy  fut  roygent  et  gouvemeur  de  France, 

<{  Normandie  il  garda  d'encombrance, 


1  Edward,  Earl  of  March.  *  Richard,  Duke  of  York. 

a  Richard  Neville,  Earl  of  Salisbury.     4  Richard  Neville,  Earl  of  Warwick. 
5  Edward,  Earl  of  March,  so  called  from  having  the  Earl  of  Warwick  as  his 
associate. 


MABGABET   OF  ANJOU.  431 

"  Sur  Pontaysse  la  ryvi&re  passa, 

"  Le  roy  Francoyez  et  son  doulfin  cbassa. 

"  En  Erllande  mist  tel  gouvernement, 

"  Tout  le  pais  rygla  paisiblement, 

"  D'Engleterre  fut  long  temps  prottetur, 

"  Le  peuple  ama,  et  fut  leur  defFendeur. 

"  Noble  lygne  et  d'enfans,  que  Dieu  garde, 

"  Dont  l'aysne  fylz  est  nome  Edouarde, 

"  Qui  est  vray  roy,  et  son  droit  conquessta, 

"  Par  grant  labeur  qu'il  en  prinst  l'aqueta, 

"  II  est  regnant  solitaire  ou  jour  d'uy, 

"  Dieu  et  ses  sains  sy  le  gardent  d'enuy  ! 

' '  Ce  noble  due  a  Wacquefylde  mourut, 

"  Doux  paix  traitant  force  sur  luy  courut, 

"  L'an  soixnte,  le  xxxe  de  Decembre, 

"  Cinquante  ans  ot  d'age,  come  on  remembre, 

"  En  priant  Dieu  et  la  tres  belledame 

"  Qu'en  Paradiz  puist  reposser  son  ame  ! 

"  Amen. 

"  Chester  le  Ht." 

{Translation,) 

Let  it  be  remembered  by  all  noble  hearts,  that  here  lies  the  flower  of  gentility — 
the  powerful  Duke  of  York,  Richard  was  his  name, — a  royal  prince,  a  gentleman 
of  renown, — wise,  valiant,  virtuous  in  his  life, — who  loved  well  loyally  without 
envy — the  right  heir,  proved  in  many  a  land ,  — of  the  crowns  of  France  and  Eng- 
land.    In  the  parliament  held  at  Westminster—  he  was  fully  acknowledged,  and 
found  to  be  the  right  heir.     And  he  was  regent  and  governor  of  France.     Nor- 
mandy he  guarded  from  danger  : — he  passed  the  river  at  Pontoise, — and  drove  away 
the  French  king  and  his  dauphin.     In  Ireland  he  established  such  government, — 
that  he  ruled  all  the  country  peaceably.     Of  England  he  was  long  protector, — he 
loved  the  people,  and  was  their  defender.     He  had  a  noble  lineage  of  children, 
whom  may  God  have  in  his  keeping.    The  eldest  of  whom  is  named  Edward, — who 
is  true  King,  and  conquered  his  right, — he  purchased  it  by  great  labour,  which  he 
bestowed  upon  it, — he  is  reigning  singly  at  the  present  day.     God  and  the  saints 
preserve  him  from  injury  ! — This  noble  Duke  died  at  Wakefield, — while  treating  of 
sweet  peace,  force  rushed  upon  him,  — the  year  sixty,  the  thirtieth  of  December, — 
He  was  fifty  years  of  age,  as  people  remember.     Praying  God,  and  the  veiy  fair 
lady — that  his  soul  may  repose  in  Paradise  !   Amen.     Chester  the  Her  aid. 1 


A  POLITICAL  RETROSPECT.- 

"  To  have  in  mynde  callyng  to  remembraunce, 

"  The  gret  wrongys  doon  of  oold  antiquite, 
"  Unrightful  heyres  by  wrong  alyaunce 

"  Usurpyngthis  royaume  caused  gret  adversite  ; 

1  Wright's  Political  Poems  and  Songs,  vol.  ii.  p.  256. 

2  This  poem,  which  appears  to  have  been  composed  in  1462  or  1463,  is  pre- 
served in  a  contemporary  manuscript  in  the  library  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries, 
No.  101,  fol.  98  ro. 


432  MAEGAEET   OF   ANJOTJ. 

"  Kyng  Richard  the  secounde,  highe  of  dignytee, 
"  Whiche  of  Ingeland  was  rightful  enheritoure, 

' '  In  whos  tyme  ther  was  habundaunee  with  plentee 
"  Of  welthe  and  evthely  joye,  withou^t  langoure. 

' '  Then  cam  Henry  of  Derby,  by  force  and  myght, 
' '  And  nndir  the  colour  of  fals  perjury 

"  He  toke  this  rightwys  kyng,  Gocldes  trew  knyght, 
' '  And  hym  in  prison  put  perpetuelly, 
' '  Pyned  to  dethe,  alas  !  f ul  pyteuxly  ; 

' '  Holy  bisshop  Scrope,  the  blyssed  conf essour, 
"  In  that  quarel  toke  hys  dethe  ful  paciently, 

' '  That  alle  the  world  spak  of  that  gret  langoure. 

