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a.d. 1455-1459. 


The battle of St. Alban's— King Henry's illness— York again " Pro- 
tector" — The King and Queen go to Coventry — They invite the 
Lords to repair thither — Invasions of the French and Scots — The 
reconciliation of the Lords — Their procession to St. Paul's— An 
affray — Warwick assaulted — Salisbury takes up arms — The battle 
of Bloreheath — Lord Audley is slain — Ludlow spoiled — Parliament 
held at Coventry — Yorkists attainted — Rebellion in Kent— The 
insurgents enter London 1 


a.d. 1460-1461. 

The battle of Northampton — The Tower of London besieged — Death of 
Lord Scales — The Duke of York's claims discussed in Parliament 
— York becomes absolute — Queen Margaret flies to Durham, Wales, 
and Scotland — She excites the northern barons to take up arms — 
The battle of Wakefield— The Duke of York killed— Battle of 
Mortimer's Cross— Second battle of St. Alban's — Edward, son of the 
Duke of York, proclaimed King . . . . . . .68 


a.d. 1461-1464. 

The Queen raises a large army — Yorkists defeated at Ferrybridge — 
Battle of Towton — King Henry, his Queen, and their son fly to 
Scotland— They are well received by the Scots — Incursions in 
England — Henry repulsed at Durham — A defeat in Wales — King 
Edward's first Parliament — Somerset submits to Edward — Lord 
Oxford beheaded — Queen Margaret goes to France — Death of 
Charles VII. and of his wife, Marie of Anjou— Louis XL lends 
money to Queen Margaret, and some troops, headed by Pierre de 
Breze — They return with the Queen to England — They take several 
castles, but are repulsed by the Yorkists — A shipwreck — Warwick 
retakes the castles — Margaret in Scotland — Breze departs . . 112 



a.d. 1464-1465. 


Battles of Hedgely Moor and Hexham — King Edward's treatment of 
the Lords — The Queen's adventure in the forest — She escapes to 
Flanders, and settles in Lorraine with her son — Education of Prince 
Edward — Sir John Fortescue — The distress of the Lancastrians — 
King Rene's tastes and occupations — The Tournaments — The Order 
of the Crescent — Death of Isabella of Lorraine — Rene's war with 
the Genoese — Marriage of Rene to Jeanne de Laval — King Henry's 
concealment in "Wales and elsewhere — He is discovered, and brought 
to London — 111 treatment of him by "Warwick — He conducts him 
through London — Heriry VI. in prison in the Tower . . .161 


a.d. 1465-1470. 

King Edward's marriage — Warwick offended — The "Widdevilles are 
promoted — Jealousy of the nobility — Marriage of the sister of 
King Edward — Warwick's revenge — His plot against Edward — He 
marries his daughter to Clarence — Insurrection in Yorkshire — 
Battle of Banbury — Earl Rivers and his son beheaded — King Ed- 
ward taken prisoner— He escapes — A rising under Sir Robert Wells 
— Lord Wells beheaded — The battle of Ernpyngham — Warwick and 
Clarence, with their families, fly to Devonshire — Sail from Dart- 
mouth — Land at Honfleur — They go to Amboise — Louis XL sends 
for Queen Margaret — She is reconciled to Warwick, and Prince 
Edward marries Lady Ann — Warwick returns to England, and 
restores Henry VI. to the throne 210 


a.d. 1470-1471. 

Rejoicings in France— Queen Margaret's reception in Paris — Burgundy's 
discontent — King Edward at the Hague — Parliament called by 
Warwick — Edward's party attainted — The Earl of Worcester be- 
headed — "Warwick sends for Margaret, and waits for her at Dover 
— The league " du bien public" — Rene's conduct — John of Anjou 
in Spain — His death — Rene's letters, genius, paintings, writings — 
His good nature and love of his people — His Institutions— The 
Duke of Burgundy's policy — Affairs in England — Edward returns 
and lands in Yorkshire — Warwick opposes him — Clarence joins his 
brother— Restoration of Edward IV. — His affability— King Henry 
sent to the Tower 263 



A.D. 1471. 


Battle of Barnet — Warwick killed — Edward enters London in triumph 
— Queen Margaret lands at Weymouth — She takes refuge at Cearn — 
Then at Beaulieu — Her alarm for her son's safety — She goes to Bath 
— The Lords assemble the Lancastrian forces — King Edward col- 
lects his army — Battle of Tewkesbury — Somerset and others taken 
prisoners and executed — Murder of Prince Edward — Queen Mar- 
garet taken prisoner — Sir John Fortescue taken, and set free — The 
Queen led in triumph to London, and imprisoned in the Tower — 
Henry VI. murdered — His burial — His own choice of the place of 
his sepulture — Three parties claim the right of the interment of his 
body — A licence granted by the Pope for his removal — The design 
of Henry VII. and Henry VIII. to repair his tomb— His character 292 


a.d. 1471-1480. 

Queen Margaret in prison in the Tower— Removed to Windsor — Then 
to Wallingford — Rene's age and misfortunes— Death of Charles of 
Anjou, and of Ferri de Vaudemont ; also the death of Nicholas of 
Anjou— Louis XI. seizes on Anjou — Rene retires to Provence — His 
pursuits, tastes, and disposition — Rene's letter to Queen Margaret 
— Louis XI. meets Rene at Lyons — Rene appoints Charles of Maine 
his heir — Cession of the rights of Rene — Louis treats with King 
Edward — Margaret's ransom — She leaves England — Yields up all 
her rights — Her melancholy — Rene at Gardane — He instructs his 
grand-daughter — The defeat and death of "Charles the Bold" by 
the Duke of Lorraine — Rent's illness — Death — Will — Removal of 
his body — Interment, monument, and epitaph — Rene's Institutions 
— His character — Charles of Anjou his successor — His death— 
Louis XL his heir 330 


a.d. 1480-1482. 

Queen Margaret's second cession to Louis XI. — Her pension — Her re* 
sidence atDampierre — Her last days — Her death, burial, and will — 
The cathedral of St. Maurice — Character of Queen Margaret — The 
sequel to Jeanne de Laval, Yoland of Anjou, Margaret of Lorraine, 
Cecily Duchess of York, Elizabeth Woodville, and other prominent 
characters, in conclusion S68 




Review of the fifteenth century — Causes of the Wars of " the Roses " — 
Religion, politics, arts and sciences, literature, manners, and 
customs ........... 384 




(Warwick to Plantagenet.) " In signal of my love to thee, 
" Will I upon thy party wear the rose ; 
" And here I prophesy — this brawl to-day, 
" Grown to this faction in the Temple Gardens, 
" Shall send, between the Red rose and the White 
" A thousand souls to death, and deadly night."* — Shakespeare. 

White and Red Roses— Battle of St. Alban's— Somerset is slain — The Yorkists 
conduct the King to London — King Henry's illness — York made " Pro- 
tector " — Henry recovers, and York is deprived of his office — He retires 
into Yorkshire — He consults with the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick 
— The King and Queen go to Coventry — Margaret's stratagem, and 
her attempt to reconcile the two parties — They come to London — The 
reconciliation and procession to St. Paul's — The Yorkists withdraw 
from Court — An affray in London — Warwick assaulted — Salisbury takes 
up arms — Battle of Blackheath — Lord Audley slain — Queen Margaret 
assembles a large army at Coventry —Remonstrates with the King, 
who advances to Ludlow — He offers pardon to the rebels — Complaints 
of the Yorkists — The Duke of York's stratagem — Trollop goes over to 
the King, and the Yorkists disperse — The castle and town of Ludlow 
spoiled — A Parliament held at Coventry — The Yorkists attainted — 
The Duke of York in Ireland — Somerset sent to gain Calais — Inter- 
view between York and W r arwick in Ireland — The punishment of the 
Yorkists — Rebellion of the Kentishmen, who are joined by the Lords 
from Calais — An army of 25,000 march to London — The gates of the 
city are thrown open to receive them. 

The two contending parties had assumed the badge 
of a rose ; a white one being borne by the Yorkists, 
whilst a red one distinguished the party of the Lan- 
castrians. It seems strange that so lovely a flower, 

* Shakespeare seems to have chosen from tradition, rather than history* 
the locality of the Temple Gardens, as the scene where the two badges were 
first assumed by the Yorkists and Lancastrians. 




always emblematical of beauty, of innocence, and of 
love, should in those days have been used as the 
badge of destruction, hatred, and bloodshed ; but it 
affords another instance amongst the many of man's 
perversion of the good gifts in nature, when excited 
by his passions to the destruction of his fellow-men in 
civil warfare. 

As early as the time of John of Ghent, the rose 
was used as an heraldic emblem ; and when he mar- 
ried Blanche, the daughter of the Duke of Lancaster, 
he used the red rose for his device. Edmund of Lang- 
ley, his brother, the fifth son of Edward III., adopted 
the white rose in opposition to him ; and their fol- 
lowers afterwards maintained these distinctions in the 
bloody wars of the fifteenth century. There is, how- 
ever, no authentic account of the precise period when 
these badges were first adopted. The " House of 
" Clifford" bore the white rose, being descended by a 
female line from Edmund of Langley. We are further 
told that the white rose was the device of the castle 
of Clifford, one of the possessions of the Duke of York. 
The bads;e of the House of York was first the white 
falcon, and it was not until the time of his claiming 
the crown that the Duke of York adopted the white 
rose, when it is probable he chose it for his followers 
from its contrast to that of his rival.* 
1455. In the town of St. Alban's, on the 23rd of May, 

Baker • . 

HoHnshed; 1455, was fought the first battle in the memorable 

Sandford. ' ^^ of the Roseg> 

* The white dog-rose, " rosa arrensis," which is most common in the west 
of Yorkshire, has been generally named as the rebel rose ; but both white and 
red were rebellious emblems, as the blood of our ancestors has proved. Some 
have said that during the civil wars a rose-tree, found at Longfleet, bore 
white flowers on one side and red ones on the other, prognosticating the 
union of the two Houses ; also, that after the marriage of Henry VII. a 
rose was first seen with red and white petals, called the " York and Lan- 
caster," an emblem of that happy union. — Sandford ; Pennant ; Londiniana ; 
Willemonfs Regal Heraldry ; Camden's Remains ; Phillips 's Sylva Florifcra. 


The two armies met on level ground, where there 
appeared to be no impediment to fighting, and an 
ens;a2;ement seemed inevitable. Before its commence- 
ment King Henry sent a herald to the Duke of York, 
commanding him to keep the peace as a dutiful sub- 
ject, and thus to avoid the shedding of blood. To 
this the Duke, who, in all his actions sought to make 
it appear that he was consulting the public good, 
replied, that he would dismiss his troops if the King- 
would deliver up the Duke of Somerset to submit to 
the ordinary course of justice. The King refused, 
declaring, with firmness, " That, sooner than abandon 
" one of the Lords who was faithful to him, he was 
" prepared that day to live or die in their quarrel." 
Thus was the Duke's offer rejected, the Court only 
regarding it as a vain pretext ; and finding no other 
way to accommodate their differences but by the 
sword, both parties prepared for battle. 

The King's banner was placed in St. Peter's Street. 
The attack was commenced in three places by the 
insurgents, who, headed by the Earl of Warwick, 
vigorously pressed the royalists, shouting the tre- 
mendous name of their leader, as they broke in 
through the gardens into Holywell Street. The 
Duke of York also entered the town, when a dread- 
ful fight ensued. The suddenness as well as the 
force of the assault had thrown the royalists into 
great confusion, and the Duke of Somerset found it 
impossible to repair the disorder. The opportunity, 
indeed, was scarcely afforded him, for the Duke of 
York, perceiving the advantage which his friend had 
gained, seconded him with so much alacrity that the 
battle was quickly decided, with the loss of 5,000, or 
as some say, 8,000 * men, on the side of the royalists. 

* Pennant says orders had been given by the King, or Queen, that no 
quarter should be given. Authors differ much in their computations. Some 

b 2 


Many of the chief nobility were slain. Amongst 
those who fell were the commander, the Duke of 
Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland (son of the 
noted Hotspur), Humphrey Earl of Stafford, the 
valiant John Lord Clifford, who had defended the 
barriers, and several others of less note. The Duke 
of Buckingham, the Lords Dorset, Dudley, and Wen- 
lock, with others, who were also wounded, withdrew 
from the battle, and thus the defeat was complete.* 

King Henry, finding himself deserted by his chief 
nobility, and having received a wound in the neck 
with an arrow, retired to a neighbouring dwelling, 
which was quickly invested. The Duke of York, 
with the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, hastened 
thither, and, throwing themselves on their knees 
before their Sovereign, with mock humility assured 
him of their readiness to obey all his commands, now 
that their common enemy, the " Traitor " Somerset 
was no more. The affrighted monarch exclaimed, 
" Let there be no more killing, and Til do what you 
" will have me ! ' A retreat was immediately sounded, 
and King Henry was conducted by the Duke of York, 
first to the shrine of St. Alban's, and afterwards to 

The lively interest so universally felt for the King 
was evinced on this occasion. A letter written im- 
mediately after this battle ends thus : — " And as for 
11 our sovereign Lord, thanked be God he hath no 
" great harm." This first battle of St. Alban's was 
chiefly gained by the archers. The Duke of Somerset 

sr.y that many thousands were slain in this battle. One writer tells us 800 
common men, besides the nobles. A letter, dated the day after the battle, 
reduces the number to six score. The day of the battle has also varied ; by 
some it is placed on the 2nd, 22nd, 23rd, or 28th of May. 

* Baker ; Holinshed ; Hall ; Fabian ; Rapin ; Carte ; Harding's Chron. ; 
Milles's Catalogue ; Sandford ; Pennant ; Henry ; Daniel ; Stow ; Lond. 
Chron. ; Howel ; Toplis ; Lingard ; Hume ; Paston Letters ; Ptot. Pari. ; 
Bridge's Xorthampt. ; Phillips's Shrewsbury. 


lost his life beneath the sign of the "Castle," thus 
fulfilling the prophecy of Margery Jourdemayne, the 
" witch of Eye," which has thus been given by 
Shakespeare : — 

" Let him shun castles, 

" Safer shall he be on the sandy plains, 

" Than where castles mounted stand."* 

In the chapel of St. Mary, at St. Alban's, were interred 
the bodies of Somerset, Northumberland, Clifford, and 
others, to the number of forty-seven, slain in this 
battle. | 

Theiimid monks of St. Alban's Abbey had anxiously 
" listened to the clash of arms and the groans of the 
" wounded, and on the morning after the battle issued 
" from their cells to behold the melancholy spectacle. 
" The maimed and mangled corpses lay in the streets, 
" transfixed with barbed darts, which had made such 
" havoc amidst the partisans of the red rose." Fear- 
ful of offending the victor, these monks would not 
remove the bodies of the slain, until permission had 
been given them. Then the pious brethren performed 
their obsequies, and interred them in a line in the 
chapel, each one of the nobles and others according 
to their birth and rank. J 

Sir Philip Wentworth, who had borne the King's 
standard in the field, cast it down and fled ; thus he 
drew upon himself the contempt of all parties by this 
base desertion of the royal colours. The Duke of Nor- 
folk, although on the Yorkist side, would have hanged 
him for his cowardice, had he not concealed himself in 
Suffolk, not daring to appear before the King. § 

In the reverse of fortune which King Henry at this 

* Baker ; Holinshed ; Sandford ; Toplis ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Howel ; 
Paston Letters ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Lingard. 
f Pol. Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pennant ; Daniel. 
X Wethamstede ; Gough. 
§ Paston Letters. 



Catalogue ; 



time experienced, he did not so much lament his own 
misfortunes, as he grieved at the death of the Duke of 
Somerset. He had placed such great confidence in 
him, and could not but regret that, after his conduct 
in France, and the great valour he had shown abroad, 
he should at length be slain at home by his own 

It is recorded, of this first battle of St. Alban's, that 
no executions were commanded by the victorious party. 
The ties of kindred were yet unbroken by the ambi- 
tious and vindictive spirit of the nobles and heads of 
families ; but, it being a point of honour to rQvenge 
offences, these high-born chiefs, yielding more and 
more to their resentment, became at length implac- 
able, and daily wudened the breach between the two 
parties. In this fatal contest of "the Koses," the first 
blood shed was in this battle of St. Alban's. It w T as 
the commencement of an era quite unprecedented in 
English history, and signalized by twelve pitched 
battles, in which alternately the banners of York and 
Lancaster floated triumphantly ; the utmost fierceness 
and cruelty being exhibited during a period of thirty 
years, in which it is computed not less than eighty 
princes of the blood lost their lives, and almost all the 
ancient nobility of this land were annihilated. 

After the battle of St. Alban's and the King's return 
to the metropolis, a Parliament was summoned by 
this monarch, which was appointed for the 9th of July 
following. | The Lords were commanded to attend 
with only their own household servants, such fear was 
there, that this meeting would lead to discord and 

A letter of that period informs us that the King, 
Queen and Prince then repaired to Hertford, to remain 

* Toplis ; Hume. 

f This was prorogued on the 31st of July to the 12th of November. 


until the opening of Parliament. The Duke of York 
also went to the Friars at Ware, the Earl of Warwick 
to Hunsdon, and the Earl of Salisbury to Rye, to await 
the time of this important session. 

The Duke of Buckingham had, it appears, taken an 
oath of submission to the Yorkists, and was bound, as 
were his two brothers, by recognizance in notable sums 
to adhere to their party. Previous to the late engage- 
ment the Earl of Wiltshire had been in attendance on 
the King's person, and desiring to return to this office 
he addressed a letter from Petersfield to the victorious 
Lords for their permission to do so, or in case of their 
refusal, to allow him to depart to Ireland and live there 
on his own estate ; but, previously to this, these lords 
were advised to require of him, the same as of the 
Duke of Buckingham. 

Tlie Baron Dudley was in the Tower, having accused 
many persons ; and the Earl of Dorset was in the 
custody of the Earl of Warwick. 

Three persons were, at this time, accused of con- 
spiring to stab the Duke of York in the King's chamber, 
but tliey were able to clear themselves of the charge ; 
yet this occasioned a great commotion throughout 
London, on Corpus Christi, the 5th of June. 

In this month also a blazing star is recorded by the 
chroniclers to have appeared, extending its beams to 
the south : the ominous precursor of this Parliament 
and of the coming disasters.* 

The unfortunate King Henry was at this season 1455. 
again attacked by his former disorder, and the session 
was opened by the Duke of York, as his Lieutenant. 
The next day the Commons petitioned that if the King 
were incapable of attending to the protection of the 
country an able person should be appointed as " Pro- 
" tector," to whom they might have recourse, to redress 

* Paston Letters ; HoweFs Medulla Histories Anglicanas. 


their grievances ; especially as great disturbances had 
lately arisen in the West, through the feuds of the Earl 
of Devonshire and Lord Bonville. 

Upon this the Lords conjured the Duke of York to 
undertake this charge. In reply, the Duke, with 
affected humility, alleged his incapacity ; but, on their 
renewed entreaties accompanied with compliments on 
his wisdom and abilities, he accepted this office, but 
conditionally, that the "Protectorate" should not be, 
as before, revocable at the will of the King, but by the 
Parliament, with the consent of the Lords temporal 
and spiritual. The powers of government were vested 
in the Council ; but this provision was only intended 
by the Duke to blind the eyes of the nation, as he had 
previously secured a majority in his favour in the 
Council, and his two friends Salisbury and Warwick 
had already been appointed to fill the offices of Chan- 
cellor and Governor of Calais. 

A declaration was next made to this effect, viz., that 
the Queen and the Duke of Somerset had imposed on 
the King's kindness and condescension, and had admi- 
nistered badly in his name. Also that they had laid 
a false accusation against the Duke of Gloucester, who 
was declared in this Parliament to have been a true 
and loyal subject. 

The alienations of crown lands of this reign were 
now revoked, and an attempt was made to justify the 
late rebellion, under the plea that the King required 
to be set free from his thraldom. All the blame was 
cast on Somerset and his party, whose concealment of 
the Duke of York's letter had been the cause of the 
late commotions. This letter, so maliciously withheld 
from the knowledge of the King by the Duke of 
Somerset, Thomas Thorp, Baron of the Exchequer, and 
William Joseph, Esquire, their confidant, was intended, 
they said, to promote the peace and welfare of the 


kingdom ; for therein they had merely required, as 
good and loyal subjects, that the King would be 
pleased not to listen to the misrepresentations of their 
enemies, until, by their presence, they might be enabled 
to confute them. Further, they had humbly craved 
permission to approach their sovereign, in order to 
exhibit the causes of their appearing in arms, by which 
they purposed only to show their fidelity to his person, 
and to promote his security and honour. The sup- 
pression of this letter furnished them with a pretext in 
Parliament to justify their subsequent conduct, as well 
as for the battle which had ensued, in the result of 
which they were triumphant. A general pardon was 
granted by them to all who had committed crimes and 
offences previous to the first day of this session. 

The Yorkists, having established their authority, 
decided that King Henry should be permitted to main- 
tain his dignity ; yet they suffered him to enjoy but 
the name of King. They dared not take his life, lest 
by this act they should provoke the anger of the 
people, who were strongly attached to him, for his 
peaceful and holy life and for his clemency. The 
Duke of York, therefore, as well as the Duke of 
Clarence and the Earls of Warwick and Oxford made 
a great show of favour and condescension to the 
King, calling themselves his best friends. They even 
took oath on the 24th of July in the most solemn 
maimer, and swore allegiance to their King, promising 
to defend his person and maintain his authority ; and 
this oath was ordered to be enacted in the Parlia- 
mentary Roll, and also incorporated in the " Book of 
' the Council " to be left on record. ° Nor would the 
Duke of York allow it to appear that King Henry 
acted by compulsion. For this reason a petition had 

* This ' ; Book of the Council " referred to no longer exists, and probably 
with it have perished many important records of the reign of Henry VI. 


been several times presented to the King during his 
illness, and while residing at Hertford, praying him to 
nominate a Protector, being himself incapacitated for 
paying attention to affairs of state. This monarch at 
length appointed the Duke of York to fill that high 
office until removed by Parliament, or the young 
Prince should be of age to govern. 

This was the second time that York was made Pro- 
tector, and it lasted but a brief period. 

The illness of King Henry at this time was not so 
severe as in the preceding year. The condition of 
apathy into which he had fallen was not mental 
only, but also bodily, being obliged to be assisted 
from one room to another by two of his attendants. 
1455. On the 5th of June this year the Dean of Salisbury, 
named Kemer, a man approved of as expert and 
notable in " the craft of medecine," was, by order of 
Parliament, sent " to wait upon the King at "Windsor, 
" he being (as the doctor was well aware) labouring 
" under sickness and infirmities." 

Henry was, notwithstanding all this, still capable of 
attending to public affairs at times, as the proceedings 
of the period show ; many things being referred to 
him by the Council. He also declared his son, the 
young Edward, to be Prince of Whales and Duke of 
Cornwall, and passed an act of resumption of all 
grants made since the first vear of his reio*n. 

Parliament was prorogued on the 13th of December 
to the 14th of January following, partly on account of 
the departure of the Duke of York, who was com- 
pelled to repair into the west, to quell the riots and 
rebellion which were giving rise to murders and 
various crimes in that part of the kingdom. While 
the " Protectorate " lasted, the King was obliged to 
approve of the conduct of the Duke, however despotic, 
and to commit the sole direction of affairs into his hands. 


The Earl of Salisbury at this time surrendered the U55. 
King's Great Seal of silver, and two others also, one 
of gold, and the other of silver. On the 7th of 
March, 1455, these three seals were by the King 
placed in the charge of Thomas Bouchier, Archbishop 
of Canterbury, who took the oath of Chancellor. 
In the late Parliament the Duke of York had caused U55 - 
a bill to be passed, granting to Queen Margaret for 
life an annual pension of £1,000, to be drawn from 
the rights and imposts of the customs of the port of 
Southampton, and from several manors and heritages 
in the counties of Northampton, Southampton, and 
Oxfordshire. The Protector at the same time com- 
mitted the care of the King during his sickness, and of 
her infant son, to the Queen, and assigned their resi- 
dence at Hertford. Margaret was not in a position to 
resist this arrangement, and she seemed to be absorbed 
in her duty and solicitude as a wife and mother ; but 
ere long she found means to repair with her husband 
and child to Greenwich, where she speedily assembled 
her friends around her. 