"  "Whos  dethe  ys  a  very  trew  evidence 

"  To  alle  Ingeland  for  the  just  title  and  lyne, 
i '  Whiche  for  the  trowthe  by  tyranny  and  violence 

"  Was  put  doune  and  suspect  holde  venyrsyne  ; 

' '  Many  a  trew  lord  then  put  to  mortal  fyne  ; 
• '  Alway  they  have  ben  aboute  with  rigoure 

' '  The  lynaige  of  Kyng  Richard  to  undirmyne, 
"  That  longe  have  lyved  in  gret  langoure. 

"  God  smote  the  said  Henry  for  hys  gret  fersnesse, 

11  "With  a  lepre  holdyng  hym  to  hys  ende  fynally. 
' '  N ext  hym  Henry  the  fyfte,  of  knyghtly  prowesse, 

' '  Named  the  best  of  that  lyne  and  progeny, 

"  How  be  it  he  regned  unrightfully, 
' '  ^it  he  upheld  in  Ingeland  the  honnour  ; 

"  Henry  hys  sone  of  Wy[n]desore,  by  gret  foly, 
11  Alle  hathe  retoumed  unto  huge  langoure, 

' '  Call)-ng  to  mynde  the  fals  engendred  treson 
"  And  myschefz  that  were  in  hys  dayes  regnyng  ; 

"  The  good  due  of  Gloucestre,  in  the  season 
'  ■  Of  the  parlement  at  Bury  beyng, 
"  Was  put  to  dethe  ;  and  ay  sithe  gret  inornyng 

"  Hathe  ben  in  Ingeland,  with  many  a  scharp  schoure, 
"  Falshode,  myschyef,  secret  synne  upholdyng, 

"  Whiche  hathe  caused  in  Engeland  endelez  langoure. 

"  Noo  mervail  through  Engeland  hathe  ben  unhappy, 
"'  Whiche  hathe  be  mysrewled  £erys  sertaj-ne; 

"  Scripture  saith  heritage  hokhm  wrongfully 

"  Schal  never  cheve  ne  with  the  thred  heyre  rema)Tie, 
"  As  hathe  be  verified  late  ful  playne, 

1 '  Where  as  iij  kynges  have  regned  by  erroure, 

"  The  thred  put  ou£te,  and  the  right  brought  agayne, 

' '  Whos  absence  hathe  caused  endlez  lansroure. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  433 

"  Also  Scripture  saithe,  woo  be  to  that  regyon 
Where  ys  a  kyng  unwyse  or  innocent ; 

' '  Moreovyr  it  ys  right  a  gret  abusion, 
' '  A  womman  of  a  land  to  be  a  regent, 
' '  Qwene  Margrete  I  mene,  that  ever  hathe  ment 

"  To  governe  alle  Engeland  with  myght  and  poure, 
"  And  to  destroye  the  ryght  lyne  was  here  en  tent, 

' '  Wherf ore  sche  hathe  a  f al,  to  here  gret  langoure. 

"  And  now  sche  ne  rought,  so  that  sche  myght  attayne, 

' '  Though  alle  Engeland  were  brought  to  conf  usyon, 
"  Sche  and  here  wykked  affynite  certayne 

' '  Entende  uttyrly  to  destroye  thys  regioun  ; 

"  For  with  theym  ys  but  dethe  and  distruccioun, 
"  Robberye  and  vengeaunce,  with  alle  rygour, 

"  Therfore  alle  that  holde  of  that  oppynioun, 
' '  God  sende  hem  a  schort  ende  with  meche  langour. 

"  0  it  ys  gretly  agayne  kynde  and  nature, 

"  An  Englyshe  man  to  corrumpe  hys  owne  nacion, 
"  Willyng  straungiers  for  to  recure, 

' '  And  in  Engeland  to  have  the  domynacioun, 

"  Wenyng  thanne  to  be  gret  of  reputacion  ; 
"  For  sothe  they  that  soo  hope,  least  schal  be  theyre  pour  ; 

"  He  that  woold  be  high  schal  be  undir  subjeccioun, 
' '  And  the  fyrst  that  schal  repente  the  langoure. 

"  Wherf  ore  I  lykken  England  to  a  gardayne, 

' '  Whiche  that  hathe  ben  overgrowen  many  yere 
**  Withe  wedys,  whiche  must  be  mowen  doune  playne, 

"  And  then  schul  the  pleasant  swete  herbes  appere. 

' '  Wherefore  alle  trewe  Englysshe  peuple,  pray  yn  fere 
"  For  Kyng  Edward  of  Rouen,  oure  comfortoure 

"  That  he  kepe  justice  and  make  wedis  clere, 
"  Avoydyng  the  blak  cloudys  of  langoure. 

' '  A  gret  signe  it  ys  that  Grod  loveth  that  knyght, 

11  For  alle  thoo  that  woold  have  destroyed  hym  utterly, 
"  Alle  they  are  myschyeved  and  put  to  flyght, 

1 '  That  remembre  hys  fortune  with  chevalry 

"  Whiche  at  Northamptoun  gate  the  victory. 
"  And  at  Mortimers  Crosse  he  had  the  honnour  ; 

"  On  Palme  Sunday  he  wan  the  palme  of  glorye, 
' '  And  put  hys  enemyes  to  endelez  langour, 

"  And  drave  his  adversary  ou£t  of  the  lande  ; 

"  Aftyr  cam  to  Londun  and  was  crouned  K5-ng. 
"  Ryght  late  God  ^af  hym  grace  to  undirstonde, 
"  The  fals  traytours  agayne  hym  y  magynynge, 
"  The  prophecie  saithe,  there  schal  dere  hym  noo  thinge, 
•    "  He  it  ys  that  schal  wynne  castell,  towne,  and  toure  ; 
' '  Alle  rebellyous  undyr  he  schal  hem  brynge, 
"  Willyng  to  hys  highenesse  any  langoure. 
VOL.  II.  F  * 


434  MARGAEET   OF   ANJOU. 

"  Richard  the  erl  of  Warwyk,  of  knyghthode 

i '  Lodesterre,  borne  of  a  stok  that  evyr  schal  be  trewe, 

' '  Havyng  the  name  of  prowes  and  manhoode, 
"  Hathe  ay  ben  redy  to  helpe  and  resskewe 
"  Kyng  Edward,  in  hys  right  hym  to  endewe  ; 

"  The  commens  therto  have  redy  every  houre  ; 
"  The  voyx  of  the  penple,  the  voix  of  Jhesu, 

11  "Who  kepe  and  preserve  hym  from  alle  langoure. 

1 '  Now  blyssed  saint  George,  pray  the  vierge  immaculat 
11  To  be  good  mediatrix,  praying  her  sonne 

1 '  That  Edward  of  Rouen  may  be  victorieux  and  f ortunat, 
"  Withe  alle  the  trew  lordes  of  hys  regioun, 
'  •  That  they  may  se  a  good  way  and  directioun 

"  To  make  peas  in  Engeland,  that  riche  and  pouer 
"  May  joyfully  synge  at  the  conclusyon, 

11  "Welcom  everlastyng  joye,  and  farewal  langoure. 


Issue  Roll,  Michaelmas.     5  Edward  IV. 

In  money  paid  at  different  times  for  the  costs  and  expenses  of  Henry 
"Wyndsore,  late  de  facto  et  non  de  jure  King  of  England,  being  in  the 
Tower  of  London,  by  the  hands  of  Thomas  Grey  and  Richard  Hatfield ; 
viz. : — at  one  time  5  marks,  by  the  hands  of  Thomas  Grey  ;  at  a  second 
time  10  marks,  by  the  hands  of  Richard  Hatfield ;  at  ten  times 
.£32  135.  4d.,  by  the  hands  of  "William  Griffith ;  at  another  time 
5  marks,  and  at  another  time  5  marks,  by  the  hands  of  Hugh  Courtenay. 

£49  6s.  8d. 


Easter.     8  Edward  IV. 

13th  May. — To  "William  Kyniberley,  a  chaplain  attending  by  the 
King's  command  in  the  Tower  of  London,  there  daily  performing 
Divine  Service  before  Henry,  late  de  facto  et  non  de  jure  King  of 
England,  from  the  feast  of  St.  James  the  Apostle,  in  the  5th  year  of  the 
paid  present  King,  unto  the  4th  of  November,  in  the  6th  year  of  the  same 
King,  without  any  fee  or  reward  for  the  said  attendance.  In  money 
paid  to  him  by  assignment  made  this  day  by  his  own  hands,  in  dis- 
charge of  £14  10s.  7%d.,  which  the  Lord  the  King  commanded  to  be 
paid  to  the  said  "William  of  his  gift,  by  way  of  reward,  after  the  rate  of 
l\d.  per  day,  for  his  attendance  aforesaid. 

By  writ,  &c,  £14  10s.  TJrf. 


MARGARET   OF   ANJOU.  435 

Issue  Roll,  Easter.    9  Edward  IV. 

13th  May. — To  Thomas  Grey,  esquire.  In  money  paid  to  his  own 
hands  in  advance,  as  well  for  the  expenses  and  diet  of  Henry  VI.,  late 
de  facto  et  non  de  jure  King  of  England,  being  within  the  Tower  of 
London,  as  for  the  expenses  and  diet  of  the  said  Thomas  and  others 
dwelling  within  the  said  Tower  for  the  safe  custody  of  the  said  Henry. 
By  writ  of  Privy  Seal  amongst  the  mandates  of  Michaelmas  Term  in 
the  7th  year  of  the  present  King.  £lOG  13s.  4<2. 


Issue  Boll,  Easter.     11  Edward  IV. 