During these times the election of members for the 
House of Commons, even for counties, was much 
influenced by the great men of the day. Thus we 
find the Duke of York, while in the exercise of chief 
authority, meeting by appointment the Duke of Nor- 
folk at Bury St. Edmunds, passed there a day with 
this staunch adherent of his cause, and they together 
determined on the persons whom they chose to be 
returned as knights of the shire for the county of 
Norfolk. A schedule of the intention of the Duke, 
with the names of those chosen, was forwarded to Sir 
John Paston by the 18th of October this year, 1455, 

* Baker ; Holinshed ; Sandford ; Carte ; Kymer's Fcedera ; Milles's Cata- 
logue ; Rot. Pari. ; Stow ; Sir H. Nicolas' Proceedings of Privy Council ; 
Paston Letters ; Hallam ; Pol. Vergil ; Howel ; Daniel and Trussel ; 
Wethamstede ; Lingard. 


by the Earl of Oxford. This noble Earl had ever 
been faithfully a Lancastrian, but he had just married 
the daughter and heir of Sir John Howard, knight, 
and the lady's possessions were at Winch, in Nor- 
folk, from which place the above letter was dated. 
The Earl had joined the party of the Duke of York 
(who had not yet advanced his claims to the crown), 
and he, therefore, resolved to second his intentions. 
When he became, however, acquainted with the 
Duke's ambition and treasonable purpose, Oxford 
reverted to his former allegiance/'' 
1455. During this season, when the Yorkists openly 

Latere ; triumphed, they ventured even to accuse some of the 
Hoiinshed. friends of the House of Lancaster with being guilty 
of numerous outrages and offences. They openly 
charged Lord Scales, Sir Thomas Todenham, Sir 
Miles Stapylton, and John Heydon, of being confede- 
rate together and causing riots, so that, but for the 
care and loyalty of the Yorkists, much evil would 
have arisen amongst the liege subjects of the King 
during their late stay at Norwich. 

The Duke of York and his party contrived to put 
aside from the Council all those " whom the King 
" loved or the Queen favoured," and substituted 
others more disposed to their own views. All public 
offices were supplied in like manner, until the three 
Richards (York, Salisbury, and Warwick), like the 
famed triumvirate of old, governed all things according 
to their own will and pleasure. Some writers affirm 
that it was in order to exercise their despotic rule, and 
to be able to deprive King Henry of his kingdom, or 
his life, when they pleased, that they removed his 
former counsellors and substituted others. However 
this might be, justice was duly administered and no 
bribery allowed ; the only complaint was made by the 

* Paston Letters. 


Abbot of Westminster, on account of the removal from 
the sanctuary of Westminster of John Holland, Duke 
of Exeter, whom they had dismissed to the Castle of 
Pomfret. They also released from sanctuary Sir 
William Oldhall, a follower of Wickliff.® 

The meek Henry listened to the various arguments 
of the Yorkists in excuse for their proceedings. He 
affected to believe them, and even acquitted them of 
disloyalty, pardoned their offences, and received from 
his peers their renewed oaths of fealty. 

These lords, however, upon the same clay that they 
had assured their captive monarch of their allegiance, 
quarrelled amongst themselves. Some high words 
passed between the Earl of Warwick and Lord Crom- 
well in the King's presence, each seeking to excuse 
his own conduct relative to the battle of St. Alban's ; at 
length, on Warwick accusing Lord Cromwell of being 
the first instigator of the late rebellion, so much anger 
was excited, that, fearing some danger to himself, 
Cromwell made an appeal to the Earl of Shrewsbury, 
who, for his protection, lodged him in the Hospital of 
St. James's, beside the Mews.f 

The spirit of contention was spreading through the li ' 
metropolis ; civil commotions disturbed the peace of 
the city. The lawless inhabitants of St. Martin's 
exhibited at this time more boldness and audacity than 
they had done before. In a body they issued forth on 
one occasion, and assaulted and wounded several of 
the citizens, and then withdrew into the Sanctuary. 
The Mayor and Aldermen, heading the citizens, forced 
open the gates of St. Martin's, and secured the ring- 
leaders. The Dean complained of breach of privilege ; 
and the King sent for the Mayor to come to him, in 

* Pol. Vergil ; Baker ; Holinshed ; Sandford ; Pastor. Letters ; Stow ; 
Rymer ; Lingard. 
f Stow ; Rot. Pari. ; Carte ; Paston Letters ; Lingard. 


Hertfordshire ; but more respect was afterwards shown 
to the citizens, who detained their prisoners until a 
further investigation of the affair. Another serious 
affray occurred in the following year, between the 
citizens and the foreigners residing in London, when 
the men of the Sanctuary joined in the plunder of the 
unfortunate strangers. 

It would be difficult to exhibit faithfully the con- 
vulsed and agitated state of society in England during 
this brief season, the Protectorate of York. 

After the battle of St. Alban's continual quarrels 
arose between the two parties, the first being that 
between Warwick and Cromwell before the King. 
From this time the Yorkists, ever apprehensive of 
some danger to themselves, wore armour in the 
streets, and carried offensive weapons in their barges. 
It was in vain that the King forbade this hostile 
array. The fierce spirit of the two factions was so 
easily excited, that even upon an idle rumour they 
drew their swords, and were ready to shed each 
other's blood. Gradually the same state of public 
feeling and excitement spread throughout the king- 
dom, and lawlessness and anarchy became general. 
The nobles, thirsting for each other's possessions, and 
setting no bounds to their ambition or to their private 
pique, seemed to be no longer amenable to justice or 
to the laws. The age of barbarism appeared to have 

The remote parts of England were no less troubled 
with frequent riots and depredations ; and in the west, 
the ancient feucl of Courtnev, Earl of Devonshire, and 
William, Lord Bonville of Shute, still threatened to 
involve in its pitiless fury even the innocent, as victims 
1455. of party rage. The affray between these two noble- 
PaJston ie( ' men, which caused great consternation, occurred upon 

* Paston Letters. 



Cliftheath, near Exeter. The occasion of their 
quarrel was but trivial ; some say a clog, others a 
couple of hounds ; but no mediation of friends could 
appease the wrath of these noblemen, until a single 
combat had ensued at Cliftheath, and ultimately many 
were slain, or wounded, on both sides. Lord Bonville 
was victorious, and soon after came to Exeter to take 
shelter, when the citizens threw open their gates to 
receive him, at which the Earl of Devonshire took 
such displeasure, thinking that it was done out of dis- 
respect to himself, that he constantly, from that time, 
endeavoured to be revenged, j" 

It is a painful task for the truthful historian to nar- 
rate the instances of summary vengeance too often 
taken by the turbulent leaders of factions. A melan- 
choly record exhibits one of the results of this feud. 

When the variance between Lord Bonville and 
the Earl of Devonshire had continued many days, and, 
as the chronicler adds, " much debate was like to grow 
" thereby," on the 23rd of October, at night, the son 
of the Earl of Devonshire came, accompanied by sixty 
" men-at-arms," to Radford's Place, in Devonshire. 
Nicholas Radford, who was an eminent lawyer, lived 
at Poghill, near Kyrton. This infirm old man, an 
adherent of Bonville, was prevailed upon by some 
stratagem to open his gates to this party, who plundered 
his residence, and after various kinds of ill-treatment, 
barbarously murdered him. This conduct, directed by 
the son and heir of the Earl of Devonshire, shows the 
lawless violence of the times.J 

These outrages demanded the prompt attention of 

* Some date this affray in 1453. W. of Worcester tells us that Bonville 
was besieged in Taunton Castle by this earl, and that the Duke of York, 
with Lord Moleyns, William Herbert, and others took them by surprise, after 
which Bonville joined the Yorkists. 

f Holinshed ; Izaacke's Exeter ; Worthies of Devon. 

% Paston Letters ; Carte. 


the "Protector," who repaired immediately to the 
West, to put an end to the tumults and appease the 
two irascible noblemen, and to terminate their quarrel. 
In all these his endeavours at pacification the Duke 
of York was successful, but his absence from the 
metropolis greatly favoured the party of the Lancas- 
trians, which was now beginning to recover some of 
its former influence. 

The activity of Queen Margaret, when not engaged 
in warfare, is very remarkable. She was always inde- 
fatigable in visiting the places where she hoped to find 
succour, or in forming acquaintance with such persons 
H55. as were likely to assist her cause. In her progress 
this year, the Queen honoured the city of Chester with 
her presence ; she was accompanied by many lords 
and ladies, and was graciously received and welcomed 
by the mayor and the citizens. | 
1455. It was on the 25th of November of this year that 

Chester.* George Neville, the second son of the Earl of Salisbury, 
was elected and consecrated Bishop of Chester, being, 
at that time, not quite twenty years of age. Five years 
afterwards he was made Lord Chancellor. J 

The beauty and wit of Queen Margaret, aided by 
her intellectual qualities, rendered her condescensions 
agreeable to all classes of her subjects to whom she 
made herself known. She was fond of learning, and 
acquainted with all those accomplishments which in 
her age were deemed desirable for a woman to possess ; 
and these, doubtless, contributed to endear her to the 
King, her husband, and gave her such great influence 
over his mind, which influence, we are told, was 

Henry the Sixth, himself a learned prince, found in 

* Some writers say that this progress of Queen Margaret was in 14.53. 
+ Holinshed ; Annals of Chester ; Harl. MSS. ; Lysons' Mag. Brit. ; 
Heningay's Hist, of Chester. 
i. Izaacke's Chester. 


his beloved consort an agreeable companion, and one 
who could assist and participate in his favourite studies. 
It may therefore be presumed that their frequent pro- 
gresses through the country were peculiarly pleasing 
to King Henry, and no less gratifying to the Queen, 
had not the anxiety she had begun to feel for the safety 
of her crown, served to counterbalance her enjoyments. 
The style and manner in which King Henry addresses 
the Queen, and their confidence, which appears to have 
been mutual, is pleasing to dwell upon. The King 
writes, concerning the woods of Kenilworth (included 
with others in the dowry of Margaret), and which were 
entirely under her control, "Right dere and right 
" entirely best beloved wyf, we grete you hertly. And 
" forasmoche as We, of oure grace especiall, have 
" granted unto John Barham X oks for tymbre, to be 
" taken in your outwods of Kenelworth, of our yefte, We 
" therefore desire and praye you, that ye wol see that 
" the said John may have c^lyverance of the said oks, 
" after th' 'entent of oure saide grante, etc., etc. 
" Yeven, etc., the yere of oure reign, xxvii. (1449). 

"To our right dere wyf the Queen." 

Queen Margaret went to visit her favourite city of 145* 
Coventry in 1455, accompanied by King Henry and 
her little son. She arrived there on the Feast of the 
exaltation of the Holy Cross ; and many curious and 
quaint pageants were exhibited at her reception. 

At the gate she was addressed by Isaiah and Jere- 
miah, as Empress and Queen ; and they also congratu- 
lated her on the birth of her son. Also, at the church 
gate, King Edward the Confessor, St. John the Evan- 
gelist, and St. Margaret, each addressed the Queen 
and Prince in verse ; and these lines, from their singu- 
larity, have been deemed worthy of recording. They 
run thus : — 

* Letters of Queen Margaret of Anjou, edited by Cecil Monroe. 
vol. ir. c 



(St. Echcard.) " Model of mekenes, dame Margarete, princess most excellent, 
1 ' I, King Edward, welknowe you with affection cordial, 
' ' Testefying to your higlines mekely myne intent 
" For tlie wele of the King and you, liertily pray I shall 
' ' And for prince Edward my gostly chylde, who I love principal, 
' ' Praying the, John Evangelist, my help therin to be 
" On that condition right humbly I give this ring to thee." 

(John Evangelist.) " Holy Edward, crowned king, brother in verginity, 
' " My power plainly I will prefer thy will to amplefy, 
1 ' Most excellent princes of wymen mortal, your bedeman will I be. 
' •' I know your life so virtuous that God is pleased thereby 
' ' The birth of you unto this reme shall cause great melody : 
1 ' The vertuous voice of prince Edward shall dayly well encrease, 
" St. Edward his godfader, and I shall pray therefore doubtlese." 

(St. Margaret) " Most notable princes of wymen earthle, Dame Margarete, the 
chefe myrth of this empyi*e, 
" Ye be hertely welcome to this cyte. 
' ' To the plesure of your highnesse I will set my desyre ; 
" Both nature and gentleness doth me require, 
' ' Sith we be both of one name, to shew you kindness ; 
" Wherefore by my power ye shall have no distress. 
' ' I shall pray to the Prince that is endlese, 
' ' To sucour you with solas of his high grace ; 
" He will here my petition, this is doubtlesse, 
' ' For I wrought all my life that, his will wase, 
' ' Therefore lacly, when you be in any dreadful case, 
' ' Call on me boldly therefore I pray you, 
" And trust in me feythfully, I will do that may pay you." * 

There was also a pageant of the nine worthies, 
in which " Hector welcomed her tenderly," and at the 
cross were " divers angels." 

Joshua promised to fight for her as " knvghte for 
" hys ladye," and David eulogized her many virtues. 
The conduit was "arraied" " with as many vergyns 
" as might stande thereon," and a a grete dragon, 
" breathing flames, and St. Margaret killing him " (as 
in her legend), at the same time assuring her namesake 
"quean that, both nature and gentilness bound her 
" to do all kindness to Margaret of Anjou." 

The city of Coventry was at this time well worthy 
of royal notice. In the ancient records it is called the 

* Warton's Eng. Poetiy. 


" Prince's Chamber," ° and it was chosen to be one of 
the first visited by the infant Edward. The notice of 
its fair sovereign also obtained for this city the appella- 
tion of the " Queen's Chamber," and that it was particu- 
larly favoured by Queen Margaret is evident, from its 
being likewise styled the "secret harbour," or "bower" 
of that Queen. 

When Henry VI. came to Coventry in 1451, he 
constituted this city with the contiguous district into a 
separate county, independent of the county of War- 
wick. He also conferred many favours on Coventry 
at that time. He created the first sheriff, and pre- 
sented a gown of cloth of gold to St. Michael's church, 
where he attended mass. Coventry was the resort of 
devotees, and had numerous splendid religious build- 
ings, and its massive embattled walls were in high 
state of preservation. Its merchants, too, were 
spirited and enterprising, as well as rich and generous. 
The citizens of Coventry zealously supported King 
Henry in all the contests between the two Houses of 
York and Lancaster, and vainly did King Edward IV. 
seek to win over that city, when he came in 1465, and 
kept festival there. He could not shake the fidelity 
of the inhabitants to their beloved monarch. 

The most beautiful buildings of Coventry were 
•erected during the reign of Henry VI., and of these 
the body of St. Michael's Church and St. Mary's Hall 
are the most remarkable. Within the hall of St. 
Mary's were portrayed, on the splendid tapestry with 
which it was adorned, the portraits of King Henry 
and his consort, each with their attendants ; and as 
the tapestry was made, and affixed there, during the 

* London was then called the " King's Chamber," or " Camera Regia," a 
title, Camden tells us, it obtained soon after the Conquest. Lydgate, writing 
of London, says, " The King's Chambre of custom, men the calle." 

c 2 


lifetime of these sovereigns, the portraits may be re- 
garded as authentic. 
H56. The chief purpose of the Queen s visit to Coventry 

appears to have been to remove and guard the King 
from the machinations of the Yorkists. Queen Mar- 
garet also vent to Bristol, in 1456, with many of the 
nobility, and was received there with much honour and 
well entertained. | 

In this year she likewise revisited Chester, and by 
her courtesy and regal hospitality, gained the hearts of 
the people of that city, i While the Queen was at 
Chester King Henry remained at Shene, having as his 
only companion his half-brother the Earl of Pembroke, 
whilst the Earl of Richmond, his other brother, and 
Griffith were engaged in war in Wales.§ 

The Earl of Warwick was at Warwick about this 
time, and the Duke of Buckingham at Writtle. The 
Earl of Salisbury, who was Chancellor and Treasurer, 
was the only lord who was staying in London on the 
dav of the commencement of the great Council. As 
for the Duke of York, though Calais and Guisnes were 
threatened with siege, and many fleets upon the seas ; 
though Kentish men were again rebellious and "much 
in doing " amongst them ; yet, says the writer of 
these "novelties," "my Lord of York is still at 
" Sandall, and waiteth on the Queen, and she upon 
" him." Their mutual suspicion made them watch 
each other's movements. 

The Duke of York, after having established his 
authority as Protector, made no further attempts to 

* Hall; Lond. Chron.: Pennant; Fabyan ; Henry ; Smith's Costume of 
Brit. ; Encyclopaedia Britannica. 

f Seyer's Memoirs of Bristol. 

i. Heningay's Chester. 

§ The Earl of Richmond died in November of 145G. He had married, 
about the year 14.">5, Lady Margaret Beaufort, daughter of theDuke of Somer- 
set, and their son was but an infant at his father's death. He afterwards 
conquered Richard III. and succeeded to the English throne. 


advance himself, but gave himself up to a life of 
apparent security and indifference, which surprised 
even his enemies ; and whilst he permitted the King 
and Queen to remain at liberty, he vainly imagined 
that they could not deprive him of the Protectorate. 

Thinking it too dangerous to lay open claims to a 
crown which, for fifty-six years had been worn by 
the Lancastrians, he contentedly awaited a more 
favourable season for the consummation of his am- 
bitious projects ; meanwhile, seeking to secure the 
favour of the people, as the only certain means for 
its attainment. By a show of equity and moderation, 
the Duke sought to win the affections of the people, 
and to undermine the Queen's credit ; yet the irresolu- 
tion which he manifested at the same time, served to 
balance the power between the two parties ; for, while 
it restrained him from openly asserting his claims to 
the crown, at so favourable a juncture, it no less per- 
mitted the Queen to preserve her influence by means 
of her superior energy and firmness of character. 

Queen Margaret easily penetrated the design of her 
adversary, and was not slow in exerting herself to 
disappoint it. Her lofty and enterprising spirit was 
not discouraged by difficulty or danger, and she sought 
every opportunity to oppose the pretensions of the 
Duke. Displeased with the late proceedings, the 
Queen endeavoured to excite a spirit of resistance in 
the Lords of her party, representing to Humphry 
Duke of Buckingham, that these traitors had slain his 
son at St. Alban's, and to Hemy, Duke of Somerset, 
who had succeeded his father in the dukedom, that it 
was these rebels who had also killed his father. Both 
these noblemen were attached to their King, and 
grieved at his adverse situation ; and they reminded 
the Queen of the indignity done to her by the Yorkists, 
in depriving her husband, King Henry of all authority, 


while they ruled themselves with despotic power ; thus 
they sought to rouse her to opposition. Most of the 
Lancastrian Lords, being well aware of the intentions 
of the Duke of York, which only waited a fitting time 
for execution, were eager to oppose his attempts at 
the crown, and had resolved to take some steps 
against the usurper. Some writers say that the 
Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham, with other 
Lords, first went to Queen Margaret secretly, and ac- 
quainted her with their determination, representing to 
her that the Duke of York sought to deceive the 
King, and even, unawares, to kill him ; and they urged 
her timely exertions to prevent these evil conse- 
quences, and required her to remove King Henry 
from these wicked counsellors. Upon this admoni- 
tion, Queen Margaret, who was much affected, and 
alarmed for her own and her husband's safety, seized 
the opportunity, not many days after, to prevail upon 
the King, under pretence of seeking a more whole- 
some residence, to repair to Coventry. 

This city was ever devoted to the interests of Queen 
Margaret ; and afforded her a haven of refuge in all 
the political storms which threatened to destroy her 
peace, or her life. It was in this city that King 
Henry, perceiving his imminent peril at this time, as- 
sembled his friends and adherents, and took measures 
for his future safety. After mature deliberation it was 
resolved that the Duke of York should be deprived of 
his office as " Protector," and the Earl of Salisbury of 
his, as Chancellor. By command of the Queen a 
Council was called for this purpose, to assemble at 

It was not to be expected that the Queen would 
suffer the Duke of York to retain very long his office, 

* Holinsked ; Sandford ; Baker ; Stow ; Milles's Catalogue ; Rapin ; 
Pol. Vergil ; Lingard; Hume. 


which gave him such great influence in the kingdom; 
and she soon found a pretext for his removal in the 
restoration of the King's health. During a tempo- 
rary absence of the Duke, Queen Margaret caused the 1456. 
King to appear in Council, and there, after stating Hume; 
that, by the grace of God, he had been restored to ^^ d: 
health, and found himself again able to undertake the 
government of the kingdom, he demanded the Duke 
of York's resignation. 

The members of Parliament who were present 
readily agreed to the dismissal of the Duke, either 
considering this demand was reasonable, or being 
secretly won over by the royalists.* 

The Duke of York was accordingly deprived of his 
office on the 25th of February, 1456, and the Earl of 
Salisbury displaced. These noblemen, as well as the 
Earl of Warwick, were summoned to appear before 
the Council, at Greenwich, but they did not obey the 
command, affirming " that no power could call them 
ic to account." t The unconcern of the Duke had 
arisen from the opinion of his security in his office of 
" Protector : ' he was therefore thunderstruck on 
finding himself so suddenly, and unexpectedly, re- 
moved from his dignity ; but, conscious that the 
power which had effected it was too strong to be 
overcome, he smothered his resentment, and appeared 
to acquiesce in the new arrangement. His friends 
followed his example ; and, under the plea, that they 
had no employment at Court, they all, soon^afterwards, 
withdrew into Yorkshire. Here frequent conferences 
were held by Salisbury and Warwick with the Duke of 
York ; and Queen Margaret, fearing some treason, 
resolved to break their confederacy. J Queen Mar- 

* Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Fabyan ; Eapin ; Hume ; Lingard; Henry ; 
Nicolas' s Acts of Privy Council. f Sanclford ; Baker ; Lingard ; Fabyan. 

% Pol. Vergil ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard ; Holinshed ; Sir H. 
Nicolas's Proceedings of Council. 


garet called to the royal Council the Dukes of Buck- 
ingham and Somerset, and Thomas Bouchiere, on the 
11th of October, resigned the Chancellorship to Wayn- 
fleet, his personal friend. The gentle character of 
Henry YI. had preserved him many friends, who were 
unwilling to see him deprived of his authority. The 
sudden change, however, from the administration of 
the Yorkists to that of Queen Margaret, who governed 
again entirely according to her own will and pleasure, 
occasioned some commotions in London, where the 
majority favoured the Duke o f York. So powerful, 
indeed, was this faction, tnat the Queen could not pro- 
ceed against the Duke in that city, and even judged 
the person of the King unsafe in the capital. 
1456. Some disturbances had arisen there on 15th May, 

Letter*. between the citizens and some merchants of Lombardy, 
which she suspected had been raised by the Yorkists. 
It is indeed probable that the leaders of this party 
took some share in these turmoils, of which many false 
reports were circulated ; viz., that Lord Beaumont 
was slain, the Earl of Warwick much hurt, that 1,000 
men were killed, and six score knights and esquires 
wounded. Two of the Lombards were hanged, and 
peace was restored. 

The Kino- was at this time still at Shene * and the 

* It has been said that no trace can be found of Henry VI. having been 
at Shene ; the following letter, however, shows that both King Henry and 
Queen Margaret did resort thither, at any rate for hunting : — 
" By the Quene, 

" Trusty and welbeloved, for as moche as we suppose that in 
" short tyme, we shall come right negh unto my lord's manoir of Shene, we 
" desire and praye you hertly that ye will kepe ayeinst one resortinge 
" thedre, for our disporte and recreation, two or iii of the gretest bukkes in 
" my lord's pare there, saving alwayes my lord's owne commandment there 
" in his presence. As we trust, etc. To my lord's squier and ours, J. B., 
" Keper of Shene Parke, or his depute there. " 

There is no means of fixing the date of this letter. — Letters of Queen 
Margaret, edited by Cecil Monro. 


Queen and Prince at Tutbury, in Staffordshire, or, as 
most of the historians say, at Coventry.* 

In this year there appears to have been a little 1457. 
respite from domestic feuds, but the alarm and mis- Ra P hi.' 
trust was still general, and these were doubtless aug- 
mented by the frequent incursions of foreign enemies. 

A party of Bretons first landed on the coasts, and 
committed some depredations, but was repulsed. 
Then, the French, taking advantage of the divisions 
among the English nobility, made an attempt at Fulney, 
or Foy,t m Cornwall, and plundered this town and 
some others. This expedition was conducted by 
William, Lord Poinyers. Another, and a more con- 
siderable ^invasion, on the part of the French, was 
headed by Pierre de Breze, whose forces amounted to 
1,500 men, but after doing some injury at Sandwich, 
they were compelled to depart.^ 

The French historians have furnished us with very 
minute details of this descent upon Sandwich, which 
they considered reflected much glory on their country- 
men. They inform us, that the chief originator of this 
enterprise was the Queen of England. It may not be 
uninteresting to trace these details ; for, in so doing, we 
become acquainted with the source of this movement, 
the Queen's motives, and the great power of the Duke of 
York, at this early commencement of the civil contest. § 

It was during the King's inability to govern, owing 
to his indisposition, that the Duke of York obtained 
supreme authority, in the year 1454 ; when, taking 
advantage of his high position, he showed great favour 
to the family of Douglas, in opposition to the Scottish 
monarch James II., who, in conjunction with France, 
maintained the interests of Henry VI. 