2±th  June. — To  Richard  Radclyf,  esquire.  In  money  paid  to  his  own 
hands,  for  the  expenses  of  Henry,  late  de  facto  et  non  de  jure  King  of 
England,  then  within  the  Tower  ;  viz. : — on  the  23rd  day  of  April  last 
past.  By  writ,  £2. 

To  Hugh  Brice.  In  money  paid  to  his  own  hands,  for  so  much  money 
expended  by  him  as  well  for  wax,  linen,  spices,  and  other  ordinary  ex- 
penses incurred  for  the  burial  of  the  said  Henry  of  Windsor,  who  died 
within  the  Tower  of  London  ;  and  for  wages  and  rewards  to  divers  men 
carrying  torches  from  the  Tower  aforesaid  to  the  cathedral  church  of 
St.  Paul's,  London,  and  from  thence  accompanying  the  body  to  Chertsey. 

By  writ,  &c,  ^15  3s.  6jrf. 

To  Bawder  Herman.  In  money  paid  to  him  in  advance,  at  different 
times,  for  the  expenses  and  daily  allowances  to  Margaret,  lately  called 
the  Queen,  and  to  other  persons  attendant  upon  the  said  Queen ;  viz. : — 
at  one  time  100s.,  at  another  time  10  marks,  at  another  time  ,£8,  at 
another  time  ,£10,  at  another  time  ,£10,  at  another  time  10  marks,  at 
another  time  £8,  for  such  expenses  and  allowances. 

By  general  writ  current,  &c,  £54  6s.  8d. 

To  William  Mulsho,  esquire.  In  money  paid  to  his  own  hands,  for 
the  ordinary  costs  and  expenses  of  the  said  Margaret  from  the  22nd 
of  September,  in  the  11th  year  of  the  present  King,  unto  the  6th  Oc- 
tober then  next  following,  for  two  weeks,  after  the  rate  of  5  marks  for 
each  week.  By  writ,  &c,  £6  13s.  4c?. 


Roll  of  Accounts,  Easter.     15  Edward  IV. 

To  Richard  Haute,  esquire,  paid  as  a  reward  for  the  costs  and  ex- 
penses incurred  by  him  for  conducting  Margaret,  lately  called  the  Queen, 
from  London  to  the  town  of  Sandwich,  by  the  King's  command,  paid  by 
the  hands  of  Thomas  Seventhorp.  £20. 

f  f  2 


436  MAEGAEET    OF    AXJOU. 

(See  Chapter  X.  p.  406.) 

A  learned  dissertation  was  written  by  M.  Floquet  of  Ronen,  after  a 
laborious  examination  of  authentic  documents,  and  giving  an  interest- 
ing picture  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The  author  speaks  of  the  origin  of  the 
privilege,  and  Bays,  "  that  the  dragon  of  St.  Eomain,  which  was  carried  in 
"  the  procession,  and  formed  an  important  point  in  the  ancient  tradi- 
';  tion.  was  nothing  else  but  idolatry,  to  which  the  holy  Bishop  of  Rouen, 
"  St.  Eomain,  gave  the  last  blow  :  that  in  many  other  cities  in  France, 
"  the  bishops  who  had  successfully  struggled  against  idolatry,  heresy,  or 
"  error  were  looked  upon  as  the  vanquishers  of  serpents  and  dragons, 
"  and  were  represented  in  that  attitude  on  numberless  monuments." 

In  a  curious  work  by  Eusebe  Salverte,1  he  thus  expresses  himself  : — 
Ci  The  struggle  of  good  against  evil,  of  light  against  darkness,  of  virtue 

gainst  vice,  of  civilization  against  barbarism,  of  truth  against  error,  is 
"  as  old  as  the  world;  the  ancients  were  well  acquainted  with  it. 

u  Desirous  of  glorifying  and  rendering  sensible  to  all  the  triumph  of 
"  virtue  aud  truth,  they  imagined  and  represented  their  gods,  their 
11  heroes,  and  denri-gods,  annihilating  monsters,  who  had  become  the 
11  terror  of  the  people.  Apollo  and  the  serpent  Python,  Jason  and  the 
"  dragon  of  Colchis,  Hercules,  Perseus,  Anubis,  are  represented  under 
u  these  emblems  on  all  the  monuments  of  Greece  and  Egypt.  From 
"  thence  they  passed  into  the  writings  of  poets  and  historians.  If  then, 
"  in  the  time  of  pagans,  the  genius  of  good  and  light,  personified  under 
tt  the  features  of  a  heavenly  spirit  triumphing  over  the  genius  of  evil,  of 
"  vice,  and  darkness,  under  the  figure  of  a  serpent,  was  a  familiar  image 
"  represented  on  numerous  monuments,  it  is  easy  to  conceive  the  eager- 
"  ness  with  which  Christians,  at  the  fall  of  polytheism,  adopted  this 
K  image,  so  conformable  to  the  language,  the  spirit,  and  the  origin  of  the 
"  new  religion. 