* Stow ; Holinshed ; Rapin. 

t Fowey. 

J Monstrelet. 

§ Baker ; Howel ; Stow ; London Chron. ; Monstrelet ; Paston Letters. 




The Earl of Douglas, in rebellion with his own 
sovereign, sought the protection and allegiance of the 
King of England.* By the Yorkists he was freely 
admitted to the titles of an English subject, and a 
pension granted him for his services until he should 
recover his estates, of which King James had deprived 
him. This monarch was enraged at the reception of 
Douglas in this country ; and, entering the northern 
counties, ravaged Northumberland with fire and sword, 
and levelled many castles with the ground. 

Hearing of the recovery of King Henry, in 1455, 
that monarch intended to dismiss an embassy to 
England, but when the battle of St. Alban's restored 
the power of the Yorkists, he abandoned his purpose. 
No sooner, however, did the Lancastrians resume their 
authority, than the Scots negotiated a truce with this 
country, which was signed at Coventry in 1457, to be 
continued until July, 1459. | 

Queen Margaret on her part must have been anxious 
to form close ties with Scotland, and by every possible 
means to counteract the growing power of that party, 
whose rebellious spirit even threatened to desolate the 
kingdom. It is evident from the preceding circum- 
stances how much the Duke of York must have incensed 
the Queen and her party by his astonishing boldness, 
in giving shelter to the Scottish chief, and by this act, 
exciting a warfare with the sister-kingdom, in opposi- 
tion to the efforts of the royalists to preserve peace. 
We are told that Queen Margaret, perceiving the force 
of the tide against her, thought to make a diversion in 
her own favour, by means of a descent of the French 
on the English coast, hoping by their assistance to 
injure, if not to destroy, the faction of York 4 

* Douglas continued in this allegiance until the reign of Richard III. 

f Pinkerton. 

J Daniel's Hist, of France ; Monstrelet. 


To accomplish her purpose, the Queen interposed 
the influence of her father, Rene of Anjou, and her 
uncle the Count of Maine, who together incited the 
King of France to this enterprise. It was confided to 
Pierre de Breze, the Seneschal of Normandy, who was 
accompanied by the bailiff of Evreux, and many other 
lords and men-at-arms. 

They sailed with a fleet equipped at Honfleur, con- 
sisting of 4000 soldiers. They set out on the 20th of 
August, and were driven into Nantes by stress of 
weather ; thus they did not reach the coast of England 
until the 28th of August, of this year 1457. De Breze Daniel;' 
landed two leagues from Sandwich, and dividing his Monstrelet - 
troops into three bodies, each having a brave leader, 
he commanded them to attack the town on the land 
side, while he endeavoured to force the place by the 

The English were totally unprepared for this 
assault. There were in this port three vessels of war, 
of the largest size, and several smaller ones, filled with 
troops, who resolved to fight desperately. A herald was 
sent to them by De Breze, to inform them that if they 
fired a single cannon, or drew a bow, they should have 
no quarter ; but that, if they ceased from hostilities, he 
would allow them to quit their vessels uninjured. 
These conditions were accepted. The Seneschal made 
his descent with great order and vigour ; and the port 
was taken by Pierre de Louvaine. The resistance was 
greater on the land side, and many were slain ; but 
the French, sword in hand, entered the town ; and 
about the same time that the port was taken, a fierce 
and bloody combat ensued, the English defending 
their town with great courage ; but at last they yielded, 
and the invaders hoisted their banners on the gates, 
under which they formed themselves in battle array, 
and for ten hours the bailiff of Evreux with some troops 


guarded the city without, while the town was pillaged 
by those who had entered it. 

The Seneschal upon this occasion justified the renown 
he had acquired. He forbade his followers, under pain 
of death, to touch the effects of the churches, to set 
fire to the houses, to attempt the honour of the women, 
or to kill any one in cold blood, all which commands 
were strictly obeyed. A moderation, so unusual in 
those times, obtained for this general the commenda- 
tions, even of his enemies. The English hastened from 
all parts in great numbers to the aid of the town, and 
skirmishes were kept up for six hours ; many were 
slain on both sides, but at last the French made a 
retreat. They effected this with much order, carrying 
off considerable booty and many prisoners, who were 
afterwards ransomed. In this attack 300 of the English 
were killed, but only thirty of the French troops, whose 
numbers amounted, according to Monstrelet, to between 
1600 and 1800° combatants. 

Besides the Seneschal, all who shared in this enter- 
prise gained great renown by it, and as a reward for 
their valour, twenty of them were honoured with 

This expedition produced, in part, the effect which 
the Queen had expected. To guard their coasts, the 
English removed from the frontiers of Scotland, but 
the terror of the arms of France was not enough to 
reunite the twopowerful factions of York and Lancaster, f 
1457. Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury, on the 2nd of 

Liters. April, in 1457, had the great seal delivered to him. 
Robert Neville, Bishop of Durham, died this year, who 
was a son of the Earl of Westmoreland : he had filled 
this office nineteen years. Laurence Booth was then 
consecrated on the 15th of September, and filled his 

* Other writers say 1500. 

f Daniel ; Carte ; Monstrelet ; Paston Letters ; Davies's Eng. Chron. 



place as Bishop of Durham. He afterwards became 
Lord Chancellor. He built the gates of the College at 
Auckland at his own expense, and w r as, twenty years 
later, translated to York. 

Several authors relate, that in this year, or in the „ 145 , 7 - 

, . Davies s 

beginning of 1458, the Earl of Devonshire was put chron. 
to death in the Abbey of Abingdon by means of 
poison. He was at that time with Queen Margaret, 
and his life, it is said, was sacrificed to appease the 
malice between the young lords (whose fathers were 
slain at St. Alban's), and those who adhered to the 
Duke of York.f 

Perceiving the small respect paid to her party by 1457. 
the Londoners, Queen Margaret persuaded the King Lmgard; 
to make a progress into Warwickshire, under pretence 
of benefiting his health, and affording him recreation. 
The King set out, amusing himself with hunting and 
hawking by the w r ay, and the Queen was apparently 
occupied with nothing but these pastimes. Amidst 
these sports, however, and while they stayed at 
Coventry, Margaret did not forget her projects for dis- 
placing and getting rid of her enemies. She dismissed 
kind letters to the Duke of York and his friends, who 
had retired into the north, requiring their immediate 
presence at the court, then held at Coventry, to consult 
on a matter of great importance. 

In giving this invitation to the rebellious lords, the 
Queen has been accused of having formed some design 
against them ; and that, finding herself at the head of 
a feeble government, totally unable to take any 
vigorous measures by which to restore tranquillity to 
the kingdom, she allowed her fears, or her hatred, to 
prevail over the nobler feelings of her nature, and 
sought to get rid of her enemies by treacherous means. 

* Paston Letters ; Antiquities of Durham ; Carter's Cambridge, 
f Holinshed ; Stow ; Davies's Eng. Chron. 


To effect this object, she is said to have removed the 
King to Coventry, where, it was probable, less favour 
would be shown to the rebellious lords than in the 
capital.* It may be alleged as some excuse for this 
attempt, if indeed this charge be true (for it has not 
been explained), that the Duke of York was an enemy 
the more dangerous, inasmuch as his designs were not 
openly asserted ; and the caution with which he pro- 
ceeded, colouring his actions with a view to the public 
good, prevented any legal steps being taken against 
him. He had indeed become a formidable adversary, it 
being impossible to prove anything against him. 

His intentions, however, though disguised from the 
public, could not be so easily concealed from Queen 
Margaret, who was so deeply interested in opposing 
him, and who possessed such talents and penetration, f 
The Duke of York was aware of this ; and it argues 
much in the Queen's favour, that he set out without 
any apprehension of danger, accompanied by his two 
friends, Salisbury and Warwick, in order to obey her 
royal commands and repair to Coventry. 

These partisans even flattered themselves that the 
King had at last discovered the mismanagement of his 
counsellors, and required their presence, to assist him 
in forming new arrangements ; but they were quickly 
undeceived. On their way they were met by some 
secret messengers, who assured them that they would 
be unsafe in the city to which they were proceeding. 
This intelligence arrested the progress of these lords, 
who instantly concerted new plans ; and they all sepa- 
rated. The Duke of York retired to his castle of 
Wigmore, in Wales ; the Earl of Salisbury to Middle- 
ham, in Yorkshire ; and the Earl of Warwick to Calais, 

* Holinshed ; Sandf ord ;' Stow ; Baker ; Fabyan ; Rapin ; Hume ; Daniel 
and Trusse]. 

f Rapin ; Paston Letters. 


of which town he had been appointed Governor after 
the battle of St. Alban's. The Queen, it is said, was 
much disappointed at having failed in the snare she 
had laid for her enemies ; but she was consoled in 
having separated them, which, for a time, made their 
power less dangerous.* 

The Earl of Salisbury afterwards feigned sickness, 1457, 
to avoid putting himself in the power of the King and 

The peace with foreign nations had been restored, 
but the intestine divisions continued. The prejudice 
against the Queen and her ministers increased. The 
young Duke of Somerset seemed to fill the same posi- 
tion which his father had so lately occupied, and with 
it shared the same ill-will of the nation ; every failure 
or disappointment being attributed to the misconduct 
of the ministers.")" 

Amongst the many tumults and commotions which 
occurred throughout the land was a great affray in the 
north, which took place this year, 1457, between Sir U57 - 
Thomas Percy, Lord Egremond, and the sons of the 
Earl of Salisbury, in which many were wounded and 
slain. Lord Egremond was taken, and sentenced to pay 
large sums of money to the Earl of Salisbury, and mean- 
while was committed to Newgate ; but Lord Egremond 
soon after escaped with his brother, Sir Richard Percy, 
out of this prison in the night and went to the King. 
" The other prisoners took the leads of the gate, and 
" defended it for a great while against the sheriffs and 
" all their officers," so that they were compelled to 
call in more aid from the citizens to subdue them, 
in which they at last succeeded, and " laid them in 
" irons."J 

* Holinshed ; Baker ; Hall ; Sandford ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Fabyan ; 
Rapin ; Hume; Lingard ; Henry; Paston Letters; Daniel and Trussell. 
f Rymer ; Holinshed ; Fabyan ; Pinkerton ; Rapin. 
% Stow ; Fabyan ; Holinshed ; London Chron. ; Daniel and Trussel. 


During this unhappy period the spirit of rebellion 
had prevailed in Ireland no less than in England. In 
this reign the Earl of Ormond, as Lord Lieutenant, 
was first employed against the Earl of Desmond, who 
affected the state of an independent prince in Ireland, 
and prevailed so far as to get Ormond removed from 

John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, succeeded him, 
and united with Desmond in accusing the late Governor 
of many crimes ; but the King refused to listen to these 
charges, and took no measures against the Earl, and 
hence, it is believed, arose the lasting attachments of 
the Butler family to the House of Lancaster. 

The effect, however, of these turbulent and unprin- 
cipled factions was that the spirit of party prevailed, 
even in the King's Council and courts, and no business 
was allowed free progress or execution in law, when it 
touched any of the said two parties. 

One of the most violent of Ormond's accusers was 
Thomas Eits-Thomas, the prior of Kilmainham, who 
having impeached him for treason the Earl appealed 
to arms, and a day was fixed for the combat which 
should decide their quarrel. Ormond was permitted 
to remove to the neighbourhood of Smithfield " for his 
" breathing and more ease," and in order to prepare 
and train himself for the fight, while the pugnacious 
prior was engaged in this interval in learning " certain 
"points of arms" from Philip Treherne, a fishmonger 
of London, who was paid by the King for giving these 
instructions. The parties met on the ground as 
appointed, but, at the moment of encounter, the King 
stopped the fight and took the quarrel into his own 
hands — it is said through the instance of Worthington. 

At this period the doctrines of Wickliff had begun 
to be disseminated in England, and all, whose opinions 

* Moore's Ireland ; Stow. 


favoured the Reformer, were subjected to controversy. 
The persecutions of the Lollards in the previous reign 
had doubtless originated many of the contests and 
disagreements in the times of Henry VI., occasioned by 
the resentment of this party against the House of 
Lancaster. The strife produced by the political leaders 
in the kingdom was not a little augmented by the con- 
tentions in the Church, as if adding fuel to the flame. 

A new doctrine had just emanated from the Papal 
See, viz., that the Pope teas the source of all power, to 
whom all Bishops were subordinate, even as his dele- 
gates ; and, at a time when the English clergy were 
seeking to maintain the liberty of the Church, one of the 
Bishops, more talented and more vain than the others, 
became a strenuous advocate and supporter of the 
Pope. This secular doctor of divinity had laboured 
many years to translate the Holy Scriptures into 
English, and was accused of having passed the bounds 
of Christian belief in certain articles, and of dissent 
from the established creed. These opinions, which 
were deemed heretical, Reginald Peacock ° came for- 
ward to maintain, and with much display of learning 
and eloquence he preached at St. Paul's Cross, in 
1447, in support of the decision of His Holiness. In 
the year 1458 the ostentatious prelate was compelled 1458 - 
to abjure, at St. Paul's Cross, before which his books 
were burnt, and he was sentenced to confinement for 
life. He was deprived of his bishopric, and a pension 
assigned him to live upon in an abbey. f 

Reginald Peacock, Bishop of Chichester, is described 
as being of an ardent temperament, a logical mind, 
and a powerful imagination. He looked with contempt 

* A Welshman by birth, Reginald Peacock became a Fellow of Oriel 
College, Oxford, in 1417. He was a student of divinity, and distinguished 
for his talents. He was appointed to the See of Asaph in 1444, and conse- 
crated by Archbishop Stafford. 

t Holinshed ; Lond. Chron. ; Baker ; Dr. Hook's Archbishops ; Stow. 

VOL. II. d 


on the intellectual abilities of others, and liked to per- 
plex them, sometimes speaking ironically, sometimes in 
earnest. Such a character might advance false doc- 
trine, and he was proclaimed a heretic. He had at one 
time been befriended by the Duke of Gloucester, who 
was ever temperate in his line of conduct towards those 
who professed the doctrines of Wickliffe. The opinions 
of Peacock, and his vanity and sarcasm, soon raised 
him many enemies : all classes condemned him. By 
exalting the Pope, and thus disregarding the esta- 
blished laws of the land, he raised such indignation 
amongst the clergy, that he was summoned before the 
Primate to have his writings investigated ; but Arch- 
bishop Stafford, having himself yielded to the new 
doctrine of papal supremacy, allowed Peacock to escape 
censure at this time. Bouchiere, however, afterwards 
acted with great severity towards him. He caused 
him to appear before him, William Waynflete being 
present and other bishops and prelates, at Lambeth, 
where they condemned his writings as heretical. We 
are told that this was a " party movement to deprive 
" the Lancastrians of a spirited writer." One charge 
against him was that he sought to affect a change in 
the religion of England, by the introduction of Popery, 
or Ultramontanism. Even more than this was inferred, 
from a letter addressed by Peacock to the Mayor of 
London, viz., that his design was not only to excite the 
people to a change of faith, but to raise an insurrec- 
tion. Thus it became a political offence, and he was 
again cited to appear before a Council at Westminster, 
at which King Henry was present. This was towards 
the close of the year 1457, when such hostility was 
shown towards him, that he was compelled to with- 
draw before the temporal Bishops could proceed with 
their business. This was a full council and the 
Yorkists were powerful, and an attack on the unfor- 


tunate prelate had been previously arranged. Certain 
doctors of divinity arrived, who demanded of the Arch- 
bishop copies of the works of the Bishop of Chichester, 
in order to examine them. Finally, being required to 
abjure, or to suffer the punishment of a heretic, Peacock 
decided on the former. The court adjourned until the 
next day, when doubtless some political feeling swelled 
the tide of inveterate anger which rose against this 
talented and apparently good man. On the 3rd of 
December the Archbishop, his assessors, and the 
twenty-four divines, were again sitting in Lambeth 
Chapel. The Bishop of Chichester w r as summoned, 
and repaired thither to abjure, in a positive form, the 
condemned conclusions. The court again " adjourned 
:; to meet on the following day, when a solemn assem- 
" bly was to be held at St. Paul's." 

" Here the Primate attended, his cross borne before 

' him, and he appeared, accompanied by the Bishops 

" of London, of Durham, and of Chichester. An im- 

" mense crowd surrounded the Cathedral. From the 

" great west door the bishops, in full pontificals, were 

' seen to come forth ; one by one each silently and 

" sadly took the seat assigned to him at St. Paul's 

" Cross. Before the cross a fire blazed. When the 

''' Archbishop was seated, he turned a silent look tc- 

" wards the Bishop of Chichester. Peacock was seen 

' ■ the next moment prostrate at the Primate's feet. 

" His voice could not be distinctly heard ; but his 

,; attitude notified to the spectators that he was making 

' his public recantation. The Primate was motionless. 

' Peacock rose from the ground and stood before the 

' pyre. One by one his books were brought forth, 

' the labour of years, containing some of the most 

' powerful writings of the day ; eleven quarto volumes 

and three folio volumes were handed by him to the 

T> 2 



" public executioner, whose ruthless hands committed 
" them to the flames. 

" The only consolation was that they had been 
" transcribed, and that transcriptions of them might 
" be hereafter produced. But the ascending flames 
" ignited the passions of the surrounding multitude. 
" The assembled people were inflamed into fury against 
" the man who exalted the Pope above the Church, 
" and denounced the statutes, by which papal aggres- 
" sions had been restrained. The bishops, the lords, 
c: the commons, the people all condemned Peacock. 
" The infuriated mob rushed towards the unfortunate 
" prelate, and sought to hurl him into the flames which 
" were consuming his books. The Archbishop and 
" the civil authorities interfered to preserve order. 
" Peacock trembled, and, while looking on the martyr- 
*'' dom of his books, he was heard to say, 'My pride 
" 'and presumption have brought upon me these trou- 
" 'bles and reproaches.' " 

The Primate was still unsatisfied. Peacock was 
deprived of his See of Chichester, and sent a prisoner 
first to Cambridge, then to Maidstone. 

Finding that his moral degradation did not appease 
his enemies, Peacock resolved to resist them. He 
appealed to the Pope, in whose cause he had 
suffered ; and was responded to by His Holiness. 
" Forth came fulminating from Rome three bulls, 
,: directed against the Primate of England, in vindica- 
t: tion of the Bishop of Chichester." Bouchiere re- 
fused these bulls ; and, in spite of the Pope, Peacock 
was degraded, and another appointed his successor, 
while he was placed in stricter confinement ;° and sub- 
sequently he ended his life in prison. 

* He was placed in a secret chamber with one attendant, and " allowed 
** no books, but a breviary, a mass book, a psalter, a legend, and a bible ; 
" nothing to write with, no stuff to write upon." What a condition of re- 
straint for such an intellectual man ! 


The severities exercised over his unfortunate pri- 
soner exhibit in no favourable light the character of 
the offended Primate. His zeal for the Church seems 
to have made him forgetful of mercy and Christian 

The device of Queen Margaret had separated the H ^^ d 
Yorkists, but they still contrived to keep up a 
correspondence, and were no less united in their 
views than before. While the Duke sought to in- 
gratiate himself with the people, he well knew that 
it was no easy matter to wrest the crown from a 
monarch who had so long held it by hereditary right ; 
and neither party had so decided a superiority as to be 
sure of victory should they have recourse to arms.f 
An attempt was made at this time, by Queen Mar- 
garet, to effect a reconciliation between the two 
parties. She perceived the advantage which had 
been taken of their dissensions by the foreign powers, 
and that the blame of every unfortunate measure fell 
upon her, or her ministers, of which the Duke of York 
availed himself. Margaret, therefore, adopted the 
wise policy of composing their grievances, and of 
restoring unanimity amongst the nobility ; and this 
was the more expedient, since the late untoward 
events appeared to favour the Duke of York's 

The task of restoring peace and unanimity to two 
powerful factions was found by no means easy ; and 
the ingenuity of the Queen was called forth in pro- 
curing their obedience to her wishes. This was 
evinced by the summons being sent in the name of 
the King. Queen Margaret's former commands having 
failed to draw together the rebel chiefs, an express 
invitation was, by her means, dismissed from the 

* Birch's Illus. Persons of Great Brit. ; Dr. Hook's Archbishops, 
t Rapin ; Holinshed. 


King to the Duke of York, requiring him and all his 
friends to repair to London ; angl it was expected that 
these commands would be readily obeyed, the King 
being much beloved for his pure and innocent life, and 
his uprightness. 
tj. 2 ^ 8 - Some historians say that the Kins:, ignorant of, or 

stow. being displeased at, the proceedings of Queen Mar- 
garet at Coventry, " as contrary to his good inten- 
" tion/' upon his return to London called a Council ; 
and, after representing the miserable condition to 
which the kingdom was reduced by intestine division, 
which had induced the Scots and the French to insult 
them, and to commit devastations on the borders, 
he spoke of the necessity of a reconciliation, and 
offered willingly to pardon and forget the injuries 
which he had himself received. It is added, that the 
Queen and the Duke of Somerset, each made a 
similar offer to the Duke of York, at the instances of 
the King. It seems improbable that King Henry 
took so active a part, yet if, influenced by his strong 
aversion to the shedding of blood, he really did by his 
persuasions effect this reconciliation, there can be little 
doubt that the Queen was previously disposed to 
unanimity, and equally sincere in her endeavours to 
promote it. 

The letter of Henry, in his own handwriting, 
addressed to the Duke of York, after requiring his 
presence, and that of his friends, solemnly engaged 
that no injury should be offered them, and contained 
assurances that the King was perfectly sincere in his 
purpose of reconciliation. 

Finding no plausible objection to make against this 
invitation, it was resolved by the Duke of York and 
his adherents to accept it ; they were, however, still 

* Biondi ; Sandford ; Baker ; Paston Letters ; Stow ; Rapin ; Henry ; 
Ecliard Hist. Eng\ ; Daniel and Trussel. 



jealous of Queen Margaret, who, on her part, retained 
some mistrust of her enemies. Amidst these mutual 
suspicions it is not improbable, that each party hoped 
to obtain some advantage by the meeting, and it is 
even more likelv still, that neither in their hearts 
resolved upon giving up entirely their former purposes. 
The Duke of York might, doubtless, be induced, by 
the moderation of character for which he was so 
remarkable, or by that timidity which withheld him 
from seizin o- on the crown when it w T as within his 
reach, to agree to this reconciliation. The Queen 
meanwhile w r as too penetrating to expect that the 
Duke would suddenly, or tamely give up his claims, 
yet might hope that kindness and conciliatory 
measures would delay the execution of his projects, 
until she might, by some fortunate circumstances, 
have recovered her popularity with the people. 

To remove the possibility of any apprehensions, it 
was mutually agreed that the parties should come to 
the capital, with a certain number of their armed 
retainers ; and the King even granted permission to 
the Earl of Warwick to bring with him from Calais 
eighty foreigners, in addition to his English fol- 

After all these preparatory arrangements, the Duke H58. 
of York came to London on the 26th of January, Poi.Vergii; 
1458, attended by 400 of his adherents,;): and lodged c^ron*- 
in his own residence, Baynard's Castle,§ still doubt- ^ aker ; 
ing the faith of the Queen. The Earl of Salisbury Letters; 
arrived on the 15th of January, bringing with him Rapin; ' 


* Baker ; Paston Letters ; Holinshed ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin. 

f Paston Letters ; Rapin ; Pennant's London. 

J Another writer tells us that the Duke of York came to London with 
only his own household, amounting to 140 horsemen. 

§ Baynard's Castle had belonged to Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, who 
rebuilt it. Upon his death, Henry VI. granted it to Richard, Duke of 



500 horsemen, and lodged in his own house, called the 
" Herbour." ° 

The Duke of Somerset, who arrived on the last day 
of January, had 200 horse. Another writer says 
that Somerset and the Duke of Exeter, who had 
been lately released, came with 300 men, and lodged 
without Temple Bar. The Earl of Northumberland, 
Lord Egremont, and Lord Clifford came with 1,500 
men, and lodged in Holborn. The Earl of Warwick, 
who arrived a month later, brought with him GOO 
men, in red jackets, with white ragged staves, em- 
broidered behind and before. These lodged at Grey 
Friars. | The delay in the arrival of this earl was 
only caused by contrary winds ; and we learn, from 
the Paston Letters, that the Duke of Exeter enter- 
tained great displeasure " that my Lord of Warwick 
" occupieth his office, and taketh the charge of the 
" keeping of the sea upon him." 

The Duke of Buckingham also came, and with him 
his grandson Henry, Earl of Stafford. They entered 
the capital in the train of the King and Queen, who, 
with a great retinue, arrived in London on the 17th 
day of March. On entering the metropolis, they 
fixed their residence at the Bishop's palace, near St. 
Paul's, which at this period was surrounded by stone 
walls, afterwards hidden by dwelling-houses. It should 
be remarked also that this royal abode, chosen 
for this brief and momentous season, was situated 
at an equal distance from both the factions. 
When the Lancastrians, as well as the Yorkists, 
had assembled in London, the greatest precautions 
were taken to prevent any disorders ; and as these 

* Other writers say, the Earl of Salisbury had but 400 horse, and four- 
score knights and esquires. By some it is asserted that the Queen and her 
eon remained at Berkhampstead until the conference was ended. 

+ Pennant says that Warwick and his followers lodged in Warwick 


would doubtless have arisen, had they occupied the 
same quarters, care was taken that they should lodge 
in different parts of the city ; and it was further con- U5S - 
sidered requisite, for the maintenance of order, that 
the Lord Mayor, Sir Godfrey Boleyn, should ride 
round the city every night, with a competent number 
of his trainbands, which amounted to 10,000 men.")" 
To what an extent must the general suspicion have 
prevailed ! Besides all this, the Lord Mayor and Alder- 
men kept a standing watch in arms day and night. 
The Lords who lodged within the city held a daily 
council at Blackfriars,^ while those without, met in 
the Chapter House, at Westminster. The resolves 
of the Yorkists, were communicated to the Royalists 
by the Primate, and other prelates ; and the proceed- 
ings of each day, were in the evening laid before the 
King, who, as umpire between the two parties, pro- 
nounced his award. Mediators were unanimously 
chosen, and finally a reconciliation was effected, on the 
3rd of April ; the Archbishop of Canterbury, and 
others of the clergy, having used the utmost diligence 
and activity to promote it. 

Many arrangements were entered into by the op- 
posing parties. The Earl of Warwick agreed to give 
to Lord Clifford 1,000 marks, " in good, and sufficient 
" assignment of debts." 

Lord Egremont, and his brother Richard Percy (the 
sons of the Countess of Westmoreland), who, for 
certain trespasses and transgressions, had been con- 
demned, at the sessions of York, to pay to the Earl of 
Salisbury 8,000 marks, to his son Thomas Neville 
1,000 marks, and to the said Thomas and his wife 

* This Sir Godfrey (or Jeffrey) Bollen or Boleyn was the great-grand- 
father of Queen Anne Boleyn, second wife of Henry the Eighth. 

f Baker says the number of the trainbands was 500 ; Lingard says 5000 ; 
Stow 2000. 

X Stow tells us that these meetings were held in Warwick Lane. 


2,000 ; also to John Neville, another son of the 
earl, 800 marks, were released from the payment of 
these sums, and from the custody in which thev had 
been held by the late sheriffs of London ; being, how- 
ever, bound over to keep the peace towards the Earl 
and his family. 

The Duke of York and the Earls of Salisbury and 
Warwick consented to bestow a yearly rent of £45 on 
the monastery of St. Alban's, for suffrages, obits to be 
kept up, and alms to be employed, for the souls of the 
late Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland, 
Lord Clifford, and others, slain in the battle of St. 
Alban's ; and it was determined, that both those who 
were dead, and those who had caused their death, 
should be reputed faithful subjects. The Duke of 
York also agreed to zixe to the Duchess of Somerset, 
and Henry her son, the sum of 5,000 marks, which 
were due to him from the King, for his services in 

At length all parties evinced their perfect satisfac- 
tion. Thev mutually agreed that, setting aside their 


several animosities, they would live together in unity 
and obedience to their sovereign, and that, to obviate 
complaints, the Duke of York, the Earls of Salisbury 
and Warwick, as well as several others of their 
party, should take their seats in the Cabinet. All 
these articles being agreed upon, they were after- 
wards ratified under the Great Seal of England, and 
a public thanksgiving was appointed for the 5th of 
April, in token of the universal joy at this reconcilia- 

Accordingly, on that day the King, Queen, and all 
the Lords, went in a solemn procession to St. Paul's. 
In proof of their amity, one of each party walked 
hand in hand, proceeding in couples after each other. 
Before the King walked Henry Beaufort, Duke of 



Somerset, and Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury ; next 
came John Holland, Duke of Exeter, and Richard 
Neville, Earl of Warwick ; after King Henry followed 
the Duke of York, leading the Queen by the hand, 
who showed, by her great complacency, that she was 
at least sincere in her desire to please.* 

To the people this was a spectacle promising future 
peace and harmony ; but these external forms could 
not avail to eradicate the passions of ambition and 
revenge which secretly influenced the two factions ; 
and this important convention of the nobles of the land, 
Avas indeed, but a prelude to civil broils, and ceaseless 

The following lines from the pen of Lydgate, com- 
memorate this reconciliation between the Lords of the 
Yorkist faction and the King and his adherents : — 

1 When Charyte ys chosen -with stats to stonde, 

' Stedfast and styll, with oute distaunce, 

' Then wreth may be exilid out of thys londc, 

' And God oure gide to have governaunce ; 

' Wysdom and welthe with all plesaunce, 

' May rightfulle reigne, and prosperite, 

' For love hath underleyde wrethfull vengeaunce, 

' Reioyse Englond the Lords accordid bee. 

' Reioyse and thonke God, and sorw no more, 

' For now shal encresc thi consolacone ; 

' Our enemes quake for drede ful sore, 

1 That pees ys made that was divisione, 

' Whiche ys to them grete confusione, 

' And to us joy and felicite ; 

' God hold them longe in every seasone, 

' That Englond may reioyce, the concord and unite. 

1 Now ys sorw with shame fled yn to Fraunce, 

' As a felon that hath forsworne thys lond ; 

' Love hath put owte malicius governaunce, 

' In every place both fre and bonde ; 

' In Yorke, in Somersett, as ye undyr stonde, 

' In Warwikke also ys love and charite, 

' In Salisbury eke, and yn Northumberlond 

' That every man may reioyce the concord and unite. 

* Holinshed ; Hall ; Baker ; Fabyan ; Stow ; Sandford ; London Chron. ; 
Pol. Vergil ; Paston Letters ; Howel ; Pennant's London ; Rapin. 



Egremond, and Clyfford, and other forseyd, 

Ben sett yn the same opynyone ; 

In every quarter love i£ thus leide, 

Grace and wisdome hath the doniinacione, 

Awoke vv-elth, and walk in thys regione, 

Rewnde abowte in towne and cite, 

And thonke them that brought it to thys conclusion ; 

Reioyse Englond the concord and unite. 

At Poules in London, with grete renowne, 
On oure Lady day, the pes was wrought ; 
The King, the quene, with Lords many one, 
To worshyppe that virgine as they oght, 
"Went a prosession, and sparyd right noght, 
In sight of alle the comonialty ; 
In tokyn that love was in hart and thoght ; 
Reioice Englond, the concord and unite. 

There was by twene them lovely countenance, 
Whyche was grete joy to alle that there were, 
That long tyme hadd ben in variaunce, 
As frynds for ever they went yn fere, 
They went togedre, and made good chere ; 
Fraunce and Bretagne, repent shall ye, 
For the bergeyne shall ye bye fulle dere ; 
Reioice Englond the concord and unite. 

Our sovereyn lord the kynge, God kepe alway, 
The quene and bisshope of Canterbury 
And other that have labored to thys love day, 
Grod preserve them we pray hertly ; 
And London for they fulle diligently ; 
Kept the pees in trobull and in adversite ; 
To brynge yn rest they labored ful treuly ; 
Reioice Englond the peas and unite. 

Off thre things, y preys thy worshypfull citee : 

The first, of trewe feythe that they owe to the kyng ; 

The secounde, of love of eache comonialte ; 

The thyrde, of good rule evermore kepyng ; 

The whyche God inayntene ever long durynge, 

And save the maire and all the hole citee, 

And that ys amys brynge to amendyng, 

That Englond may reioice the pees and unite." * 

Stow ; 

In Whitsun week following, tlie Duke of Somerset, 
Sir Anthony Rivers, and four others, kept jousts before 
the Queen, in the Tower of London, against three of 

* Cottonian MS. ; Lydgate. 


the Queen's esquires and others. In like manner they 
jousted at Greenwich the Sunday following.* 

After all the fair appearances of confidence and 
friendship on the part of both Yorkists and Lancas- 
trians, the former soon began to evince their mistrust - 
of the Royalists, and under various pretences, withdrew 
from court. 

The Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury re- 
paired to York, and the Earl of Warwick w T ent over to 
Calais. An accidental quarrel arose beween the ships 
which bore this Earl and his followers to Calais, and 
some vessels belonging to Genoa and Lubeck ; the 
latter carried their complaints to the King, and Henry ? 
having appointed commissioners to inquire into the 
affair, the Earl of Warwick was compelled to return to 
London, to answer to the charge. f During the Earl's 
stay in this city another quarrel arose, equally trivial 
in its commencement, but far more important in its 
results. The Earl had gone to the Council-chamber, 
and while detained there one of his people fell out 
with a servant belonging to the King, and wounded 
him ; upon which his comrades, to revenge the offence, 
seized upon whatever weapons were at hand, but the 
aggressor escaped, and they vented their fury on the 
rest of the Duke's followers. 

Another affray happened in April this year, be- 
tween the inhabitants of Fleet Street and the men 
of Court, in which the Queen's attorney lost his life. 
The governors of the courts of law, and many others, 
were upon this imprisoned by the King's orders.^ 

The Queen's Chamberlain, Sir Thomas Shernborne, 
died on the 3rd of February in this year. He had 1458, 
married Jamina de Cherneys, a French woman, and 
one of Queen Margaret's maids of honour. 

* Stow ; Fabyan ; Holinshed. 

+ Baker ; Holinshed ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hall ; Lingard. % Holinshed. 

4G :makgaket op anjotj. 

Sir Thomas was buried at Shernborne, in Norfolk, 
in the family sepulchre. The inscription on his tomb 
(now effaced) was as follows : — 

" Thome Sherneborne camerar. d'neMargarete regine 
" Anglie, et Jamine uxor ejus quo da domicellarie 
11 ejusd 1 regine.' 1 ' * 

The Earl of Warwick was also assaulted in his 
way from the Council to his barge upon the Thames ; 
and he narrowly escaped the fury of the populace, 
several of his train being killed in this affray. Shortly 
after the Earl was informed that the King, or, as some 
say, the Queen, had issued orders for his arrest, and 
confinement in the Tower. Had he been taken, the 
Earl of Warwick would probably have lost his life; 
but he contrived to elude those who had been sent to 
apprehend him. He was persuaded that this tumult 
had been raised by the Queen's contrivance, who, as 
he thought, wished to get rid of him without being con- 
cerned in the affair; and he resolved to be revenged of 
this affront. The Earl repaired instantly to Warwick, 
to his father, the Earl of Salisbury, and they together 
proceeded into Yorkshire, to the Duke of York, to con- 
sult with him as to the measures to be adopted.")" 

It was thus that an accidental affray drew upon this 
unfortunate Queen all the burden of this Earl's resent- 
ment ; and it seems even more than probable that she 
was altogether ignorant of the affair. It is, besides, 
not unlikely that the Court, having noticed that the 
Earl of Warwick's men had raised a tumult, had 
suddenly issued an order for the apprehension of their 
leader. The circumstances by no means lead to a 
conviction that Margaret had any share in the attack 
on this high-spirited lord, but only prove the danger 

* Gough's Sepulchral Monuments. 

f Holinshcd : Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Hume ; 
Henry ; Lingard ; Daniel. 


of want of confidence between a sovereign and her 
subjects. The haughty Warwick, having once enter- 
tained a deep-rooted mistrust of his royal mistress, no 
promises — no compliance, could afterwards eradicate 
it ; on the contrary, every accidental circumstance was 
construed to the prejudice of the Queen.* 

When the Duke of York and his friends consulted 
together, they came to the conclusion that the 
late reconciliation was designed to ensnare them, in 
order that they might be more easily dispatched when 
they were separated, by some secret means, which 
would not excite suspicion. Indignant at the offence 
which they considered had been offered them, they 
spoke of it in! sharp and bitter terms, saying, that " it 
" was nothing less than the deceit and fury of a 
" woman (meaning the Queen), who, thinking she 
" might do whatever she pleased, sought to torment 
a and utterly destroy all the nobility of the land." It 
is probable, that these lords did not regret being 
furnished with a pretext for having again recourse to 
arms ; and declaring that they could no longer depend 
upon the assurances of the Court, they immediately 
prepared for war. The Earl of Warwick once more 
evinced his suspicion in the haste with which he em- 
barked for Calais, fearing that this place would be 
seized by the Royalists. f 

Resolved upon demanding satisfaction of the King 
for the affront offered to his son, the Earl of Salisbury 
set out from Middleham Castle with a sufficient escort 
to defend his person. While passing through Lan- 
cashire, either towards Coleshill, in Warwickshire, 
where King Henry was, or being in quest of the 
Duke of York, who, after his return from Ireland, 

* Even Rapin, who is always severe against Queen Margaret, acknow- 
ledges that it is difficult to decide if this were the act of the Queen, or 
merely accidental. 

f Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Henry ; Holinshed. 


was staying at Ludlow, in Shropshire (for it is doubt- 
ful which was his object), news was brought him that 
the Queen, while at Eccleshall, in Staffordshire, had 
commanded Lord Audley to collect all the forces of 
that county, and of the adjoining ones of Salop and 
Chester, to oppose the Yorkists. This information 
arrested the progress of the Earl of Salisbury, and he 
determined to strengthen his party, before he en- 
countered the Royalists. He raised a new army in 
AVales, and his forces were augmented to 4,000 or 
5,000 men by the time he had arrived at Bloreheath, 
in Staffordshire. 

Queen Margaret had at this time the advice and 
assistance of the Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham, 
and she had also kept a vigilant eye on her own 
affairs. It was her opinion that the Earl of Warwick 
had excited this new rebellion, purposely to establish 
the Duke of York upon the throne. 

In appointing Lord Audley to the command of the 
forces, which she ordered to advance against the in- 
surgents, the Queen was led to make this choice 
because this lord had most influence in the county 
through which the Earl of Salisbury had to pass. 
Queen Margaret also suspected that the Earl of Salis- 
bury, in seeking a conference with the King, had no 
good intention towards his sovereign or herself, and 
therefore commissioned Lord Audley to apprehend 
him, should it be in his power.* 

The activity of the Queen, previous to the engage- 
ment at Bloreheath, was remarkable. After issuing 
her commands to Lord Audley to raise a new army in 
the King's name, she proceeded next to exert her 
personal influence in rousing the energy of her adhe- 

* Sanclford ; Hall ; Holinshed ; Stow ; Fabyan ; Baker ; Wethamstede : 
Rot. Pari. ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Pennant ; Hume ; Henry ; 
Lins-ard : Daniel. 


rents. Her amiable manners, and artful and insinuating 
address, soon gained the affections of the people. 

Margaret next went on a progress with the King, 
probably to awaken the public sympathy for him, and 
their zeal in his cause, through Warwick, Stafford, and 
Chester ; but in the first of these counties was less 
successful than in the others, owing to the surprising 
influence which the Earl of Warwick maintained there. 
The magnificence in which this nobleman lived, added 
to his extreme gallantry, and the boldness and energy 
which he exhibited in his actions, gained him the hearts 
of all who approached him. He was besides extremely 
generous and hospitable, and the openness and sincerity 
of his character secured the friendship of those who 
surrounded him. His words were regarded by them 
as truth itself, and his gifts were no less certain proofs 
of his sincerity. At his table no less than 30,000 
persons were daily maintained in his numerous castles 
and manors in England ; and those who entered his 
service were more devoted to him than to their sove- 
reign, or to the laws of their country. Stow tells us, 
that at his palace in Warwick Lane, London, " where 
" he ' kept house,' six oxen were consumed at every 
" breakfast ; that every tavern was full of his meat ; and 
11 every guest was allowed to carry off as much roasted 
u or boiled as he could bear upon his long dagger." * 

To counteract the influence of this powerful lord was 
Queen Margaret's chief care, and to win, by her kind- 
ness and condescension, all the nobility and gentry of 
these midland counties. In her progress through 
Cheshire she was highly successful, and ingratiated 
herself everywhere, persuading the lords to espouse her 
cause. The more effectually to attach the lords and 
gentry to her, the Queen "kept open house" amongst 
them, and commanded the young Prince, her son, to 

* Stow ; Pennant ; Baker ; Barante ; Hume : Lingard. 



distribute a profusion of collars of white embroidered 
swans to the commander of her forces, Lord Audley, 
and to all the gentry of Cheshire, to be worn by them 
in token of their attachment to herself, the King, and 
her son. 

These white swans, the badge of the young Edward, 
were borne by all who fought for the Lancastrians in 
the memorable battle which ensued at Bloreheath. 
Similar badges were also sent by the Queen to many 
others of her adherents in different parts of England ; 
for she had hopes that she might be able to unite a 
party strong and powerful enough to overcome her 
enemies.* The two armies met on a plain called 
Bloreheath, near Drayton, in Staffordshire, on the 23rd 
Baker 59 ' °^ September, 1459. Lord Audley, in obedience to 
Hoiinsiied ; the Queen's commands, had drawn together his forces 
Lingard; with the utmost expedition. These amounted to 
pm ' 10,000 men, twice the number of the forces of the 
Earl ; but the latter, far from being intimidated, re- 
solved to obtain by stratagem a victory which he could 
not hope to win by force. 

Lord Audley having encamped on the banks of a 
small river, the Earl of Salisbury stationed his army 
on the opposite side, apparently to guard the pass and 
to prevent an attack. He then suddenly withdrew in 
the night, so ordering his march that, when daylight 
appeared, the rear of his army only could be discovered 
by the Royalists. This seemingly hasty retreat roused 
the ardour of the King's forces, and these, thinking 
they had but to pursue an army already taking flight, 
began to pass the river in great disorder ; but, before 
they had accomplished their purpose of gaining the 
opposite bank, even while some were just landed, others 

* Hoiinsiied ; Srow ; Paston Letters ; Pennant ; Lysons' Cheshire ; 
3Iagna Britannia ; Baudier ; Lingard : Ormerod's Chester ; Fabyan ; Daniel : 
Heningay's Hist, of Chester ; Kennet's Hist, of Eng. 


still in the water, and the rest preparing to pass it, 
the Earl of Salisbury suddenly turned back, and fell 
upon them. So sudden and unexpected was this 
movement, that the Lancastrians had scarcely time to 
draw up for battle. An obstinate fight was main- 
tained for four or five hours, during which the Royalists 
were supported by fresh supplies continually crossing 
the river ; but the confusion, inevitable in a battle 
fought in such a manner, occasioned their defeat. The 
loss of the Lancastrians was estimated at 2,400 men. 
Lord Audley and all the principal officers were slain. 
Amongst those enumerated were Sir Thomas Dutton, 
Sir John Done, Sir Hugh Venables, Sir Richard Moli- 
neux, Sir William Troutbeck, Sir John Legh, of Booths, 
and Sir John Egerton, who were all left dead on the 
field of battle.* Dudley, and many knights were made 
prisoners, amongst whom were Sir John and Sh 
Thomas Neville, knights, two sons of the Earl of Salis- 
bury,")" and Sir Thomas Harrington, Raufe Rokesby, 
Thomas Ashton, Robert Evereux, and others, who 
were all sent to Chester, jj. § The extent to which party 
animosity had reached at the period of this fatal battle 
has been strongly depicted in the words of the poet, 
who thus describes the death of these brave men, each 
having fallen by the hand of a relative : — 

" There Dutton, Dutton kills ; a Done doth kill a Done ; 
' ' A Booth a Booth ; and Leigh by Leigh is overthrown, 
" A Venables against a Venables doth stand, 
" And Troutbeck fighteth with a Troutbeck hand to hand : 

* To these should be added that of Sir Robert Booth of Denham, whose 
monumental brass fixes his decease on this day. 

f These two sons of Salisbury were travelling- with Sir Thomas Harrington 
into the North, but were taken. A message from the " March " men caused 
them to be set free. 

J They were released from their prison in the castle of Chester by order 
of the King, and delivered by Sir John Mainwaring to Lord Stanley. 

§ Hall ; Sandf ord ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Fabyan : Drayton's Poly-olbion ; 
Toplis ; Pol. Vergil ; Stow ; Mag. Britannia ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Hume ; 
Henry ; Daniel ; Lingard ; Ormerod's Chester ; Chron. Lond. ; Heningay'a 
Chester ; Kennet's Hist, of England. 

e 2 


" Then Molineux doth make a Molineux to die ; 

" And Egerton the strength of Egerton doth try. 

" Oh Cheshire ! wast thou mad of thine own native gore, 

' ' So much until this day thou never shedd'st before ! 

" Above two thousand men upon the earth were thrown, 

" Of whom the greater part were naturally thine t 

During the battle of Blorelieatli Queen Margaret 
remained at Eccleshall, in Staffordshire, where, from 
the tower of the church in that town, she beheld this 
fierce encounter, so fatal to the Lancastrian cause.* 
The King was staying at Coleshill. The quarrel 
between the two parties, at first confined to the higher 
classes, now began to occasion division and strife in 
almost everv family in the kingdom : it found its way 
into the recesses of the convents, and even into the 
cottages of the poor. One party called the Duke of 
York a traitor, who was only spared through the 
clemencv of the Kino- ; the other party, taking the 
side of the rebels, considered their chief had been 
injured, and, with his associates trampled under foot 
by the Court minions, and compelled to unsheath the 
sword for self-preservation, f 

The unfortunate, yet faithful and high-spirited con- 
sort of King Henry, finding that she had failed in her 
purpose of apprehending the Earl of Salisbury, and 
that the battle was lost by her party, was yet not 
wanting in expedients, although disappointed, and 
thrown more than ever upon her own resources. Being 
convinced that nothing but superiority of numbers 
could avail her, she caused to be assembled a large 
army. These forces met at Coventrv, where the Kino; 
joined them, but would fain have been excused from 
ao'ain having recourse to arms.i He would gladly 

* A great stone was placed on the spot where the commander, Lord 
Audler, fell. 

t Wethamstede ; Cont. Croyland ; Lingard : Holinshed. 
X Stow ; Holinshed ; Pennant ; Rapin. 


have quelled the rebellion by means of a treaty, but 
the Queen, undaunted by the late failure, resolved to 
oppose the Duke of York to the utmost of her power 
in the field, as she had before done in the Cabinet. 

After the defeat at Bloreheath, the' Royalists, whose 
ardour was unabated, pressed onward to Ludlow, and 
in their way experienced many difficulties from the 
inclemency of the season, the bad roads, and want of 
accommodation ; to which hardships King Henry sub- 
mitted with cheerfulness, halting only on Sundays. 
He often spent his nights in the open fields ; but the 
life of a soldier was far from agreeable to this monarch, 
who on all occasions advocated peace. 

Queen Margaret was at this time most earnestly 
bent on the subjugation of the Yorkists. Some histo- 
rians assure us that the Queen, being convinced that it 
was in vain for her to attempt to persuade the King 
her husband to second or approve her measures ; (he, 
either through the feebleness of his understanding, 
or his pacific disposition, becoming unmanageable,) 
being disappointed in her projects for want of his 
concurrence, resolved at last to endeavour to place 
her son on the throne, seeking to prevail on King J459 
Henry to resign it in his favour. She had even en- 
gaged some lords to aid her in this attempt, and these 
noblemen actually moved the King to abdicate, but 
could not succeed in obtaining his consent.* 

The sagacity of the Queen enabled her to perceive 
that the Duke of York aimed at the crown ; and, being 
persuaded of this, she earnestly sought to arouse the 
King to a sense of the danger he incurred from the 
pretensions of so formidable a rival. She reminded 
him of the preparations which were then making b}^ 
the Duke, showing the necessity for action, as by his 
delay the Duke always became the aggressor. She 

* Stow ; Baudier ; Fabyan. 



conjured him, then, to. march with the utmost expedi- 
tion, and by a prompt and courageous attack to displace 
and confound the insurgents. * 

The arguments of Queen Margaret, although they 
induced the King to set out in quest of the rebels, did 
not prevail on him to assault them, until he had first 
made use of every pacific means to recall them to 
their allegiance. 