"  Genesis  offers  it  under  the  form  of  the  woman  crushing  the  head  of 
"  the  serpent.  The  Apocalypse  represents  Michael  the  archangel  and 
,c  the  dragon — the  old  serpent  called  the  Devil — in  chains. 

"  The  ceremonies  called  the  Rogations,  of  the  5th  century,  made  this 
M  subject  more  familiar  to  the  people,  who,  seeing  in  the  processions 
"  the  wiuged  dragons,  images  of  the  demon,  came  to  consider  them  as 
K  the  representations  of  dragons  of  flesh  and  bone,  vanquished  by  the 
';  bishops  more  particularly  reverenced  in  their  diocese.  Such  were  the 
'•'  dragons  of  Tarascon,  Poitiers,  Metz,  Troves,  Rheims,  Louvaine,  and 
u  Paris.  As  each  cathedral  church  had  its  dragon  borne  in  procession, 
"  so  each  cathedral  had  its  holy  bishop,  the  conqueror  of  a  dragon  or 
"  monstrous  serpent,  from  which  he  delivered  the  countiy.  Such  were 
"  St.  George  and  the  dragon,  the  knights  of  France,  Italy,  and  Corinth. 
"According  to  all  the  legends,  all  these  heroes  vanquished  dragons. 
'•'  This,  then,  represents  an  allegory  received  in  all  times  and  in  all 
"'places — the  triumph  of    the  heavenly  conqueror,  of  the  principle  of 

1  Paris,  IS 29. 


MAKGAKET   OF   ANJOU.  437 

"  good  and  light,  over  the  principle  of  darkness  and  evil,  figured  by  a 
"  serpent  as  the  pagans  say, but  as  the  Christian  expresses  it,  the  triumph 
"  of  truth  over  error,  of  the  Christian  religion  over  polytheism, — in 
"  popular  language,  of  God  over  the  devil." 

M.  Floquet  divides  his  history  into  three  parts.  First,  from  the 
earliest  times  to  1512,  in  which  year  Louis  XII.  gave  two  edicts  confirm- 
atory of  the  privilege.  Secondly,  from  1512  to  1591,  when  Henry  IV. 
modified  the  privilege,  refusing  it  to  those  who  were  guilty  of  rape, 
murder  with  malice  prepense,  heresy,  high  treason,  assassination,  coin- 
ing, and  the  issue  of  false  coin.  Thirdly,  from  1591  to  1797,  its  final 
abolition.  By  some  the  origin  of  it  is  carried  back  to  the  seventh 
century. 


Prayers  for  the  Dead. 

In  the  annals  of  the  15th  century  frequent  mention  is  made  of  large 
sums  of  money  bequeathed  by  wealthy  individuals  for  the  celebration  of 
masses  for  the  good  estate  of  the  King,  Queen,  and  Prince  of  Wales,  and 
for  themselves  and  relations.  Thus  were  prayers  for  the  dead  and  living 
mingled  together  as  in  the  following : — 

"This  William  de  Botreaux,  by  his  deeds  bearing  date  23rd  Sep- 
fa  tember  (37th  of  King  Henry  VI.),  gave  this  manor  of  Yeovelton,  with 
"  certain  lands,  to  the  parish  of  Camerton  in  this  county,  to  the  prior 
"  and  convent  of  St.  Peter's  at  Bath,  for  a  mass  to  be  daily  celebrated 
"  for  the  good  estate  of  King  Henry  VI.,  Queen  Margaret  his  wife,  and 
"  Edward  then  Prince  of  Wales,  as  also  for  the  good  estate  of  him  the 
"  said  William,  and  Margaret  at  that  time  his  wife,  and  after  this  life 
"  for  the  health  of  their  souls  ;  likewise,  every  Sunday  in  the  year,  for 
"  mass  de  Sancta  Trinitate  ;  on  Monday,  de  Sanctis  Angelis ;  on  Tuesday, 
11  de  Omnibus  Sanctis;  on  Wednesday,  de  Sancta  Maria  Magdalene;  on 
"  Thursday,  de  SS.  Petro  and  Paulo  Aiiostles  ;  on  Friday,  de  Epiphanim 
"  Domine ;  and  on  Saturday,  the  like  mass  de  St  Maria.  Likewise, 
"  that  three  days  before  Easter  (when  mass  shall  not  be  said)  for  the 
"  distribution  of  six  pence  to  the  poor  of  Bath  in  bread,  so  that  each 
"  poor  man  might  have  the  value  of  a  farthing,  and  that  each  priest, 
"  monk,  or  secular  saying  mass  weekly  should  toll  a  bell  in  that  mo- 
"  nastery  thrice  (the  said  bell  to  be  called  Botreaux  bell),  and  att  the 
"  introite  of  the  mass  say  with  a  loud  voice,  '  Ye  shall  pray  for  the  good 
" '  estate  of  our  Sovereign  lord  the  King,  Henry  Sixth,  and  of  our 
"  e  sovereign  lady  the  Queen,  and  of  Prince  Edward,  and  of  William 
"  '  Lord  Botreaux  and  Margaret  his  wife  while  they  live,  and  for  their 
"  '  souls  after  they  be  departed  out  of  this  world  :  and  for  the  soul 
u  (  of  Elizabeth,  late  the  wife  of  the  said  William  Lord  Botreaux,  and 
"  '  for  his  fader's  soul,  and  his  moder's  soul,  and  his  grand-fader's  soul, 
"  '  and  his  grandam's  ;  and  for  all  the  souls  which  the  said  lord  will 
" '  assign  them  to  pray  for,  in  writing,  and  for  all  his  ancestors'  souls, 
"  '  and  all  Christian  souls,  Pater  noster  thrice,  and  Ave  Maria,  with  this 
"  '  psalm,  "  De  profundis  clamasi,"  &c,  with  a  low  voice,'  and  that  the 
"  priest  saying  such  mass  shall  daily  receive  twopence,  and  the  consent 