The royal army consisted of 60,000 men, headed by 
the Dukes of Somerset and Exeter. They marched in 
the direction of Wales, but stopped short at Worcester, 
when King Henry dismissed Richard Beauchamp, 
Bishop of Salisbury, to the rebels, who had encamped 
at Ludlow, with an offer of pardon, upon condition of 
their laying down their arms within six days, j" 

The Earl of Salisbury, after his victory at Bloreheath, 
had proceeded into Wales, where the Duke of York 
was employed in levying troops. These noblemen 
held a long conference. They perceived that the King 
and Queen had penetrated their design, and it was 
therefore no longer of use to dissemble. They resolved 
to make one more desperate effort to accomplish their 
purpose, or to lose their lives in the attempt. Uniting 
all their forces, they redoubled their exertions to 
assemble a large army, and dismissed a summons to 
the Earl of Warwick, who speedily joined them, bring- 
ing with him a part of his garrison from Calais, under 
the command of Sir John Blount and Sir Andrew 
Trollop, who had distinguished himself in the wars in 
France.;); To the proposal of King Henry the York- 
ists only replied by alleging that they could not rely 
on promises, which were evidently meant to ensnare 

* Baudier. 

f Holinshed ; Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Stow ; Green's Worcester ; 
t Pennant says that Salisbury j oined the Duke at Ludlow. 


them, as had been seen in the late ^attempt on the Earl 
of Warwick; and that there was no trusting to the 
King's word, as long as the Queen had such predomi- 
nant power ; but that they were willing to submit to 
their sovereign, if he could devise means to ensure their 
safety. * 

Upon receiving this answer, the King commanded 
his forces to advance, with ^design to give them 
battle ; he then obtained from the rebels a most 
submissive letter, beseeching him to remember that 
they had been compelled to adopt defensive measures, 
to protect themselves from their enemies ; that it was 
evident they entertained no treasonable designs from 
their remaining in a distant part of the kingdom, where 
they had attempted nothing ; that they wished only to 
obtain redress for the grievances of the people, which 
had been occasioned by the faults of the ministers. 
Finally, they prayed the King to consider them as 
loyal subjects, and receive them again into his 
favour. | 

This address failed in its object. The Royalists, 
inspired with a contemptible opinion of the enemy's 
courage, from the humble manner in which they 
wrote, approached within half a mile of their camp, 
resolved to come to an engagement on the following 
day. The King's proclamation was meanwhile dis- 
persed amongst the enemy, offering pardon to all who 
would lay down their arms ; and this had a powerful 
effect. The troops of the Duke, thinking the King's 
pardon was offered on account of the superior numbers 
of the forces of the Royalists, lost no time in abandon- 
ing the apparently weaker side. Sir Andrew Trollop, 
and those who had accompanied him from Calais, who 

* Hall ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Stow ; Sanclford ; Rot. Pari. ; Wetharnstede ; 
Pol. Vergil ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard ; Green's Wor- 

f Stow ; Holinshed ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Phillips's Shrewsbury. 



Hume ; 
Henry ; 
Ireland ; 

had long served the King with fidelity, but had been 
deceived by the fair speeches of their employers, now, 
for the first time, discovered the treasonable intentions 
of the Duke of York, who, to keep up the spirits of 
his men, had spread a report that King Henry died 
the day before, and even commanded mass to be 
chaunted for the repose of his soul. 

This report reached the King, who, to refute it, 
immediately appeared in the midst of his troops, and 
harangued them with a martial air, and greater spirit 
and energy than he was ever known to exhibit on any 
other occasion. 

This much gratified the Lancastrian lords and 
soldiers, and all who were eager to show their loyalty 
to their sovereign. The falsehood of the Duke of 
York being thus made apparent, Sir Andrew Trollop 
and his followers went over, in the night, to the King, 
and thus threw the Yorkists into the utmost confusion. 
Consternation and distrust spread through the camp, 
and the defection became so general, that the con- 
federate lords, in great alarm, lest they should fall 
into the King's hands, fled precipitately into the heart 
of AYales. The Duke of York proceeded thence, with 
his son, the Earl of Rutland, to Ireland. The Earl of 
March, the eldest son of the Duke of York, and the 
Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, proceeded into 
Devonshire, where, assisted by John Denham, Esq., 
they escaped from Exmouth to Guernsey, and thence 
to Calais. The remainder of the army submitted to 
the King's mercy ; and all received a pardon, except a 
few, who were executed as a public example. 

This bloodless victory was highly satisfactory to the 
merciful monarch ; and the next day Kino- Henry con- 
yoked a Parliament to meet at Coventry. After the 

* Baker : Sandford ; Hall ; Holinshed ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Moore's Ire- 
land ; Lond. Chron. : Rapin ; Lingard ; Fabvan ; Hume ; Henry ; Daniel. 


flight of his enemies, the King proceeded by long 
journeys into Wales, hoping to overtake the Duke of 
York ; but the latter eluded his pursuers. The King- 
then returned to Ludlow, from whence he dismissed 
his army, having first spoiled the Castle of Ludlow, 
and sent the Duchess of York, with two of her 
younger sons, to be kept in ward with the Duchess of 
Buckingham, her sister. The town of Ludlow, be- 
longing to the Duke of York, was spoiled to the bare 

While staying at Ludlow, the King decided some 
old controversies, and received under his protection 
the people of those parts, who flocked around him, 
rejoicing in his success. Here also King Henry 
appointed some noblemen of approved loyalty to 
govern and defend the counties of Durham and 

All the adherents of the House of York were ill- 
treated and plundered throughout the kingdom, which 
only served to inflame the animosity of the two parties. 
Those who had served the King were recompensed with 
the estates and spoils of the insurgents, according to 
their respective services and condition. Amongst 
these, Thomas de Roos was rewarded for his loyalty 1459. 
with an annuity of £40 per annum, out of the for- 
feited estate of the Earl of Salisbury. 

From the time of the dispersion of the Yorkists, 
near Ludlow, the King regained his due authority; 
and the Lancastrians only were employed in public 
affairs, which were so conducted until the following 
summer. During this period the King, by the advice 
of his lords, caused the Yorkists to be proclaimed 
traitors, and treated with great severity. 

* Lingard ; Allen's York ; Hall ; Stow ; Baker ; Holinshed ; Paston 
Letters ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Baudier ; Phillips's Shrewsbury ; 


1459. A Parliament was held in the Chapter House of the 

Pasted Priory at Coventry, in 1459, which was subsequently 

Letters. called by the Yorkists, the " Parliamentum diaboli- 

" cum" on account of the numerous attainders passed 

against this party.* 

These attainders, while they marked [the spirit of 
the times, were both unwise and impolitic, as was the 
conduct of Queen Margaret afterwards, in her attempts 
to exterminate the party opposed to her. By this 
conduct the Duke of York was almost left without the 
choice of remaining as a subject with impunity. 

Queen Margaret seems to have relied on the fidelity 
of the people of Coventry, and in all the seasons of 
her greatest alarm and anxiety she fled there. Her 
influence in this city was very great at the time the 
memorable Parliament alluded to was held there. 
The Queen's enemies styled this place her " secret 
" arbour," and tell us the members were wholly 
devoted to her interests ; and they subsequently 
charged her with having procured their election by 
illegal power. 

The proceedings of this Parliament were marked by 
great severity, and formed a precedent to the House of 
York in their after-conduct. In the list of attainders 
in this Parliament we find, not only the Duke of York 
and his chief friends, but also his adherents, and some 
also amongst them who afterwards joined the Lan- 
castrian cause. They were all declared guilty of high 
treason, and their heirs disinherited to the sixth 
degree,! an d their estates confiscated.;): 

* Pol. Vergil ; Pennant ; Stow ; Baudier ; Paston Letters ; Phillips's 
Shrewsbury; Daniel. 

f Stow and others say to the ninth degree. 

\ A list of persons attainted in this Parliament : — 
Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, half brother to Henry VI. 
Cicely, daughter of Ealph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland. 
George Neville, sixth son of Eichard, Earl of Salisbury, and brother of the 

Earl of Warwick, afterwards the Archbishop of York. 


When King Henry was called upon to sign these 
acts of attainder, such was his anxiety for, and love of, 
mercy, that he caused a proviso to be added, by which 
he was enabled, at any time, and without the authority 
of Parliament, to pardon these noblemen, and to re- 
establish them in their former estates and dignities, 
should they sincerely implore his forgiveness and 
favour ; nor would he give his consent to the con- 
fiscation of the property of the Lord Powis, and two 
others, who had craved his mercy the morning after 
their leaders had fled.°| What the poet said of Csesar, 
might with justice be applied to King Henry ; viz., 
" that he was slow to punish, and sad when he was 
" constrained to be severe," — 

" Est piger ad poenas princeps, ad praemia velox ; 
" Cuique dolet, quoties cogitur esse f erox." £ 

Richard, Duke of York, after being betrayed and 1459 

defeated, was driven to take refuge in Ireland ; where 
he was not, however, received as a fugitive, but as 
a chief, or Governor, owing to his former conduct in 
that country. The Duke was now even joyfully wel- 
comed by the Irish. They not only treated him with 
great respect, but voluntarily offered him their ser- 

Lord Grey of Ruthin, afterwards Earl of Kent. 

The Duke of York. Sir Thomas Parre. 

The Earl of March. Sir John Conyers. 

The Earl of Rutland. Sir John Wenlock. 

The Earl of Warwick. Sir William Oldhall. 

The Earl of Salisbury. Edward Bouchier, Esq. 

The Lord Powis. Thomas Vaugh'n. 

Lord Clynton-. Thomas Colte. 

The Countess of Saer. Thomas Clay. 

Sir Thomas Nevylle. John Denham. 

Sir John Nevylle. Thomas Thoryng. 

Sir Thomas Harryngton. John Oter. 

* The Bishop of Exeter and Lord Grey of Ruthin submitting themselves 
obtained the King's favour. 

+ Holinshed ; Stow ; Paston Letters ; Allen's York ; Encyclopedia Bri- 
tannica ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard ; Phillips's Shrewsbury. 
X Ovid, 



vices, to live or die for him, as if he were their lawful 
sovereign, and they his faithful subjects. While the 
Duke had been in England, a period of eight years, 
a succession of deputies had been appointed by him to 
rule in Ireland. At the time of his return, Thomas, 
Earl of Kildare, was deputy, and the prevailing party 
was the Geraldines, by whom the safety of the Duke, 
and of his colleagues, was provided for. Such Acts 
of Parliament were also passed as almost declared the 
colony independent of the English Crown. 

It was in vain that they were opposed by the Earl 
of Ormond, who earnestly maintained the King's 
cause ; so much so, that some of the agents of this 
earl were executed for attempting an arrest on the 
royal warrant, as violators of the acts of the party of 
the Geraldines.* 

The friends of the Duke of York, who had fled to 
Calais for refuge, were welcomed there by Lord 
Fauconbridge. All the Yorkists who assembled at 
this place consulted together, each proposing some 
fresh expedient to effect their purpose, and they were 
none of them deficient in courage or inclination."]" 

At this very time, when the Irish were exhibiting 
all the warmth of affection for the Duke of York, he 
was formally attainted in the Parliament at Coventry, 
and all his adherents proclaimed rebels and traitors.^ 

The attention of the English Government was at 

this period directed to a new object. Somerset had, 

1459. by the Queen's means, been appointed Governor of 

S ow f ; w Calais, the King giving him a grant of it previous 

cester; to the late engagement. He was dismissed with some 

Letters. troops to take possession of the town ; but, upon his 

approach, the garrison fired on him, and prevented 

his landing. He was thus compelled to withdraw to 

* Stow ; Hall ; Holinshed ; Leland ; Burdy's Ireland ; Moore's Ireland, 
f Holinshed ; Stow. $ Leland. 


Guisnes, whence he made frequent sallies, but was 
unable to recover that town, which was strongly for- 
tified ; and in one of his conflicts, on St. George's 
day, he lost many of his followers, at a place called 
Newnham Brigge.° 

When informed of the difficulty which Somerset 
experienced in effecting his object, the Queen equipped 
a fleet to bear him succours, under the command of 
the Earl of Rivers and his son. 

Another account is, that the Queen was so incensed 
at the opposition the Duke met with, that, in a great 
passion, she gave orders to prepare all the King's 
ships lying at Sandwich, to render him assistance. 
These, while they awaited a favourable opportunity to 
set sail, were surprised by Sir John Denham, a friend 
of the Earl of March, who, with some troops, had 
been dismissed by the Earl of Warwick. These forces, 
arriving at Sandwich by daybreak, Lord Rivers and 
his son, Sir Antony, and most of his officers, were 
surprised in their beds, and taken prisoners ; and the 
rest were won over by Sir John Denham, who finally 
departed with the King's vessels to Calais, taking with 
him also Lord Rivers, his son, and officers. These 
ships were employed by Warwick to carry him over 
to Ireland, and there he desired to consult the Duke of 
York as to the means they should adopt for their own 
defence. When Lord Rivers was brought before the 
lords at Calais, " there were eight score torches, and 
" there my Lord of Salisbury rated him, calling him 
" knave's son, that he should be so rude to call him, 
" and these other lords, traitors, for," he said, " they 
" should be found the King's true liege men, when he 
" should be found a traitor." Lord Rivers was also 
" rated '' by my Lords Warwick and March ; but this 

* Holinshed ; Hall ; Sandford ; Stow ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Wor- 
cester ; Paston Letters ; Bapin ; Lingard ; Daniel. 



W. of Wor- 

was a show of great moderation on the part of these 
Yorkists, who, according to the cruel customs in these 
civil wars, might have ordered their prisoner for im- 
mediate execution. 

After the Earl of Warwick's conference with the 
Duke of York, he returned to Calais. He met in 
his passage the new Admiral, the Duke of Exeter, 
who did not dare to arrest the Earl's progress, and 
Warwick reached Calais in safety. He brought with 
him his mother, the Countess of Salisbury, who, 
through fear, had fled to Ireland.* The Duke of 
Somerset about this time returned from Guisnes, 
500 men having been sent over to reconduct him to 
1459. Sir Simon Montford was appointed to guard the 

w. of Wor- Cinque Ports, having^some ships under his command, 
to prevent the approach of the Earl of Warwick ; but 
all these precautions were unavailing. The Earl sur- 
prised Sir Simon before his vessels were ready, and 
having ransacked the town of Sandwich, he carried 
off Sir Simon and his officers to Calais, where they 
say the Earl of March, to revenge those who had 
suffered in his father's cause, had twelve of them 
1459 In February this year, 1459, nine persons were 

w. of Wor- apprehended hi the metropolis who were Yorkists, 
one of them a lawyer, named Roger Neville, the rest 
tradesmen of the city of London. They were drawn, 
hanged, and beheaded ; the offence for which they 
suffered being, that they were desirous of approaching 
Calais to aid the Earl of Warwick, f 

A conspiracy was also discovered, the object of 
which was to besiege the Tower of London. The 

* Baker ; Holinshed ; Hall ; Fabyan ; Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin ; 
Psston Letters ; Pol. Vergil ; Lingard ; Daniel, 
f Baker ; Paston Letters ; Leland ; W. of Worcester ; Daniel. 


Duke of Exeter was implicated, and five of his family, 
and also Thomas Brount, knight, of Kent. They 
were all tried in July this year, 1459, at Guildhall, 1459 - 

J J ' ' W. of Wor- 

and convicted, and were then drawn to Tyburn and cester. 
beheaded ; also, soon afterwards, another person, named 
John Archer, who was engaged in the same plot.* 

It had been anticipated by the Queen and her 
ministers, that the interview between the Duke of 
York and the Earl of Warwick would be productive 
of a new rebellion ; consequently, a Council was held 
on the subject, wherein it was determined that a dili- 
gent search should be made throughout the kingdom 
for all the friends and adherents of the Duke of York, 
and that such of them as should be found faithful to 
him, and most capable of rendering him assistance, 
should be executed. James Butler,")" Earl of Wilt- 
shire, Lord Scales, and others, were employed in the 
office of discovering those who had sided with the 
Yorkists, and they were authorised to punish the 
offenders according to law. 

These severities, however, had a different effect from 
that which had been anticipated. The general dis- 
content increased, and scarcely had these two lords 
begun to execute their commission, having condemned 
to death a few persons in some towns where the 
Duke's cause had been boldly espoused, than the in- 
habitants of Kent flew to arms, and the people, who 
had before eagerly flocked to the standard of Cade (an 
adventurer, with a feigned title), now exhibited great 
zeal and excitement in favour of one they called the 
rightful heir, and true descendant of the House of 

* W. of Worcester. 

f James Butler was the son of the Earl of Orrnond, and was created Earl 
of Wiltshire by Henry VI. during his father's lifetime. He had been ten 
years Deputy of Ireland, and became Lord High Treasurer of England. 

J Stow ; Paston Letters ; Allen's York ; Henry ; Rapin. 


1459. In 1459, Pope Pius II. sent into England a Legate, 
with a view to assist in the reconciliation of the rival 
parties of York and Lancaster ; and also to prevail on 
King Henry VI. to join the forces of this nation in 
a crusade. The Legate employed on this occasion 
was Francesco de Copini, Bishop of Teramo, who, far 
from executing the purposes of his mission, fostered 
the dissensions of the rival parties, when he should 
have composed them ; he joined the army of the 
Yorkists, and even proceeded to excommunicate the 
adherents of the Lancastrians. 

This is stated by the Pope himself. Copini had 
arrived at Calais, when he received a letter from the 
leaders of the Yorkist party, Richard, Earl of Warwick, 
who was Captain of Calais, Edward, Earl of March, 
Richard, Earl of Salisbury, and William Neville, Lord 
Fauconbridge. The letter was dated from Calais, 
and had the seals, as well as the signs-manual, of all 
these persons attached to it. 

They offered to Copini a vessel, to go speedily and 
urge upon King Henry the " honour and integrity of 
" the intentions of these lords, both to him and to 
" the country, confirmed by oath." They alluded to 
their having obtained possession of the King's fleet, 
which they hadjseized upon previously at Sandwich. 

Copini much [incensed the Pope by the perversion 
of his mission, and by the enormous bribes, in plate 
and money, which he had received. He was recalled 
by him, and put into prison, in the castle of St. Angelo. 

The Legate made a full confession of his guilt. 
He was deprived of his bishopric, and changed his 
name from Francesco to Ignatius. Afterwards he 
became a monk in the Benedictine monastery of St. 
Paul, at Rome, and died in obscurity. 

The Yorkist Jords showed their sense of obligation 
to Copini by granting him the sum of £100 annually, 


payable from the ports of Southampton ; and this was 
granted until such time as he should obtain prefer- 
ment in the church.* 

The impolitic scheme of Queen Margaret, for the 
extirpation of the Yorkists, had raised universal alarm 
in the minds of the people of Kent. 

Their strong attachment to the Duke of York had 
been often manifested ; and perceiving the method 
adopted in other counties, for the destruction of his 
party, they could but anticipate that their own ruin 
would follow. With this impression they made a 
timely appeal to the Lords at Calais, inviting them 
to make a descent on the coast of Kent, promising to 
join them, and risk their lives and fortunes in their 
cause. It may well be imagined that this offer was 
far from displeasing to the lords who received it ; 
but, being unwilling to engage too hastily in this 
enterprise, they dismissed Lord Fauconbridge to as- 
certain the real disposition of the people.")" 

When Lord Fauconbridge arrived at Sandwich he 
found the inhabitants throughout Kent were sincere 
in their professions to'the Lords at Calais, and earnestly 
desired to support the pretensions of the Yorkists. 
He sent immediately this intelligence to Calais, adding 
that nothing but the utmost despatch could save this 
county from the ruin which appeared inevitable ; and 
that if prompt assistance be rendered to the inhabi- 
tants of Kent, those of. other counties might be en- 
couraged to join them.J 

The Lords of Calais could no longer hesitate ; but 
previous to engaging in their new projects, they con- 
veyed information of them to the Duke of York, in 
Ireland, and caused a public protestation to be made 
throughout Kent and the adjoining counties, to the 

* Ellis's Letters. f Stow ; Baker ; Rapin ; Henry ; Daniel. 

% Stow ; Rapin ; Lingard. 



effect that their only motive for taking up arms was to 
free the poor from oppression, and to preserve their 
rights and privileges. They further added, that they 
doubted not that all worthy Englishmen would unite 
their efforts for so noble an enterprise. The Earls of 
Wiltshire and Shrewsbury and Lord Beaumont were 
charged by them with misguiding the King. They 
asserted, that the King of France had been written to, to 
besiege Calais ; and that the people of Ireland had been 
commanded to expel the English. Finally, that the 
Yorkists were loyal subjects, which it was their in- 
tention soon to make manifest. 
1460. This declaration had so great an effect over the 

London minds of the people, that when the Earls of Salisbury, 
chron.j Warwick, and March reached Sandwich, bringing with 
them 1500 men, they found there already assembled 
an army of 400 * strong, under the command of Lord 
Cobham. f With this additional army the Yorkists 
began their march towards London, and before they 
arrived at the metropolis their numbers were increased 
to 25,000 or, according to some writers, 40,000 men. 
Bouchier, Archbishop of Canterbury (who was in- 
debted for his exaltation to that See to the Duke of 
York), joined their party, as did the Bishops of Lincoln 
and London, and many barons. Also, the Pope's 
Legate had joined them. Besides these, William Grey, 
Bishop of Ely, and George Neville, Bishop of Exeter, 
brother of the Earl of Warwick, declared for them, 
and with some armed men met the warlike leaders 
with their army at Southwark, and conducted them 
to the city by London Bridge ; J when they reached 

* Lingard says 600. 

| Stow ; Hall ; London Chron. ; Leland ; Pol. Vergil ; Allen's York ; 
Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard ; Daniel. 

J One historian tells us that in this approach to the city, thirteen of the 
strongest of the Bishop's armed men were suffocated, having fallen on the 
bad roads, and being unable to rise through the weight of their armour, and 
the concourse of people. 


tlie capital the gates were thrown open to receive 

They entered the city on the 2nd of July, 1460. It 1460. 
appears that resistance was vain, for London was at 
that time " kept without watch, and nothing furnished 
" like a town of war, and therefore of necessity open 
"to the first assailants." They all proceeded to St. 
Paul's, and there, in the presence of the prelates who 
had espoused their cause, the Yorkists swore that they 
intended nothing contrary to the continuance of King 
Henry's authority.* 

* Pol. Vergil ; Sandford ; Baker : W. of Worcester ; Lingard ; Maitland's 

F 2 


(Queen Margaret.) 

' ' Oft have I heard that grief softens 
" The mind, 

" And makes it fearftd and degenerate ; 
" Think therefore on revenge, and cease to weep." 

(Queen Margaret.) 

'* What are you made of ? you'll not fight 
"Nor fly: 

" Now is it manhood, wisdom and defence 
" To give the enemy way ; and to secure us 
** By what we can, which can no more but fly ? 

[Alarm afar of. 
** If you be ta'en, we then should see the bottom 
11 Of all our fortunes ; but if we haply 'scape, 
" As well we may, if not through your neglect, 
" We shall to London get, where you are lord, 
" And where the breach now in our fortunes made 
" May readily be stopped." — Shakespeare. 

The King and Queen at Coventry — Margaret's activity — She raises a new 
army — Edward, Earl of March, opposes her — The battle of Northampton 
— Buckingham and others slain — The Queen escapes to Durham — 
Respect paid to the King — Parliament meets — York's pretensions dis- 
cussed — The Duke of York appointed successor to King Henry — A 
procession to St. Paul's — York becomes absolute — He attempts to 
ensnare the Queen— Margaret robbed near Chester — She goes to "Wales 
and Scotland — Affairs in Scotland — The Queen returns to the North 
of England — She raises an army in Yorkshire, and is joined by the 
northern barons — Promises of plunder — The Queen goes southward 
with an army of 20,000 — The Duke of York advances to meet her, and 
withdraws to Wakefield — Queen Margaret harangues her troops — 
Battle of W T akefield Green— Death of the Duke of York, and of his 
son — Earl of Salisbury beheaded — The Queen advances towards Lon- 
don — Battle of Mortimer's Cross— Owen Tudor beheaded — Warwick 
leads another army against the Queen — Battle of Bernard's Heath — 
Interview of the King, Queen, and Prince Edward— Lord Bonville and 
Sir Thomas Kiriel beheaded — The plunder of St. Alban's — The Queen 
applies to the Lord Mayor for provisions, and is refused— The Earl of 
March advances to London, and Queen Margaret retires to the North — 
The Earl of March enters London, and is proclaimed King. 


Queen Margaret, who was at Coventry, found 
herself a second time excluded from the capital, where 
she had vainly endeavoured to prevent the entrance of 
the rebels, by sending thither a considerable force, 
under the command of Lord Scales. So general was 
the disaffection in this city, that, even previous to the 
entrance of the insurgents, the Mayor had shut the 
gates upon Lord Scales, who, thus repulsed, threw 
himself into the Tower, and threatened to destroy the 
city with his cannon, should the enemy be allowed to 
enter. The citizens, however, were not intimidated by 
this menace, and boldly permitted the Yorkists to 
establish themselves in the capital.* 

The King and Queen were meanwhile collecting 
forces at Coventry with the utmost expedition. The 
Duke of Somerset, who had returned to England, and 
the Duke of Buckingham, took the command of this 
army, an office chiefly nominal, for Queen Margaret 
was herself in reality the general. No step could be 
taken, no measure adopted, but with her concurrence ; 
and, although the King was present also in person, the 
Queen was the only real commander. f Eagerly did 
Margaret desire to come to an engagement, which her 
ardent mind inclined her to expect would decide the 
contest. How vain were these expectations ! How 
unlike the judgment of riper years ! At this time 
Margaret could not have been more than thirty-one 
years of age, when her masculine understanding and 
her courage led her to brave the fortunes of war, and 
even death itself, in her earnestness to recover by force 
of arms, that which by policy she could not preserve, 
viz., the peaceable possession of the throne. 

The Queen would not listen to any parley ; and the 

* Baker ; Hall ; Rapin ; Henry ; W. of Worcester ; Maitland's London. 
f Sandford ; Hall ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; 
Female Worthie3. 


King, intent on his devotions, did not even receive 
the messengers sent by the enemy to seek an accom-- 
modation ; the Duke of Buckingham also refused to 
admit them, even upon a second and a third ap- 
plication. * 

The Earl of March, a youth of about twenty years 
of age, set out from London, with 25,000 men, to oppose 
the Queen, who, as he had heard, was on her way to 
the metropolis ; and he hoped to come to an engage- 
ment with her before she could collect a larger army. 
The Earl was accompanied by the Earl of Warwick 
and Lord Cobham, as lieutenants, whilst the Earl of 
Salisbury remained in the city with a great part of his 
forces. Lord Scales, taking advantage of the departure 
of these noblemen, caused his cannon to play against 
the city, and effected some mischief ; but the vigilance 
of the Earl of Salisbury, in stopping his supplies, occa- 
sioned him great distress. f 

Upon approaching the army of the Eoyalists, en- 
camped near Northampton, the Earls of March and 
Warwick had dismissed the Bishop of Salisbury with 
proposals of accommodation. These offers, as we have 
seen, were not made known to the King ; but the 
Court, esteeming them as mere j^rofessions, refused to 
listen to them, and both armies prepared for battle. 

The Queen, in her eagerness to decide the quarrel 
by an engagement, had crossed a little river called 
Nen, or Nyne, which lay behind the plain upon which 
she had encamped, making haste to effect this passage 
lest the Yorkists should take advantage of it to avoid 
a battle : this circumstance was ultimately of great 
disadvantage to her. j 

The memorable battle of Northampton was fought 

* Baudier ; Female Worthies ; Stow ; Wethamstede. 

f Baker ; Allen's York ; Henry ; Rapin. 

% Sandford ; Stow ; Baudier ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Pol. Vergil. 



on the 19th of July * 1460. t The Dukes of Somerset ueo. 

Baker • 

and Buckingham having the command of the royal Sandford; 
forces, the Queen withdrew to a distance, to watch the p^ton' 
encounter, and to issue her orders as circumstances Letters ; 

. . Stow; 

should require. In the army of the Yorkists the right Pennant ; 
wing was commanded by the Earl of Warwick, the Henry'; 
left by Lord Cobham, and the Earl of March fought in i^lSi. 
the centre. The King only remained inactive on this 
eventful day, which seemed to promise to establish 
him on the throne, or to dispossess him of it for ever. 
Eetiring to his tent, within the precincts of the camp, 
he there patiently awaited the issue of the battle. 
Such respect had the pacific character of King Henry 
obtained for him amongst the Yorkists, that the lords 
of this party had proclaimed throughout their army, 
that great care should be taken not to injure the person 
of their sovereign. They also ordered that the com- 
mon soldiers should be spared, and their leaders only 
sacrificed to their vengeance. 

The engagement, which was commenced by the 
Yorkists, lasted two, or, as some say, five hours, with 
great fury and equal obstinacy on both sides, until Lord 
Grey, of Ruthin, who had headed part of the King's 
forces, suddenly deserted to the enemy. The Royalists, 
discouraged by this unexpected event, and fearing that 
others would follow this example, began to give way, 
and were finally routed with considerable loss. In 
their flight they were impeded by the river Nen, which 
occasioned a greater slaughter, besides that many were 
drowned in attempting to repass it. Amongst the 
slain were the Duke of Buckingham, the Lords Beau- 
mont and Egremont, the Earl of Shrewsbury (son of 

* Toplis says on the 10th of July ; also Allen's Hist, of York. 

f Some tell us that the Bishop of Hereford, a white friar and the King's 
confessor, encouraged the Lancastrians to fight ; and for this he was after- 
wards committed to the castle of Warwick, where he long remained a 


the great Lord Talbot, killed in the French war), and 
many others of high rank and merit. There were 
10,000 men killed in this battle.* The slaughter was 
chiefly of the nobility, and many prisoners were taken. f 

Lord Beaumont was the first nobleman who bore 
in England the title of viscount, with which King 
Henry had distinguished him, in 1439, and he had 
ever proved his faithful adherent. The Duke of 
Buckingham had also been firm in the interests of his 
royal master. In 1454 he had prepared the " Stafford 
"knots," to distinguish his party; in 1455, at St. 
Alban's, he had been wounded while fighting by the 
King's side, and in that encounter he had lost his eldest 
son, Lord Stafford. For a short time, in 1456, how- 
ever, he joined the Yorkists, being offended by the 
Queen's removal of his two relatives from the offices 
of Chancellor and Treasurer ; but he soon returned to 
the Lancastrian side, and joined the royal standard at 
Northampton, where he lost his life. His remains 
were interred in the church of Grey Friars, at 

The unfortunate issue of the battle of Northampton 
may be attributed to the treachery of Lord Grey of 
Ruthin, of whom we are assured that he was tempted 
to betray the trust reposed in him, through his love of 
lucre, which led him to negotiate, previous to this 
battle, with the Earl of March, who promised him the 
estates of Ampethill (belonging to Lord Fanhope, a 
partisan of King Henry, and to which Lord Grey pre- 
tended a title), on condition that he would desert the 

* Stow tells us, that " on the day of this battle, there was so great a rain 

" that the King's ordnance of guns might not be shot." 

•f* Hall says " 10,000 talle Englishmen and their King were taken." 

% Paston Letters ; Stow ; Hall ; Toplis ; Sandford ; Baker ; Pennant ; 

Lingard ; Milles's Catalogue ; W. of Worcester ; Pol. Vergil ; Lond. Chron. ; 

Hume ; Henry ; Fabyan ; Rapin ; Morant ; Magna Britannica ; Phillips's 

Shrewsbury ; Bridge's Northampton ; Allen's York. 


Lancastrians with his followers, a strong body of 
Welshmen. This account appears more credible, when 
we consider the mercenary disposition of Lord Grey, 
as exhibited in the Paston Letters. This Lord, who 
carefully regarded his own interests, survived through 
four stormy reigns, and contrived to preserve his 
property with the favour of King Edward IV., 
Richard III., and Henry VII.* 

Alas ! for the unfortunate Queen, thus suddenly 
deprived of her once loyal adherent ! yet many others 
supported her cause, and sought to retrieve the mis- 
fortune by a vigorous resistance, until, driven back, 
and discomfited, on the edge of a stream, swollen by 
the heavy rains, they had no escape from the flood, or 
the sword, but to end the contest by a precipitate 
flight. The bodies of those who were slain were 
buried in the hospital of St. John, or in the church of 
the convent, called the Abbey de la Pre, in the town 
of Northampton. 

The Queen, the young Prince, and the Duke of 
Somerset, with others who had escaped the battle, 
rode away with the utmost expedition into Yorkshire, 
and thence to Durham ; they were, indeed, in the 
utmost alarm, lest they should fall into the hands of 
their enemies. They still had hopes that they should 
be able to augment their forces, or to escape into 
Scotland, until a more favourable season for renewing 
the war.f 

The King fell again into the power of the Yorkists, 
from whom, however, he received all the homage due 
to his rank, and even as much respect as he could 
have demanded in his most prosperous circumstances. 
This monarch, we are assured, if insensible to his 
change of fortune, received some consolation in his 

♦ * Dugdale ; Paston Letters. 

f Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin. 


reverses from the deference shown him. He 
seemed born to a life of calamity, and he must have 
deeply felt the loss of his steady friends, experienced 
generals, and near relatives, who, one by one, fell in 
this ruthless warfare. He had, at this time, to regret 
the Duke of Buckingham, the proudest of England's 
lords, who had been granted the precedence of all 
other dukes, those excepted of the blood-royal. He 
had been advanced to his dukedom by the Kino: him- 
self, and was by blood allied to this monarch. Far 
different were his fortunes to those of Lord Grey of 
Eu thin. His grandson, the only heir to his estates, 
being but four years of as;e, became a ward to the 
King, and was consigned, along with Humphrey, his 
brother, to the care of Anne, Duchess of Exeter, 
with an allowance of 500 marks annually for their 

The victorious lords conducted King Henry, in a 
kind of procession to Northampton, soon after the 
battle, and there stayed until he came to London, 
which city he entered on the 16th of August following, 
attended by a o-reat manv of the Yorkists, who had so 
lately been in arms against him. These lords, with 
triumph, conducted their submissive monarch through 
the capital, and lodged him in the Bishop's palace. 
From this time until the meeting of Parliament, which 
was called in the name of the King to meet at West- 
minster on the 7th of October, (for the acknowledged 
object of healing the dissensions of the two parties), 
the Yorkists continued to pay their court assiduously 
to their meek and passive King. In all public affairs, 
meanwhile, they took upon themselves to act in the 
King's name, and they prevailed upon Henry to sign 
whatever orders were agreeable to their own interests.* 

* Baker ; Toplis ; Hall ; Lond. Chron. ; W. of Worcester ; Hume t Stow : 
Pol. Vergil ; Lingard ; Rapin ; Henry ; Bridge's Northampton. 


William Waynfleet, Bishop of Winchester, had been 
appointed High Chancellor in 1456, in the room of 
Thomas Bouchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, who 
had held this office under the Yorkists. This Bishop 
was a learned and zealous prelate, eminent for his 
piety, amiability of temper, and his great compassion 
towards the poor. These distinguishing characteristics 
marked him as one of those beloved of the saintly 
monarch, who delighted in rest and peace and holy 
converse. With such a companion as this King Henry 
passed his time ; and we find that even when com- 
pelled to approach the battle-field, and listen to the 
din of war, previous to the encounter at Northampton, 
this Bishop was with his beloved sovereign.* The 
object of this prelate was to resign his chancellorship ; 
not that he was less firm in his attachment to his 
royal master's interests, but that this had been im- 
puted to him by Pope Pius II. To free him from this 
charge, . the King addressed a letter to his Holiness, 
wherein he speaks of the bishop's services to him in 
the administration, and adds, that such had been his 
conduct as should preserve his character from censure.")" 
It was on the 7th of July, 1460, that Waynfleet made 
this resignation to the King, in the presence of the 
Bishops of Hereford and Durham, and others, in King 
Henry's tent, then pitched in a field called " Harding- 
" stone Field," near the Abbey of St. Mary " cle 
1 Pratis," not far from Northampton. This great seal 
of silver was, by the King's orders, deposited in a 
chest, in his tent, the key of it being delivered to him. 

The Yorkists, having again recovered their authority, H60 
through their success at Northampton, now furiously Baker ; 
assaulted the Tower of London, which was besieged PastoiT 


* Birch's Illust. Persons of Great Britain. 

f Edward IV., when established on the throne, treated Waynfleet with 
consideration, notwithstanding his attachment to King- Henry VI. 


by the Earl of Salisbury, Lord Cobliam, and Sir John 
Wenlock. This fortress had been held by the Lords 
Scales and Hungerford, having with them also the 
High Sheriff of Kent, and John Dalamara of the 
county of Berks, and others ; but all their loyalty was 
unavailing — they were compelled to surrender to their 
besiegers. This they did, but conditionally, that they 
should depart free — a privilege, however, which was 
not accorded them by the new Governor, the Earl of 
Warwick ; for it appears that Lord Scales, attempting 
to escape from the Tower, in order to reach the 
Sanctuary at Westminster, and having, as described 
by the chronicler, " explored the Thames by night, in 
" disguised apparel, was descried by a woman," and 
was killed in a conflict by the sailors of the Earls of 
Warwick and March, beneath the wall of the Bishop 
of Winchester's house, on the banks of the river. He 
was despoiled of his clothes, and left naked for many 
hours, lying on the earth in the cemetery, near the 
porch of the church of St. Mary of Overy, in South- 
ward At length, on the same day, he was honour- 
ably interred by the Earls of Warwick, March, and 
others. Thomas Lord Scales was regarded as a noble- 
man of distinguished worth and great loyalty. He was 
sixty-two years of age.* 

The contest between the two parties seemed now to 
have terminated, the chief of the Lancastrians being 
killed, or imprisoned, Queen Margaret and her son 
having fled, and the weak King Henry being at the 
disposal of his enemies ; but torrents of blood were yet 
to be shed before this fatal quarrel should be ended. 
This was owing chiefly to the political timidity of the 
Duke of York, and the courage and activity of the 
Queen. George Neville, Bishop of Exeter, was ap- 

* Stow ; Baker ; Sandford ; W. of Worcester ; Paston Letters ; Mait- 
land's London. 


pointed Chancellor on the 25th of July, and Lord 
Bouchiere, Treasurer. 

At the meeting of Parliament on the 7th of October, Ho J^ed ■ 
1460, the Dukes of Somerset and Exeter, the Earls w. ofWor- 
of Northumberland and Devonshire, as well as others Hume'; \ 
of the Lancastrian party, did not dare to appear. Only ai ' m ' 
the Yorkists were present. The Earl of Warwick 
obtained from the King a grant of the government of 
Calais, and the Duke of Somerset was commanded to 
give up to him that of Guisnes. The Duke of York 
and his friends, viz., the Earls of Salisbury and War- 
wick, Lords Clifford and Clinton, Sir Thomas Harring- 
ton, Sir John Wenlock, and others, were all declared 
good and loyal subjects. Also, in this Parliament, all 
the acts were repealed which had been passed at the 
last meeting at Coventry. The King was obliged to 
sanction all these measures with his authority, and 
indeed whatever the victors required. Almost all the 
archbishops, bishops, and abbots attended during this 

The victory of the Yorkists at Northampton had 
once more called the Duke from Ireland, on which 
occasion the attachment of his adherents was eminently 
evinced in this country. They flocked around him in 
vast numbers, uttering violent professions of fidelity 
and of resolution.f 

The friends of the Duke of York were anxiously 
desiring his presence in London to direct their future 
proceedings. Nor did the Duke fail to take advantage 
of this turn of fortune in his favour. He hastened to 
London, and entered the capital with sound of trum- 
pets, an armed retinue of 500 horsemen, and a drawn 
sword was carried before him. It was the second day 
of the meeting of Parliament when the Duke arrived. 

* W. of Worcester ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry, 
f Leland. 


He aliglited from his horse at Westminster, and pro- 
ceeded directly to the House of Lords, placed himself 
under the canopy of state, and with his hand upon the 
throne stood for some minutes, as if expecting to be 
invited to take the seat. During this period of 
suspense the total silence of the house sufficiently 
convinced the Duke that the members were not all 
favourable to his purpose, and to add to the confusion 
he evinced, the Archbishop of Canterbury, advancing 
towards him, inquired " if he would not go and pay his 
"respects to the King?" Upon this the Duke 
coloured deeply, and hastily replying, that " he knew 
" no one to whom he owed that honour," withdrew 
instantly to his own house. 

The Duke perceived that it was quite in vain 
to expect to be solicited to receive the crown, and 
resolved to throw aside the mask with which he 
had hitherto disguised his actions, and openly 
assert his claims. Accordingly, on the following 
morning, he sent in to Parliament a written state- 
ment of the grounds whereon he rested his preten- 
sions, and these were debated, according to the 
several abilities and dispositions of the members, with 
great earnestness.* 

The Duke began by stating that he derived his 
descent from Henry III., by Lionel, third son of 
Edward III., Eichard II. having resigned; Henry, 
Earl of Derby, who was the son of John of Ghent, the 
younger brother of Lionel, contrary to all right, inher- 
ited the crowns of England and France and the Lord- 
ship of Ireland, which lawfully belonged to Eoger 
Mortimer, Earl of March, great grandson to the said 
Lionel, and thence by right, law, and custom descended 
to himself, being the lineal representative of Eoger 

* Pol. Vergil ; Leland ; Baker ; Allen's York ; ZMoore's Ireland ; Hume ; 
Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard ; London Chron. ; Fabvar. 


Mortimer. The following day the Duke required an 
immediate answer. 

It was the first time that the Duke of York had 
publicly urged his claims to the crown. The people 
were not yet prepared to depose their beloved monarch. 
His inoffensive character had attached his subjects to 
him. His family had filled the throne for three gene- 
rations. He had himself reigned thirty-nine years. 
Most of the Yorkists had received their honours, and 
some their estates, from him. The Duke of York had 
sworn fealty to King Henry when he succeeded to the 
inheritance of the Earl of March, from whom he 
derived his claims ; he had done so when he was ap- 
pointed to the government of Normandy, and again' 
when made Lieutenant of Ireland. When he became 
Protector he had acknowledged him as his king ; and 
he had, besides, frequently sworn on the Sacrament to 
be faithful to him. All this had induced many of his 
adherents to think that he did not, in reality, aim at 
the crown ; and this also accounts for their apathy 
upon his first endeavours to attain his object, and for 
the murmurs of the people. The Lords resolved to 
wait on the King and receive his commands. 

When these claims were made known to the King, „ 1460. 
he replied, " My father was king ; his father was also 
" king. I have worn the crown forty years from my 
" cradle : you have all sworn fealty to me as your 
" sovereign, and your fathers have done the like to 
" my fathers. How then can my right be disputed ? " 
To this he added, " therefore I say with King David, 
" my lot is fallen in a fair ground, I have a goodly 
" heritage : my help is from the Lord, which saveth 
" the upright in heart." 

It must be remembered that, in England, there was 
no Salic law, by which females were excluded from 
the succession, and Richard of York was descended by 



the female line from the second son of Edward III., 
while King Henry's rights and those of his father and 
grandfather came only from the third son ; nevertheless 
the crown had been confirmed by Parliament to those 
Lancastrians more than sixty years, and the Duke was 
obliged to act with caution in gaining to his interests 
the members of that body, since he required their 
assistance to carry out his designs. 

The Parliament, in favour of Henry, agreed that 
his grandfather, Henry IV., took possession of the 
throne without opposition. To this the Duke's friends 
replied, that the Earl of March, then alive, could not 
without danger dispute it with him, but that his silence 
ought not to be construed into consent. Secondlv, it 
was said that Henry IV. obtained the crown by 
consent of Parliament ; but, it was answered for the 
Duke, that he was not disposed to act without that 
power, but that Parliament, having once deviated from 
established custom in favour of the House of Lancaster, 
they had no less powerful inducements to render justice 
to the Duke of York. Thus much was said respecting 
the authority of Parliament without calling it in ques- 
tion ; as it was intended that its power should be 
instrumental in raising the Duke of York to the 
throne. Thirdly, Richard II. 's resignation was next 
brought forward by the Lancastrians. Here the 
Yorkists expressed a doubt as to the power of a 
monarch while in the hands of his enemies, about to 
depose him, to determine the succession. It was also 
denied that it favoured the House of Lancaster, or 
even Henry IV. himself. Fourthly, it was asserted, 
that the Earl of Cambridge having been put to 
death for high treason, his posterity were thus ren- 
dered incapable of any inheritance. But, in reply, it 

* Lingard ; Wethamstede ; Rapin ; Howel's Med. Hist. Angl. ; Milles's 


was urged that the Duke of York had been acknow- 
ledged by this title, as well as that of Earl of March, 
not only by the King, but by all the nation, and that 
he had also been restored to all his rights and honorary 
distinctions. Fifthly, it was argued that the crown 
had remained in the Lancastrian line during a period 
of forty years. The Duke's friends reasoned that the 
crown was a natural right, and ought not to be set 
aside by any positive law. Sixthly, it was finally 
represented for the King, that having, during a reign 
of thirty-eight years, led so harmless and pacific a life 
that no person had conceived any offence against him, 
it would be cruel to deprive him of the crown. This 
argument had great influence over the minds of the 
ministers, so much were they prepossessed in favour 
of the King ; but the Duke's friends again replied, 
that by leaving the crown to Henry no kindness was 
conferred upon him, owing to his inability to govern ; 
but that it was rather bestowing it on the Queen and her 
ministers, who had already made such bad use of their 
power ; nor did they deem it just, that the nation should 
suffer for the sake of the King, or an injustice be 
allowed from a charitable motive. Though all this 
was urged, the Council came to the decision, that the 
King should still wear the crown during his life, but 
that the Duke of York should be acknowledged his 

In all the proceedings of these Lords their attach- 
ment to King Henry appears to have been great, 
for, since the title of the Duke could not be defeated, 
they yet refused to proceed to the next step, namely, 
to dethrone their monarch. 

An act of Parliament was then passed to this effect, 
that the Duke of York, notwithstanding his undoubted 
right to the crown, willingly agreed that King Henry 
should enjoy it during his life, and would readily 



swear to obey him as bis lawful sovereign ; but that, 
should this agreement be in any way broken through 
by the King, the Duke of York, or his heirs, should 
immediately succeed to the throne ; that the Duke 
should be proclaimed heir apparent and protector of 
the King's person, lands, and dominions. The Duke 
and his two sons, the Earls of March and Rutland, 
took oath not to molest the King, and to support him 
on the throne. The royal assent was obtained to 
this bill, which, besides declaring the Duke of York 
heir apparent, granted to him and his sons certain 
estates on that account, and made it high treason for 
any one who should make any attempts against his 

It can hardly be imagined that the ambitious views 
of the Duke of York did not carry him beyond this 
arrangement, by which it might be a considerable time, 
if, indeed, he should ever be able to attain to the rank 
of sovereignty ; but probably the very extraordinary 
^moderation of Richard Duke of York disposed him to 
concede a point which he foresaw could only be gained 
by the sword ; and he adopted a line of conduct very 
different from what might have been expected from 
him, considering that he had at this time a victorious 
army to support his title, which had been acknow- 
ledged to be just in the Council ; so that it seemed 
but a little more effort was required on his part to 
secure the throne. Some persuasion only was neces- 
sary for him to get the crown awarded to him by 
Parliament, it being the custom of that House to decide 
in favour of the stronger party. It is evident, how- 
ever, that its members were not overawed by thje 
Duke's power, but felt at liberty to decide, according 
to their unbiased judgment ; yet it is the more sur- 

* Baker ; Sandford ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Leland ; W. of Worcester ; Lond. 
Chron. ; Rapin ; Henry ; Allen's York ; Hume ; Lingard ; Fabyan. 


prising that the Duke did not make use of his advan- 
tage, since it must be remembered that, being older 
than Henry, he could hardly expect to outlive him. 

The decision of Parliament was succeeded by a 
formal procession to St. Paul's, where the King ap- 
peared wearing his crown, attended by the Duke of 
York, as heir apparent. This happened on All Saints' 
Day, and on the Saturday following Richard Duke of 
York was proclaimed, with sound of trumpet, heir ap- 
parent to the crown, and " Protector" of the realm.* 

The agreement into which King Henry had entered 
was highly prejudicial to his family ; especially to the 
young prince, his son ; yet this monarch made no 
effort to alter the situation of affairs, but quietly sub- 
mitted the management of public business to the care 
of the Duke of York and his party, with whose 
arrangements he appeared contented, while he was 
consoled under this species of servitude by occupying 
himself wholly in religious exercises, f 

Two portentous omens were at this time noticed 
by the superstitious. While the Duke of York was 
declaring his title in the upper house, in the lower a 
crown, which was hanging in the middle of this build- 
ing, being an ornament to a chandelier, without any 
wind or movement to occasion it, fell down, as did 
also another crown from the top of Dover castle ; both 
indicating, as was thought, a change in the dynasty. 
Polydore Vergil says, " Such was the pleasure of 
" God, that King Henry, a most holy man, should by 
" so many calamities wherewithal he was continually 
" afflicted, be deprived of this earthly kingdom, to 
" enjoy forthwith the everlasting ; for a good man can 
" never be but good, though he suffer a thousand 
" afflictions." j 

* Rot. Pari. ; Stow ; Fabyan ; Lingard ; Rapin. 
f Rapin ; Allen's York. % Baker ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil. 