438  MARGARET    OF    ANJOU. 

"  of  that  monastery  to  receive  from  the  prior,  for  the  obit  of  the  said 
"  Lord  and  Elizabeth  his  late  wife,  to  be  performed  in  albis  before  the 
"  altar  of  the  Holy  Trinity  forty  shillings,  to  be  equally  divided  amongst 
"  them,  &c.  &c.'51 


Remarkable  Events  of  the  Fifteenth  Century. 

1407.         In  the  year  1407  the  plague  raged  in  London,  and  swept  away  above 

30,000  inhabitants.2 
1435.         The  river  Thames  frozen  over. 
1438.         This  year,  1438,  was  remarkable  for  a  cruel  famine,  which  made 

dreadful  havoc  in  England  and  in  France  at  the  same  period,  and  was 

followed  by  the  plague.3 

1445.  A  pestilence  in  London,  in  1445,  caused  the  prorogation  of  Parliament 
from  the  5th  of  June  to  the  20th  of  October. 

1446.  The  Library  of  the  Vatican  at  Rome  was  founded  in  1446. 

1446.  In  1446,  at  a  wedding  near  Zeghebreie,  died  of  extreme  surfeiting  by 

drinking,  nine  score  persons,  men  and  women. 

1454.  In  this  year  Sir  John  Norman,  a  draper,  being  Lord  Mayor,  intro- 

duced the  water-procession  to  Westminster,  which  was  so  great  an 
imjDrovement  on  the  former  ones  by  land  that  the  citizens,  to  express 
their  satisfaction,  sung  a  ballad  to  the  honour  of  their  civic  magistrate, 
"  Row  thy  boat,  Norman,"  &c.4 

1454.  In  June  of  this  year,  1454,  previous  to  the  rise  of  the  Yorkists,  a 
blazing  star  was  to  be  seen,  which  extended  its  beams  to  the  south.5 

1455.  A  comet  appeared  called  the  "Stella  Cometa,"  which  was  seen  betwixt 
the  north  and  east,  extending  its  beams  to  the  south. 

1458.  Another  blazing  star  was  to  be  seen  in  1458.6 

1458.  In  this  year  the  passage  round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  was  discovered 
by  Vasco  di  Gamo. 

1459.  A  year  of  great  scarcity  in  France,  and  of  great  mortality  in  other 
places  (was  1459) ;  also  an  earthquake  is  spoken  of  by  Fabyan  in  1457.7 

1477.         The  Plague  in  London,  when  more  lives  were  lost  than  in  the  fifteen 
years'  war. 


A  document,  copied  from  a  manuscript  in  the  Harleian  Library,  gives 
the  following  statement  of  the  individuals  of  distinction  who  perished  in 
the  quarrel  of  the  Roses  during  a  period  of  54  years  : — 
Kings. 

Henry  6th  .         .         .        slain  in  the  Tower. 

Edward  5th  ...  in  the  same. 

Richard  3rd  ...  at  Bosworth  Field. 

1  Collinson's  Hist,  of  Somersetshire. 

2  Rapin.  3  Raleigh's  Hist,  of  England. 
4  Lond.  Chron.  5  Howel  ;  Baker. 

6  Lond.  Chron.  '  Monstrelet ;  Fabyan. 


MARGARET    OF   ANJOU. 


439 


Dukes. 

Of  Gloucester    ....        slain  at  Bury. 

Suffolk 

on  the  sea. 

Somerset 

at  St.  Alban's. 

York  .... 

Wakefield. 

Somerset 

Hexham. 

Somerset 

Tewkesbury. 

Buckingham 

Northampton. 

Exeter 

at  sea. 

Clarence 

in  the  Tower. 

Buckingham 

at  Salisbury. 

York     . 

in  the  Tower. 

Norfolk 

at  Bosworth  Field. 

Marquess. 

Of  Montague at  Barnet. 

Earls. 

Of  Northumberland           .        .        .        at  St.  Alban's. 

Oxford 

the  Tower  Hill. 

Wiltshire      . 

Mortimer's  Cross 

Devonshire   . 

York. 