G 2 


The Duke of York, who had now become not only 
absolute master of the government, but also of the 
King's person, prevailed upon Henry to sign an order 
for the Queen to repair to him. Letters were despatched 
into Scotland requiring, in the name of the King, that 
Queen Margaret, the Dukes of Somerset and Exeter, 
and all others of the English nobility in that kingdom, 
should speedily repair to the royal presence in London. 
1460. By this manoeuvre the Duke of York hoped to find a 
Hume/ pretext to banish Margaret the kingdom, for he felt 
his own power would be insecure while the Queen's 
influence might clash with his interests. He well 
knew that, in the present posture of affairs, she dared 
not to obey this command of her husband, and ven- 
ture iuto the midst of her enemies ; and by thus 
rendering her criminal by her 'refusal, he hoped to 
justify his future proceedings against her. He thought 
he should have the good fortune to get rid of his rival, 
by raising an impediment to her return, and he vainly 
imagined that Margaret would be left without re- 

In this Richard of York had formed an erroneous 
estimate of the Queen's character. Her masculine 
spirit was not to be so easily intimidated by dangers 
and difficulties, and, far from being dismayed by her 
late misfortunes, she appears to have been, on the 
contrary, stimulated to the most active exertions.* 

The Queen had, after the defeat at Northampton, 
fled with Somerset and others, to Durham ; but she 
secretly withdrew from that city, attended only by 
eight persons, bearing with her the young prince, her 
son, for whose safety she showed great anxiety. 
Margaret, when flying with this little escort from 
Eccleshall to Chester, narrowly escaped being taken 
prisoner by John Cleger, one of Lord Stanley's 

* Ilall ; Baker ; Stew ; Fabyan ; It a pin ; Hume ; Henry. 


servants ; and was also robbed of her jewels and 
apparel * by her own attendants, but finally suc- 
ceeded in reaching Wales, where Queen Margaret 
thought herself secure. 

King Henry had been passing his time during the H6o. 
last session of Parliament at Eltham and Green- Letters. 
wich, in hunting, while his consort and son were, 
with the Duke of Exeter and a few trusty followers, 
enduring many adversities in Wales; although, for a 
brief period, protected by the valour of David-ap- 
Jevan-ap-Enion, governor of the fortress of Harlech,')' 
in Merionethshire, where these fugitives had sought 


The Duke of Somerset, it would appear, had gone 
to Dieppe, and with him the Lords Whittingham, 
John Ormond, Sir Andrew Trollop, and others of the 
garrison of Guisnes, having a safe conduct from the 
King of France. It was rumoured that Somerset 
purposed to join the Queen in Wales. 

The Queen made but a short stay in Wales, where H6o. 
she had experienced many disasters, and after- l^mant- 
wards sailed, with her son, to one of the ports of Rudlan d; 

. . Lmgard. 

Scotland. It is deeply interesting to contemplate at 
this time the maternal solicitude of Queen Margaret ; 
who, from the period of the disastrous issue of the 
late engagement, seemed to be no less occupied in 
the care of her son's personal safety than in maintain- 
ing the interests of her unfortunate husband. § 

James II., King of Scotland, on hearing of the 

* Stow says this robbery was to the amount of 10,000 marks. 

f There is still a tower in Harlech Castle called by the name of Margaret 
of Anjou, where she abode during this season of adversity. 

J Paston Letters ; Stow ; Toplis ; Fabyan ; Allen's York ; Hay's Biog. ; 
Rapin ; Hume ; W. of Worcester ; Henry ; Lingard ; WraxalPs Tour. ; 
Lewis's Topographical Dictionary. 

§ Paston Letter ; W. of Worcester ; Stow ; Ridpath ; Allen's York ; 
Pennant's Wales ; Toplis ; Lingard ; Rudland's Snowden ; Rapin ; Hume ; 
Henry ; Fabyan ; Lewis's Top. Diet. 


defeat of the Lancastrians, at Northampton, was in- 
stantly excited by this event to take up arms. 

With a numerous army he laid siege to Roxburg 
castle, a fortress which had long been in the power 
of the English, and was at this time held by Willliam 
Neville, Lord Fauconberg. While engaged upon this 
siege, the Scottish monarch was accidentally killed 
by the bursting of a cannon-ball, when in the flower 
of his age, and to the great grief of his widow, his 
army, and his people. His country was again ex- 
posed to a minority, and was from this period torn by 
divisions, and similar troubles to those which were 
occurring in England. Some consolation might have 
been felt by this people at first, while deploring the 
loss of their young and warlike monarch ; when they 
beheld his spirited and energetic Queen, Mary of 
Gueldres, who, arriving immediately in the camp, 
with the infant heir, and showing him to the army, 
with tears in her eyes, conjured them, by the memory 
of their sovereign, and by the renown of Scottish 
valour, not to quit the siege until they had reduced 
this fortress. The eloquence of the Queen prevailed 
— the castle was taken, and levelled to the ground. 

In the wars of the Roses, the party of the Lancas- 
trians had ever been espoused by King James, from 
his personal relation to the families of Somerset and 
Gaunt ; also because his ally, the King of France, 
lent his assistance to the English monarch, which is 
proved by his treaties whenever King Henry resumed 
his authority. 

The death of King James was preceded a few days 
by that of Charles VII., of France, who was said to 
have starved himself to avoid the risk of being poi- 
soned by his own son, Lewis XL, his successor.* 

* Stow ; Holinshed ; Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin. 


From Scotland, Queen Margaret returned to the 
north of England, where she employed every persua- 
sion in her power to induce the Barons to aid her 
cause ; and she succeeded in a short time in raising a 
new army in Yorkshire. 

Upon the 'decision of Parliament, with respect to 
the succession of Richard Duke of York to the throne, 
Queen Margaret, whose maternal feelings were in- 
sulted, publicly expressed her displeasure at the injury 
done to her son by his exclusion from the throne of 
his forefathers, which she fully resolved and declared 
she would revenge, and also release her husband from 
his present thraldom. Her courage and natural abili- 
ties seconded this determination ; for she was indeed 
gifted, not only with the accomplishments of her own 
sex, but richly endowed with the courage and talents 
of the other, without their failings.* 

This Queen's vigour and spirit supporting her small 
power, enabled her to maintain the interests of her 
son, and of those who [still adhered to the House of 

Unfurling her standard in the neighbourhood of 
York, there soon rallied around it the Earl of North- 
umberland, the Lords Clifford, Dacre, and Neville, and 
these were speedily joined by the Duke of Somerset 
and the Earl of Devonshire, with their followers from 
those counties, who came* by way of Bath, Cirencester, 
Evesham, and Coventry. 

A Council was then held^by these northern chieftains 
at York, in which the destruction of the Yorkists was 
determined upon.f 

These northern barons could not but compassionate 
the helpless condition of their Queen ; and when they 

* Hall ; Sandford ; W. of Worcester ; Ridpath ; Leland ; Rapin ; Hume ; 
Female Worthies. 

f Sandford ; Hall ; W. of Worcester ; Lingard ; Henry ; Historical View 
of Northumberland. 


beheld her affability and condescension, as well as the 
dexterity she displayed in winning their favour, for she 
spared no pains to insinuate herself by promises and 
assurances, their admiration of her talents inspired 
them with the resolution to endeavour to restore her 
to the throne. 

The pride of these nobles, who regarded themselves 
as the most valiant in the kingdom, had been wounded 
by the disposal of the crown without their having been 
consulted, and their indignation at this stimulated them 
to revenge themselves. Thus their private pique came 
to the aid of the Queen's enterprise. Their desire of 
revenge also sufficiently accounts for the rapacity and 
thirst for plunder which marked the subsequent pro- 
gress of these northern barons ; they having promised 
the people, in order to allure them to join in the war, 
that they would permit them to plunder all the country 
south of the Trent. By these means an army of 
18,000, or 20,000 men was collected with an expedi- 
tion which surprised the friends of Queen Margaret, 
and no less astonished her enemies.* 

Almost all the northern barons joined this army, and 
thus powerfully supported, the Queen set out, bending 
her course to the south, and taking her son with her. 

Information had been conveyed to the Duke of York 
of the Queen's attempts to raise an army, and although 
ignorant of her great success, he prepared immediately 
to oppose her, thinking that he could not be too speedy, 
as he well knew that her spirit and activity were the 
enemies he had most to apprehend. 

Parliament having been adjourned in December, the 

w.^of Wor- Duke of York took with him the Earl of Salisbury and 

an army amounting to 4000, or 5000 f men, and having 

* Hume ; Baker ; Stow ; Henry ; Historical Survey of Northumberland ; 
Allen's York. 

f One writer says C0OO men. 




first committed the care of the King to his trusty friends, 
the Earls of Norfolk and Warwick, he marched from 
London towards York. As he proceeded, he obtained 
intelligence of the Queen's superior numbers, and 
considered it advisable to delay an engagement until 
his son, the Earl of March, whom he had commanded 
to follow him, with the rest of his forces, should join 
him. Upon reaching Wakefield, therefore, he with- 
drew to Sandal Castle, where he arrived on the 21st 
of December. Here he kept the Christmas Day, along 
with the Earl of Salisbury ; while the Duke of Somer- 
set, the Earl of Northumberland, and the rest of the 
Queen's forces, were lying at Pontefract. The castle 
of Sandal was strongly fortified, and the Duke of York 
thought himself secure, for he w T as convinced that the 
Queen could not force it.* 

Queen Margaret dared not, indeed, attack this castle, 
being unprovided with artillery ; and she was much 
mortified to see her enemy thus sheltered from her 
assault, especially, as in her present circumstances, 
having the superiority in numbers, she had every reason 
to expect success, could she engage the Duke in battle. 
She could not feel equally certain that, after the delay 
which would give time for the arrival of the Earl of 
March, she should have as good a chance of success ; 
she therefore did all she could to provoke her enemy, 
and entice him to come out and meet her in the field. 
She exerted all her ingenuity to effect her purpose; 
she placed some troops in ambush on each side of 
Wakefield Green, one of them commanded by Lord 
Clifford, the other by the Earl of Wiltshire, while the 
main body of her army was led on by the Dukes of 
Somerset and Exeter. Then, making her appearance 
before the walls of Sandal Castle, she sought, by various 

* Stow ; Hall ; W. of Worcester ; Fabyan ; Paston Letters ; Leland ; 
Allen's York ; Eapin ; Hume ; Henry. 


means, to provoke the Duke to battle ; by turns she 
threatened and challenged him, and even taunted him 
with aspiring to wear a crown, when he had not even 
courage to fight a woman.* 

The Duke of York had hitherto been distinguished 
for prudence and sound judgment, and during the 
wars in France had obtained great credit for discretion 
and good conduct; but, unfortunately for himself on 
this occasion, he suffered his valour to get the better 
of his reason, or his animosity against the Queen to 
blind him, so as to make him commit an error, which 
was unpardonable in so great a general. Rapin says 
he was driven to it by the failure of provisions in the 
castle, and another historian confirms this. He tells 
us, that " while the troops of the Duke of York were 
" wandering through the country in search of provisions, 
" a dreadful battle took place ; " however this may 
have been, the Duke sallied forth from his retreat, and 
on hearing the taunts of the Queen, exclaimed, "What, 
" shall it be said, that York was blocked up in his camp 
" bv a woman, without daring to fight ! " 

•/ 7 Cj CD 

Quite contrary to the advice of his friends, the Duke 
of York drew up his forces on Wakefield Green, relying 
on his own courage and experience to compensate for 
the deficiency of his numbers. This was exactly what 
the Queen desired ; and, drawing up her army in order 
of battle, she was the first to begin the engagement. | 

Upon this day the Queen is said to have harangued 
her troops in person, and the Chevalier Baudier has 
thus transmitted to us her speech : 

" You bear this day, my loyal English, the justest 
" arms that ever appeared in any war, as being em- 
" ployed to restore liberty to your King, who is now a 

* Baker ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Female Worthies. 
+ Hall ; Baker ; Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Scow ; Pol. Vergil ; 
Allen s York ; Female Worthies ; Ptapin ; Henry ; Hume ; LingarcL 


" prisoner, and the succession of the crown to his son, 
" which a lawless tyrant has taken from him by 
" violence ; for this reason, I ought not to doubt but 
" that you will behave yourselves valiantly, and that 
" each of you have already proposed to yourselves the 
" illustrious name which you are going to acquire, of 
" deliverers of your King, and protectors of the prince, 
" his son. 

" If you have a woman for your general, and fight 
" under her command, the advantage you will receive 
" from thence is not inconsiderable ; for, if the King 
" were here present in person, the booty would be the 
" only share you would have in the consequences of 
" the victory, whilst he would engross all the glory of 
" the success. The King being absent, you will now 
" have both, and the world will sooner give the 
" honour of the victory to your valour, than to my 
" conduct. 

" I hope, however, you will see to-day that there is 
" no other difference between the generals of the two 
" armies, besides that of their sex. I see already in 
" your looks the courage which inspires your hearts, 
" and the resolution you have taken either to conquer 
" or die, and that none shall be able to reproach you 
" that, on so important an occasion, you have done less 
"than a woman, who puts herself at your head." 

As Queen Margaret concluded her speech, the whole 
army set up a loud shout, and held up their arms in 
token of their willingness to serve her. 

When the fight began, the Queen, who commanded 
in person, rode through all the battalions, animating 
and encouraging her soldiers to do their duty.* 

These were not deficient in valour, for, at the first 
onset, they attacked the Duke with such fury, that he 
instantly felt the superiority which the Royalists had 

* Baudier ; Female Worthies ; Biograpliie Universelle. 


over him in point of numbers ; and while he was thus 
hard pressed by the army in front, the troops, who had 
been placed in ambush, issuing forth, fell upon him in 
the rear so unexpectedly, that his forces were thrown 
into the utmost disorder, and in less than half an hour 
were completely routed. The Duke himself was killed 
while fighting with great valour, and his son, the Earl of 
Rutland, a boy of but twelve years of age, flying with 
his tutor from the field, was taken prisoner by Lord Clif- 
ford, who barbarously despatched him with his dagger, 
in spite of the earnest prayers of his tutor that his life 
might be spared. It has been said, probably in excuse 
for this cruel action, that the father of Lord Clifford 
had been slain in the battle of St. Albans, and his son 
had taken an oath not to leave one branch of the line 
of York standing. In this battle were killed Sir John 
and Sir Hugh Mortimer, Sir David Hall, Sir Hugh 
Hastings, Sir Thomas Neville, son of the Earl of Salis- 
bury, Lord Harrington, Thomas Harrington, and 
others. Many of those who perished at this time, were 
young gentlemen of distinction, and heirs of noble 
families in the south of England. 

The body of the Duke of York being afterwards dis- 
covered by Lord Clifford, he cut off the head, and, 
affixing it to his lance, with a paper crown placed on 
it, by way of derision, presented it thus to the Queen, 
saying, " Madam, your war is done ; here is your 
" king's ransom," upon which we are told Queen Mar- 
garet commanded that it should be set up on the 
walls of York. The Earl of Salisbury was taken 
prisoner, and beheaded by martial law, with several 
others, persons of distinction, at Pontefract. At this 
place were interred, by the consent of the lords, the 
bodies of the Duke of York,* the Earls of Salisbury 

* The remains of the Duke of York were afterwards removed to the 
collegiate church of Fotheringay. 


and Rutland, and others, and their heads were placed 
over different parts of York. * 

Thus ended the battle of Wakefield Green, f fought 1460. 
on the 29th of December,! 1460; in this encounter T pUs°; 
3,000 § Yorkists were slain; yet, this victory served ^ t ^ Wor " 
only to accelerate the downfall of the Lancastrians, Ridpath; 
Some writers inform us that the Duke of York was Henry'; 
taken alive, and was made the subject of derision by Lingard. 
his conquerors ; who, placing him on a molehill, with 
a garland on his head made of bulrushes (instead of 
a crown), knelt before him, crying, " Hail King without 
rule ; hail King without heritage ; hail Duke and 
Prince, without people, or possessions !" Having thus, 
with many angry words, vented their scorn and re- 
proach, they cut off his head, and presented it to the 
Queen. || 

The Duke of York was much lamented by his 
followers, and not without reason. His faults were 
such as only spring from qualities calculated to render 
him beloved and esteemed, and he doubtless deserved 
a better fate. His enemy, the Duke of Somerset, 
used to say of him, " That, if he had not learnt to 
11 play the king, by his Regency in France, he had 
M never forgot to obey as a subject. " The Duke 
lost his life in the fiftieth year of his age. He left 
three sons and three daughters ; the former were 
Edward, Earl of March, George, and Richard ; the 
latter were Anne, Elizabeth, and Margaret.^[ 

* Stow ; Baker ; Sandford ; Hall ; Toplis ; Lei and ; Allen's York ; 
Wethamstede ; W. of Worcester ; Paston Letters ; Milles's Catalogue ; 
Rapin ; Rot. Pari. ; Pol. Vergil ; Ridpath ; London Chron. ; Female 
Worthies ; Hume ; Habington ; Watson's Halifax ; Pennant ; Burdy's 
Ireland ; Henry ; Lingard ; Femmes Celebres ; Rudland's Journey to 

+ This battle, we are also informed, was fought in the south fields, near 
Wakefield, by the bridge of nine arches. 

X Some writers date this engagement the 24th, some the 31st, of December. 

§ Lingard tells us 2000 only were slain. 

II Milles's Catalogue. % Sandford ; Allen's York ; Hume ; Holinshed. 


Shakespeare has faithfully exhibited the character of 
the Duke of York, where he makes him to despise the 
inequality of the number of his forces, to those of the 
Queen, and to exclaim, — 

u Five men to twenty, though the odds be great, 

* ' I doubt not, uncle, of our victory. 

" Many a battle have I won in France, 

" When as the enemy hath been ten to one ; 

** Why should I not now have the like success ? " 


But this rash confidence cost him his castle and his 
life. On the spot where he fell, a stone memorial was 
erected, when his party were again in the ascendant, 
and continued there until the contests of the seven- 
teenth century, which occasioned its removal.* 

This great victory at Wakefield, which may be said 
to have been achieved by the courage and perseverance 
of Queen Margaret, seemed to promise security to 
King Henry's crown, but its ultimate effects were the 
contrary. The defeat of their leader aroused the 
fiercest animosities of all the supporters of the House 
of York ; it excited the energies of Edward, the son 
of the Duke of York, and aroused the pride and 
talents of the potent Warwick ; in short, all the latent 
zeal of this party was, at once, called forth against 
their conquerors, and all became ambitious of wiping 
away the dishonour of the late encounter. A deadly 
retaliation ensued, which neither the talents of the 
Queen, or of her generals, or the sanctity and virtues of 
the King, could arrest. The contest, from this time, bore 
a decided character; the desire for revenge giving to 
the parties a firmness they had never before exhibited.! 

Amidst the rejoicings of the Queen for her late 
victory, she, unhappily, did not exhibit those feelings 
of compassion for the vanquished, which ever adorn 

* Warner's Tour. ; Lingard ; Hist, and Antiquities of York. 

f Lingard. 


humanity ; and, either yielding to her resentment 
against the Duke of York, or, possibly, in compliance 
with the wishes of Lord Clifford, she commanded the 
head of her great enemy, Richard of York, to be set 
up on the walls of York, and in ridicule of his pre- 
tensions, as it was said, " that York might overlook 
u the town of York." 

The brutality of character of Lord Clifford has been 
already exhibited, and it seems far more probable that 
this act, commanded by the Queen, was granted to his 
suggestions rather than to gratify herself. In like 
manner, Queen Margaret might have conceded her 
own sentiments to the exigency of the times, in per- 
mitting the northern Barons to use the privilege of 
plundering the country south of the Trent; for this 
permission was indeed highly injurious to her interests ; 
and we find the further progress of the' army marked 
by fire and sword, to which the monasteries, churches, 
and private houses, were alike sacrificed.* 

Thus did the Queen, with her northern army, 
hasten on to make sure of the capital, without which 
neither party could be established. 

While advancing towards London, she received 
information that the Earl of March was on his way to 
meet her ; but, being ignorant of the number of his 
forces, she continued her route; sending only a detach- 
ment against him, under the command of the Earl of 

Edward, Earl of March, was at Gloucester, when he 
learnt the melancholy news of the fate of his father 
and brother. He went immediately to Shrewsbury, 
where the inhabitants w T ere strongly attached to him, 
and desired their help to avenge his father's death. 
He increased his army to 23,000 men in these parts ; 
and then set out in quest of the Queen. He had 

* Henry. f Baker ; Rapin ; Hume. 


been much dismayed bv the defeat and death of his 
father, for whose assistance he had been then pre- 
paring, and he now resolved, not only to revenge 
himself, but to maintain the quarrel of his House, 
whatever it might cost him ; indeed, there appeared 
no retreat ; for, having once been driven to such 
desperate measures, nothing short of the extinction of 
one of the factions could -give peace, and establish the 
authority of the other. 

The Earl of March had been encouraged by the 
hope of aid from the Earl of Warwick, who had been 
left in London, by the Duke of York, for the defence 
of that city. When, as he proceeded on his march, 
Edward learnt that Queen Margaret was bending her 
course towards the capital, he altered his route, and 
made an attempt to get to London before her. 

Finding, however, that some troops had been dis- 
missed by Queen Margaret to oppose him, and that 
thus he had two enemies to encounter, between whom 
he must necessarily have passed, had he proceeded 
towards the metropolis, he suddenly changed his 
resolution, and, turning back, prepared to meet the 
Earl of Pembroke, who, by the Queen's orders, was 
advancing, accomp,anied by the Earls of Ormond and 
Wiltshire, with their forces, chiefly composed of Welsh 
and Irish.* 

At this time, when the son of the Duke of York 
was thus engaged, seeking to avenge his father's 
death, letters were addressed by King Henry (in this 
last year of his reign, as it proved) to the Earl of 
Arundel, the Lords Dacre, Delaware, Cobham, and 
Abergavenny ; also to some of the sheriffs and justices 
of the peace, mayors, and private individuals in Kent, 
dated on the 28th of January, 1461. That Henry 

* Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry ; 
Phillips's Shrewsbury ; Fosbroke's Gloucestershire. 


was in the power of the Yorkists, is evidenced by the 
statements in these letters, " that the King had certain 
" information that those misruled and outrageous 
" people in the north parts of this realm had been 
" coming towards these parts to the destruction there 
" of you, and subversion of all our land ; and the 
" persons addressed were commanded to come to the 
" King, in all possible haste, with as many followers 
" as they could collect, he being about to proceed in 
" person against his enemies."* 

These armies met on a small level plain, called H6i. 
Kingslancl Field, near Mortimer's Cross, in Hereford- p as ton' 
shire, on Candlemas-day, the 2nd of February, jj-JS. 

1461. Lingard. 

The superiority of numbers was, upon this occasion, 
great on the side of the Yorkists ; and the Earl of 
Pembroke was speedily defeated, with a loss of 2,800 
men. | The disparity of numbers, although very 
great (and some say that the Earl of March had 
60,000, others asserting he had 51,000 men, while 
Pembroke had but 8,000), was not the only cause 
of the success of the young heir of York. The his- 
torians relate that this engagement took place in the 
morning, when the sun appeared of such dazzling- 
brightness, that the Earl of March is recorded to have 
beheld three suns, which again suddenly united into 
one ; and this sight so animated the courage of 
the youthful Edward, that he rapidly dispersed his 
enemies. J It has been supposed that, on account of 
this circumstance, the Earl of March gave the sun in 
its full brightness for his cognizance. The Earl of lm. 
Pembroke saved himself by flight ; but Owen Tudor, 

* Sir H. Nicolas' s Proceedings of the Privy Council, 
f One writer tells us that the loss was 3,800 ; others, 4,000. 
% Lingard dates this battle the 1 st of February, and says 4,000 royalists 
were slain ; Toplis says also 4,000 ; Baker, 3,800 ; Stow, 3,800. 

VOL. II. h 


his father, being taken with some others, suffered 
death at Hereford, to revenge the like punishment 
inflicted upon the Earl of Salisbury and his friends 
after the battle of Wakefield Green. Owen Tudor 
was interred in the church of Grey Friars at Hereford." 