Northumberland 

Taunton. 

Devonshire   . 

Tewkesbury. 

Warwick 

Barnet. 

Worcester 

on  Tower  Hill. 

Salisbury 

at  Pomfret. 

Devonshire   . 

Bridgewater. 

Rivers  . 

Daventry. 

Rivers  . 

Pomfret. 

Pembroke 

Northampton. 

Rutland 

Wakefield. 

Lincoln 

Stokefield. 

Warwick 

the  Tower  Hill. 

Shrewsbury 

Northampton. 

Viscount. 

Beaumont at  Northampton. 

Barons. 

Lord  St.  John        ...                 .at  Tewkesbury. 

Clifford         .         .      •  . 

St.  Alban's. 

Clifford 

Taunton  Fields. 

Fitzwalter     . 

Ferry  Bridge. 

Wells    .... 

Taunton  Fields. 

Egremont 

Northampton. 

Lovel    . 

Stokefield. 

Roffe     .... 

Hexham. 

Hungerford 

Salisbury. 

440 


MAEGAEET   OF    AXJOU. 


Barons. 
Lord  Weu lock 
Audley 
Wells    . 

Willoiiirlibv 
Rugeniond  Guy 
Stolis    . 
Daivrie  . 
Latimer 
Audley 
Hastii:  g 
Fitzwalter 
Boiiliill 
Cromwell 
Save 
Ferris   . 


lain  at  Tewkesbury. 
Blore  Heath. 
Lincoln. 
Stamford. 
Leicester. 
London. 
Taunton. 
Banbury. 
Tower  Hill, 
in  the  Tower. 
at  Daly-;. 
St.  Alban's. 
Bamet. 
Barnet 
Bosworth  Field.1 


Grapliia  Illlustrata,  coined  from  a  manuscript  in  the  Harleian  Library. 


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CONTEMPORARY    SOVEREIGNS. 


Date. 

ANJOtJ. 

France. 

England. 

Papal  States. 

768 

778 
795 

Thierri. 

Charlemagne. 

Leo  III. 

800 

Egbert  the  Great. 

814 

Louis  I., 
"leDebonnaire." 

816 

Stephen  V. 
Paschal  I. 

817 

824 

Eugene  II. 
Valentine. 

827 

Ethelwolf. 

Gregory  IV. 

836 

840 

Charles  the  Bald, 
« le  Chauve." 

844 

Upper.       Lower. 

Ser^ius  II. 

845 
847 

Eobert. 

Leo  IV. 

851 
855 

Erispoe. 

Benedict  III. 

857 

Ethelbald   

Ethelbert. 
Ethelred  I. 

858 

Nicholas  I. 

860 

866 

867 

Eucles. 

Adrian  II. 

871 

Alfred  ye  Great. 

873 

John  VIII. 

877 

Louis  II., 

the  Stammerer. 
Louis  III.  and 

Carloman. 

879 

882 

Ingelger 

Martin  II. 

884 

Charles  the  Fat... 

Adrian  III. 

885 

Stephen  VI. 

887 

Eudes. 

888 
891 

Foulques  "  le  Roux." 

Formosus. 

896 

Boniface  VI. 

Stephen  VII. 

897 

Romanus. 

898 

Charles  the  Simple 

Theodore  II. 

John  IX. 

900 

Edward  y«  Elder 

Benedict  IV. 

903 

Leo.  V. 

Christopher. 

904 

Sergius  III. 

444 


CONTEMPORARY   SOVEREIGNS. 


Date. 

An  j  or. 

France. 

England. 

I 

Papal  States. 

911 

Anastasius 

913 

Lando 

914 

John  X. 

922 

Robert  I. 
Ralph. 

Athelstan. 

923 

924 

928 

Leo.  VI. 

929 

Stephen  VIII. 
John  XI 

931 

936 

Louis  IV 

Leo  VII. 

938 
939 

Foulques  "  le  Bon." 

Stephen  IX. 

940 

Edmund. 

942 

Martin  II. 

946 

Edred 

Edwy. 

Agapet  II. 

954 

Lothaire. 

955 

956 

John  XII. 

958 
959 

Geoffrey  "  Grise 
Gonelle." 

Edgar. 

964 

Benedict  V. 

965 

John  XIII. 

972 

Benedict  VI. 

973 

Domnus  II. 

974 

Benedict  VII. 

1 

975 

Edward  ye  Martyr. 
Ethelred  II. 

978 

983 

John  XIV. 

985 



John  XV. 

John  XVI. 

986 

Louis  V. 
Hugh  Capet. 
Robert  ye  Pious... 

987 
996 

Foulques  "Nerra" 

Gregory  V. 
Sylvester  II. 
John  XVII. 

999 

1003 



John  XVIII. 

1009 

Sergius  IV. 

1012 

Benedict  VI1L 

1016 

Edmund  Ironside. 
Canute  ye  Great. 

1017 

1024 

John  XIX. 

1031 
1033 

Henry  I. 

Benedict  LX. 

1036 

Harold  Harefoot. 
Hardicanute. 
Edward    ye    Con- 
fsssor. 

1040  i 

Geoffrey  "Martel" 

1042 

1044 

Gregory  VI. 

1046 

Clement  II. 

1048 

Damascus  II. 

Leo  IX. 

1055 

Victor  II. 

1057 

Stephen  X. 

1058 

Xicholas  II. 

1060 
1061 

Foulques  IV., 
"  le  Rechin  " 

Philip  I. 

Alexander  II. 

1066  : 

Harold  II. 

CONTEMPORARY   SOVEREIGNS. 


445 


Date. 

Anjou. 

France. 

England. 

Papal  States. 

1066 

William  I. 

1073 

Gregory  VII. 
Victor  III. 

1086 

1087 

William  II. 

1088 

Urban  II. 

1099 

Pascal  II. 

1100 

Louis  VI. 

Henry  I. 

1108 

1109 
1118 

Foulques  V. 

Gelasius  II. 

1119 

Calixtus  II. 

1124 

Honorius  II. 

1130 

Innocent  II. 

1131 
1135 

Geoffrey    Planta- 
genet 

Stephen. 

1137 

Louis  VII. 

1143 

Celestine  II. 

1144 

Lucius  II. 

1145 

Eugene  III. 

1153 



Anastasius  IV. 

1154 

Adrian  IV. 

1159 

. 

Alexander  III. 

1180 

Philip  II., 

Augustus. 

1181 

Lucius  III. 

1185 

j 

Urban  III. 

1187 

Gregory  VIII. 
Clement  III. 

j 

1189 

Richard  I. , "  Coeur 
de  Lion." 

1191 

Celestine  III. 

1199 



John    

Crown  of  France. 

John. 

Henry  III 

1203 
1216 

Louis  VIII. 
Louis  IX.,  Saint. 

Honorius  III. 

1223 

•» 

1226 

1227 

Gregory  IX. 

1241 

Celestine  IV. 

1243 



Innocent  IV. 

1246 
1254 

Charles  I. 

Alexander  IV. 

1261 

Urban  IV. 

1265 

Clement  IV. 

1270 
1271 

Philip  III., ye  Bold. 

Gregory  X. 

1272 

Edward  I. 

1276 

Innocent  V. 

Adrian  V. 

?> 

John  XX. 

5» 

1277 

Nicholas  III. 

1281 

Martin  IV. 

1285 

Charles  I 

Philip  IV.,  ye  Fair 

Honorius  IV. 

1288 

Nicholas  IV. 

1290 
1294 

Charles    III.,     of 
Valois. 

Celestine  V. 

Boniface  VIII. 

1303 

Benedict  XI. 

446 


CONTEMPORARY   SOVEREIGNS. 


Date. 

Anjou. 

France. 

England. 

Papal  States. 

1305 

Clement  V. 

1307 

Edward  II. 

1314 

Louis  X. 

John  I. 

Philip  V.,  y«  Tall 

Charles  IV.,  y9  Fair. 

1316 

John  XXI 

1322 

Edward  III. 

1325 
1327 

Philip  VI.,  of 
Valois. 

1328 

Philip  VI.,  of 
Valois. 

1332 
1334 

John  II.,  ye  Good. 

Benedict  XII 

1342 

Clement  VI. 

1350 

John  II.,  ye  Good. 

1352 

Innocent  VI. 

1356 
1363 

Louis  I. 

Urban  V. 

1364 

Charles  V. 



Richard  II. 

1371 

Gregory  XI. 

1377 

1378 

Urban  VI.  —Cle- 

1380 

Charles  VI. 

ment  VII. 

1384 
1390 

Louis  II. 

Boniface  IX. 

1394 



Benedict  XIII. 

1399 



Henry  IV. 

1404 

Innocent  VII. 

1406 

Gregory  XII. 
Alexander  V. 

1409 

1410 

John  XII. 

1413 

Henry  V. 

1417 

Louis  III. 

Martin  V. 

1422 

Charles  VII. 

Henry  VI. 

1431 

Eugene  IV. 
Nicholas  V. 

1434 
1447 

Rene. 

1455 

; 

Calixtus  III. 

1458 

Pius  II. 

1461 



Louis  XI. 

Edward  IV. 

1464 

Paul  II. 

1471 

i 

SixtusIV. 

1480 
1481 

Charles  of  Maine. 
Louis  XI. 

THE    END. 


BRADBURY.    EVANS.    AND    CO.,    PRINTERS,    WHITEFRIARS. 


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FORM  104 


?VfcV3 


HI 

;EF 
CR 

SR 

REF 

CIR 


DA  Hookham,  Mary  Ann. 

247  The  life  and  times  of  Margaret 

.M3  of  Anjou,  queen  of  England  and 

H7  France  : 

v.2 

IMS 


PONT.fsCAL    INSTiTUTF 
OF     MEDIAEVAL    STUDIED 

59    queen's    park 
Idhonto    5.    Canada