The news of this defeat reached Queen Margaret, 
but did not arrest her progress. She was bent on 
entering the capital, and did not think her late victory 
complete, until she had released her husband from his 
captivity. This she resolved to effect, even though 
she might lose her life in the attempt. Accordingly, 
after the battle of Wakefield Green, she led on her 
victorious troops towards London. The progress of 
this great army, composed of Scots, Welsh, foreigners, 
as well as English, was, from this time, marked by 
rapine and destruction. Presuming on the license 
granted them, and having passed the river Trent, they 
spared neither towns nor churches. They destroyed 
the towns of Grantham, Stanford, Peterborough, 
Huntingdon, Royston, and others, all, indeed, in their 
way to the capital. They robbed the churches of all 
that was valuable, bearing away crosses, chalices, 
books, or ornaments ; and thus indulging their licen- 
tiousness, they arrived at Dunstable and St. Alban's. 
At this last place no command, even from the King 
himself, could stay their ravages of the town, and of 
its venerable abbey. 

The Abbey of St. Alban's had been, in stormy times, 
a place of refuge for the poor peasants, who even 
drove thither their cattle for safety, while the battle 
raged without its walls. All the woods and forests 
of the land provided its timber and game ; and corn, 

* Sandford ; Toplis ; Hall ; Milles's Catalogue ; Willement ; Baker ; 
Paston Letters ; Howel ; W. of Worcester ; Peck's Stanford ; Stow ; Pol 
Vergil ; Pennant ; Ridpath ; Hume ; Phillips's Shrewsbury ; Lingard ; 
Eapin ; Henry. 


wine, and other produce, in abundance, were supplied 
to the needy applicants by the hospitable monks. 
The first battle of St. Alban's, in 1455, had spread 
devastation, both in the town and country, around this 
noble sanctuary ; but houses were rebuilt, and the 
lands had just recovered their fertility, when a second 
battle renewed all the horrors of the former one ; once 
again the wounded and the dying tottered to its 
sheltering walls, and the continual tolling bell an- 
nounced the last sad office and closing service ren- 
dered for each one of those departed. 

More ruthless this second warfare was than the 
first, which had seemed like the contest of brothers 
or relatives struggling for their much-vaunted rights ; 
but far more sanguinary and cruel was the vengeance 
of these northern lords, whose pride had urged them 
forward to rush upon their country's ruin. 

The progress of this destructive army, headed by 
the Queen herself, was arrested by the appearance 
of new forces, led on by the Dukes of Norfolk and 
Suffolk, with the Earls of Warwick and Arundel, Lord 
Bonville, and others, who came from London to op- 
pose the Lancastrians. 

It was the belief of Queen Margaret, that when she 
should appear before the capital, as the conqueror of 
the Duke of York, the gates would be thrown open to 
her, and that the inhabitants would, in their terror, 
drive out the Earl of Warwick. That this nobleman 
held the same opinion, there can be little doubt, since 
he preferred to go out of the city to meet the Queen ; 
and, in doing so, he had his army considerably aug- 
mented by a body of the " trainbands " of London, 
which had been chiefly induced to join him through 
the alarm inspired by the ravages committed by the 
northern troops. They anticipated, doubtless, the im- 
minent hazard of all their possessions, should these 

H 2 


"barbarians," as they called thein, be admitted into 
the city.° 

The Earl of Warwick, taking with him the unfortu- 
nate King Henry, who seemed to be led about as a 
state prisoner, advanced to Bernard's Heath, near 
St. Alban's, where the two armies met, on Shrove 
Tuesday, the 17th of February, 1461. 
i46i. The Queen had with her the Prince, her son, the 

StowV Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, the Earls of North- 
SMuitord; umberland, Devonshire, and Shrewsbury, the Lords 
Lingard. Eoos, Graycodnore, Fitzhughe, Graystoke, Wells, and 
Willoughby, with many others ; the total number of 
her forces beino- 4,000 men. With this armv Mar- 
garet entered St. Alban's, intending to pass the town ; 
but they were arrested, near to the Cross in the 
market-place, by a body of archers, who dismissed 
such a volley of arrows, that they were speedily 
repulsed, with some loss, and compelled to return to 
the west end of the town, where again they had a 
sharp encounter ; but at length, after great slaughter 
on both sides, they passed the town, and arrived 
at Bernard's Heath. Near the little town of Sun- 
bridge, at a place named " No Man's Land," they 
met the army of the Yorkists, whose forces amounted 
to 4,000 or 5,000 men. Then came on a very severe 
and bloody conflict ; and, owing to some negligence or 
treachery on the part of Lovelace, one of the com- 
manders of the Earl's army, who quitted the field, the 
Queen gained the advantage, and finally defeated the 
Earl of Warwick, whose loss was estimated at 2,800 

No person of distinction was killed in this engage- 
ment. Amongst the wounded, however, was Sir 

* Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Lingard ; Baudier ; Eapin ; Henry. 
f Rapin and Toplis say, 2,300, W. of Worcester 2,000, Stow 1,91 G were 


James Lutterel, who died on the following day ; also 
Sir John Gray, Lord Ferrers, of Grosby, who only 
survived this battle a few days ; he died on the 28th 
of February, 1461. This nobleman had been a zealous 
supporter of the Lancastrian cause. He had led on 
the cavalry in the late battle, in which he received his 
mortal wound. He was not only valiant, but young* 
and handsome ; and after losing his father, Sir Ed- 
ward Gray, Lord Ferrers, in 1457, when he inherited 
the family estates, had married Elizabeth, the 
eldest daughter of Richard Woodville, Earl Rivers, by 
whom he had two sons. At the close of the battle, 
Sir John was conveyed to the village of Colney. As 
night drew on, the Yorkists escaped by flight from 
apparent destruction, leaving their King alone f in 
the tent of the Earl of Warwick. It was here that he 
was discovered by Queen Margaret, when a tender 
interview took place between King Henry, his con- 
sort, and the young Prince ; the King embracing and 
kissing them " in most loving wise, and yielding 
" hearty thanks to Almighty God for the restoration 
" of his son." 

Those who have called Queen Margaret an enemy 
of her husband, and of the English nation, must have 
formed this opinion from the political errors into which 
she had the misfortune to fall, owing to her youth, her 
inexperience, or her alliance to the royal family of 
France. Nothing has been transmitted to us by 
which we can entertain any doubt of the affection and 
fidelity of Queen Margaret to her husband. 

We'are informed that at the Queen's request, upon 
the occasion of their happy meeting, the King knighted 

* This lady, after the death of Sir John Gray, became the queen of 
Edward IV. 

f&W. of Worcester and some others say, the King was found in the camp 
with Lord Montague, his chamberlain. 


his son, Edward, Prince of Wales (who was then seven 
years of age), as'well as thirty noblemen and gentle- 
men,* who had displayed great valour in the preceding 
battle, f 

They afterwards proceeded to St. Alban's Abbey, 
where the Abbot welcomed them, and anthems were 
sung. A humble petition was offered to the King 
for the protection of this abbey, and the town, from 
the outrages of the soldiers. He at once granted this 
request ; but, although proclamation was made to that 
effect, it was in vain ; the northern soldiers declaring 
that they had been promised the spoils wherever they 
went south of the Trent, they presumed on their 
privilege, and continued their ravages. 

King Henry alsojssued orders for the arrest of the 
Earl of March, but this command was as futile as 
the preceding one 4 

It is related that the King, with his accustomed 
kindliness of heart, visited the young Lord Gray, who, 
at the village of Colney, was drawing near the close 
of his mortal career. Possibly he was clinging to 
life, as mostly is the case in youth, and Henry sought 
to afford him consolation in the approach of death, by 
directing his thoughts to the only refuge upon which 
he had based his own hopes. A contemporary writer 
tells us, also, that the dying lord received the honour 
of knighthood from his beloved monarch, who then 
conferred upon him the distinction for the sake of his 
two sons,§ Sir Thomas and Sir Kichard ; their father, 
Sir John, having been prevented by the intestine divi- 

* Among these were the Earl of Shrewsbury and Lord Boos. 

f Hall ; Sandford ; Toplis ; Stow ; Fabyan ; Baker ; W. of Worcester ; 
Milles's Catalogue ; Morant ; Loud. Chron. ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Hume ; 
Pennant ; Lingard ; Henry : Femmes Celebres. 

J Baker ; Rot. Pari. ; Lingard. 

§ Of one of these sons we learn that Sir Thomas was created, in 1471, 
Earl of Huntingdon, and in 1475 Marquis of Dorset. 


sions in the country, from taking his seat in the House 
of Peers. Twelve persons, besides Sir John, were 
knighted at this time by the King, 1 at the village of 

Several persons of distinction were beheaded after 
the late battle ; although, as it is said, their lives had 
been granted by the King. Amongst those were Lord 
Bonville and Sir Thomas Kiriel, knight, who were 
seized and put to death in the presence of Prince 
Edward, at St. Alban's, upon Ash Wednesday ; and it 
was reported this barbarity was in retaliation for the 
execution of Lord Hungerforcl, at Hereford.* 

Queen Margaret has been charged with this cruelty, 
and it is probable the Queen did, in the heat of vic- 
tory, and in the spirit of retaliation, give this command. 
Barbarous as it may appear, we must pause at the 
consideration of her reprehensibleness, when we are 
called upon to do justice to the varied accounts of 
this period. Two questions arise ; viz., were these 
orders given for the indulgence of her own private 
animosity, or for the gratification of some of the Lan- 
castrian faction ? Stow relates that Bonville was put 
to death through party violence, at the instance of the 
Queen, the Duke of Exeter, and the Earl of Devonshire.")" 

Many of our historians cast the odium of this trans- 
action on the Queen only. They state that, when the 
flight of the Yorkists became general, the Lords about 
the King's person, perceiving the danger, withdrew 
themselves, " Lord Bonville, only coming in a compli- 
" mentary manner to the King, and saying it grieved 
" him to leave his majesty, but that necessity for the 
" safeguard of his life enforced it, was importuned by 
" the King to stay, and also Sir Thomas Kiriel, a knight 

* Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Hall ; Baker ; Rapin ; Toulmin ; 
Hume ; Morant ; Henry ; Ling-ard. 
f Stow ; Lyson's Mag. Brit. 


" of Kent, lie passing his royal word that their stay 
" should be no danger to them." Upon this promise 
they stayed ; but the Queen, hearing that the Commons 
had beheaded Baron Thorp, at Highgate,* in revenge 
thereof caused both their heads to be struck off.f 

Some very powerful motive must have influenced 
the Queen to make her act thus — in contempt of the 
King's word, and in defiance of all good faith, to 
issue her command for the execution of these noble- 
men, and thus to sullv the glory of her late victory. 
One suggestion only is supplied to us as the proba- 
ble cause, and it is certain that private injuries are 
always most keenly felt and resented. It has been 
asserted that Lord Bonville, after the battle of North- 
ampton, in which his party was triumphant, had 
the custody of the King's person, and possibly, by 
some indignity he had offered to the meek monarch, 
this nobleman had incurred the Queen's resentment. 
Whether this opinion be correct or no, it is probable 
that Lord Bonville suffered for his attachment to the 
Yorkists, whose party he espoused in 14-19, when he 
was besieged at Taunton.;): This lord was the last 
of an ancient Devonshire family, and it is remarkable, 
that the havoc of civil war annihilated three genera- 
tions within the short space of two months. At Wake- 
field Lord Bonville had witnessed the death of his son, 
Sir William Bonville, and of his grandson, AVilliam, 
Lord Harrington, § who were killed in battle in De- 
cember, 14G0, and in the following February the aged 
grandfather lost his life. 

* Thomas Thorp, one of the barons of the Exchequer, made an attempt 
to join the Queen, and for this purpose disguised himself in the habit of a 
monk, with his " crown shorn ; " but he was discovered, sent to the Tower, 
and afterwards beheaded by the people at Haringay Park, Highgate, on 
17th of February, 1461. 

f Baker ; Hall ; Pennant ; Fabyan ; Stow. % Toulmin. 

§ This title he enjoyed in right of his wife, the heiress of Lord Harring- 
ton, of Harrington. 


In these wars of the Roses, or, as they might be 
designated, of bloody retaliation, the law of life for life 
appears to have been strongly adhered to by the 
victors on either side ; and this might be adduced as 
some excuse, if any could be made, for the hasty and 
cruel proceeding just related, which has even caused 
Queen Margaret to be designated by one writer, the 
" barbarous queen." 

The astonishing success which had attended the 
arms of this Queen in the battles in which she com- 
manded in person, has led some to believe that, had 
the King's forces always had her able direction, the 
Lancastrians might have been more fortunate.* 

The grand error of Queen Margaret, like that of the 
celebrated Carthaginian general of old, was delay, and 
to this, has been attributed her ultimate want of success. 
After so memorable a battle as that of Bernard's 
Heath, had she marched on, with her victorious army, 
to London, and demanded admittance, there is little 
doubt that she would have been welcomed. In this, 
however, she was even less faulty than Hannibal, as it 
did not originate in her own neglect ; on the contrary, 
being indebted for her late victory to the exertions of 
a band of northern troops, (whose services she was 
utterly unable to recompense, and who had voluntarily 
attended her in this war, conditionally, that they 
should ravage the country south of the Trent), these 
soldiers now firmly insisted on the exercise of this 
privilege, and no prohibition, or intreaties could induce 
them to march forward. Thus' the interests of the 
Queen were sacrificed to their rapacity, and so unruly 
became these northern soldiers, that the most peremp- 
tory orders could not deter them from their purpose. 
While presuming on their agreement, the prohibi- 
tions of the King and of the Queen were equally clis- 

* Baudier. 


regarded by them, and they continued their plunder 
of St. Alban's and its Abbey, and, in defiance of all 
authority, ransacked and pillaged the country in the 
most horrible manner. Several days were passed by 
them in spreading devastation around, and they even 
extended their ravages as far as the gates of the 
metropolis. How little cause had the triumphant 
Queen to rejoice in her victory, on beholding the mis- 
conduct of her powerful adherents, and the vain efforts 
of the King to save his favoured Abbey from their 
destructive force ! 

In consequence of these continued depredations, the 
people of London, and the inhabitants of the counties 
around, who had been thus allowed time to recover 
from the consternation into which the defeat of the 
Earl of Warwick had thrown them, resolved to expose 
themselves to every peril, rather than to admit such 
cruel plunderers. They felt the necessity for the pro- 
tection of their property, and many attached themselves 
to the Yorkist party.* The terror with which the 
northern army had inspired their minds was highly 
injurious to the Queen ; and the confusion and con- 
tentions of the Londoners must have been considerable. 
One writer describes it thus: "At this tyme during 
" the troubelous season, great watches were kept daily 
" and nightly, and divers opinions amongst the 
" citizens ; for the mayor and many of the chief com- 
" moners held to the Queen's party, and the common- 
" alty was witli York and his affinity." Thus when 
the Queen, finding herself distressed for provisions, 
owing to the licentiousness of her followers, sent to the 
Lord Mayor of London, requesting of him supplies ; 
he, fearing to offend her at this moment, gave orders 
for several carts to be loaded with provisions ; when, 

* Sandf ord ; Baker ; W. of Worcester ; Ridpath ; Paston Letters ; Hume ; 
Henry; Lingard. 


however, they were about to convey them from the 
city, they were stopped by the populace, near Cripple- 
gate ; and the adverse party declared to the Lord 
Mayor, that they would not permit any succours to be 
conveyed to an army, whose avowed object was to plunder 
the country. Upon this, the mayor prevailed upon 
three ladies, the Duchess of Bedford, the Duchess of 
Buckingham, and Lady Scales, to go, accompanied by 
several prelates, to the Queen and her counsellors, 
then at Barnet, to intercede for him, excusing him for 
not using force with the citizens, in order to comply 
with her request, as he feared to excite their anger in 
such doubtful times, when it might not be easy to 
allay it. The ladies were successful in their embassy. 
They not only pacified the Queen, but prevailed in 
persuading her, that, if some of the lords of the council 
with a guard of 400 good soldiers, were sent to 
London to appease the tumult, by riding through the 
streets, some of the aldermen would then come out to 
meet her, and would introduce both the King and 
Queen quietly into the city.* 

Queen Margaret prudently and wisely concealed her 
displeasure at the indignity offered her by the citizens, 
and appeared to acquiesce in the plan proposed to her. 
While this negotiation was carried on, the Earl of 1461. 
March was advancing with rapid strides towards Hemy' ; 
London. His purpose was to encourage the citizens Hume ' 
to oppose the entrance of Queen Margaret ; indeed, the 
news only of the Earl's approach caused the Lord 
Mayor to lengthen his treaty with the Queen, until her 
affairs became desperate. f 

When the Queen was informed that the Earl of 
March was so near at hand, and that he had united his 
own army with the remains of that of the Earl of 

* Biondi ; Baker ; Habington ; Stow ; W. of Worcester; Hall ; Sandfordj; 
Rapin ; Henry ; Maitland's London ; Lingard. f Ibid. 


Warwick, she determined upon retiring to the north. 
She thus wisely provided for a safe retreat, showing 
prudence, which is called "the better part of valour." 
Margaret was well aware that her army, with their 
present licentious habits, were not able to encounter 
the enemy with any reasonable hope of success, and 
foreseeing that she would be compelled to fight at a 
great disadvantage, at the very gates of the capital, 
where she could not anticipate a favourable reception 
from the people, she resigned it to her rival, whose 
favour there, seemed greater than her own. The 
Queen then hastily withdrew from St. Alban's to 
Dunstable, and thence to a remote part of the 
U61 Edward, Earl of March, now triumphantly entered 

??*J*j. the metropolis on the 28th February, 1461, overjoyed 
Hemy ; ' at his good fortune, and welcomed by the unanimous 
voice of the people. 

His friends, perceiving how much the timidity and 
caution with which the Duke of York, his father, had 
acted, was prejudicial to his interests, advised him to con- 
sent to bolder measures, and even resolved, by a des- 
perate effort, to establish him at once upon the throne. 
After several consultations, they determined to set aside 
the ordinary modes of proceeding, and, without waiting 
for the sanction of Parliament, to endeavour to obtain, 
first, the suffrages of the people, and then those of the 
nobility. They hoped, also, to justify this by the act 
of Parliament, which confirmed the agreement made 
between the King and the Duke of York. Without 
further delay, the Earl of Warwick, pursuant to this 
resolve, assembled his troops in St. John's Fields, and 
the people, who crowded thither, being drawn up in the 
form of a ring, the Earl, standing in the midst of them, 

* Sandford ; Hall ; Stow ; Biondi ; Ridpath ; W. of Worcester ; Hume ; 
Henry ; Rapin ; Lingard. 



first read to them the agreement entered into between 
the King and the Duke of York, and the act of Par- 
liament confirming it. He next proceeded to assert 
that Henry, having notoriously violated this agree- 
ment, thereby had forfeited the crown. Then, raising 
his voice, the Earl demanded of the people "if they 
" would have Henry of Lancaster for their king?" 
and being answered in the negative, he further re- 
quired of them to say " if, in compliance with the 
" agreement they had just heard, they would receive 
" Edward, son of the Duke of York, for their sove- 
" reign ?' : Upon which the people set up a loud 
shout in token of their consent. The news was 
quickly conveyed to the Earl of March, then at Bay- 
nard's Castle.* 

One point being thus gained, the Yorkists next con- 
vened an assembly of all the clergy, nobility, and gentry 
in London and its vicinity, and at their meeting the 
Earl of March, having set forth his title by birth, as 
well as by the agreement entered into by his father, 
demanded " that the crown should be adjudged to 
" him." As no one had courage at such a moment to 
support the cause of the Lancastrians, a declaration 
was made, by the unanimous consent of all present, 
that " Henry VI. had forfeited the crown, to which 
" Edward, Earl of March, had now an indisputable 
" right." 

The youthful Edward received the crown with 
modest protestations of his incompetence, and fears to 
undertake so great a responsibility ; but when ex- 
horted by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops 
of Exeter and London, and the Earl of Warwick, he 
concluded with lively promises of promoting the hap- 
piness of his people. 

* Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Stow ; Biondi ; London Chron. ; Pol. Vergil ; 
Pennant ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard. 


Edward of York was, in his nineteenth year, both 
handsome and accomplished, which, as well as the 
fame of his late success, and the commiseration felt for 
the unfortunate fate of his father and brother, attracted 
the people to him, who had been estranged from the 
other party by the ravages they had committed. 

The following day Edward assumed all the para- 
phernalia of royalty : he received the homage of the 
nobility assembled for this purpose at Baynard's 
Castle. The next day he went in procession to St. 
Paul's, and offered there ; and appointed the solemn 
Te JDeum to be sung. Then he was conveyed in 
royal state to Westminster, and there in the great 
hall took the king's seat, having the sceptre of St. 
Edward in his hand. He then returned by water to 
St. Paul's, and finally established himself in the Bishop 
of Exeter's palace, the usual residence of Henry VI. 
1461. On the day after, being the 4th of March, he was pro- 
Worcester ; claimed king, under the title of Edward IV.* 
catalogue- Thus terminated the unhappy reign of Henry of 
Rapin; Lancaster, whose life had always been spent in a 
Lmgard. private and uniform manner, having taken no share in 
the administration during the thirty-eight years and a 
half of his sovereignty. His personal character com- 
manded respect, even from his enemies ; and it has been 
truly observed, that " it would be unjust to ascribe the 
" peculiar difficulties of his situation to his misconduct ; 
" since they arose from causes over which he had no 
" control." 

No one ever became king so soon after his birth, or 
lived so long after his deposition ; he was crowned king 

* Biondi ; Habington ; Milles's Catalogue ; Fabyan ; Baker ; W. of 
Worcester ; Sandford ; Stow's Surrey ; Lelaud's Coll. ; Ridpatb ; Pol. 
Vergil ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard ; Phillips's Shrews- 


at nine months old, and lived twelve years after he was 
deposed. He was thirty-nine years of age when de- 
throned, his son being then only seven years old.* 

* Lingard ; Baker ; Stow ; Rapin. 


(Queen Margaret.) 

1 ' Great lords, -wise men ne'er sit and wail their loss, 

" But clearly seek how to redress their harms. " — Shakespeare. 

{King Henry.) 

" My crown is in my heart, not on my head ; 

11 Not deck'd with diamonds and Indian stones, 

" Nor to be seen : my crown is call'd content, — 

" A crown it is, that seldom kings enjoy." — Shakespeare. 

(King Henry.) 

1 ' From Scotland am I stol'n, even of pure love, 

" And thus disguis'd to greet my native land ; 

" No, Harry, Harry, 'tis no land of thine ; 

1 ' Thy place is fill'd, thy sceptre wrung from thee ; 

" Thy balm wash'd off, wherewith thou wast anointed : 

' ' Xo bending knee will call thee Caesar now, 

' ' No humble sxiitors press to speak for right, 

" No, not a man comes for redress to thee ; 

" For how can I help them, and not myself ! " — Shakespeare. 

The Queen raises a large army in Yorkshire — She is opposed by King- 
Edward and Warwick — The Yorkists defeated at Ferrybridge — Fitz- 
walter slain — Battle of Towton — King Edward returns to London — 
His coronation — The King and Queen fly with their son to Scotland — 
They are well received by the Scottish monarch, but obtain no succours 
— Queen Margaret's exertions— Incursions into England— King Henry 
repulsed at Durham — A defeat in Wales — Two earls are beheaded — 
King Edward's first Parliament — Somerset and others submit to 
Edward — Earl of Oxford beheaded — King Edward's manoeuvre — No 
effectual succours from France — Alnwick Castle taken — Queen Mar- 
garet goes to France, and returns with some troops — Some castles 
taken — The Queen is driven back — A shipwreck — Warwick regains the 
castles— Queen Margaret retires into Scotland. 

It is not necessary to be an able politician to perceive 
that the monarch, who is competent and willing to hold 
the reins of government in his own hands, has the best 


chance of success and prosperity, and his people the 
fairest opportunity for happiness. 

The prince who delegates to one or more favoured 
individuals the duties and cares of his high station, that 
he may yield himself up to idleness and luxury, richly 
merits the consequent evils, viz., the loss of his people's 
esteem, the annoyance of popular discontents, and, as 
it has sometimes proved, the rebellion of the whole 
kingdom. Henry VI. may be called a truly unfortu- 
nate monarch, since we find that he experienced all 
these evils, being himself a good man. He was ever 
willing to promote the peace and happiness of his sub- 
jects ; but nature had not gifted him with talents to 
rule, and ill health, added to a meek disposition, caused 
him to give up to each contending party. He was at 
this time no longer in the power of the victorious 
Yorkists — no longer did he succumb to their direful 
influence, and sign their deeds, so destructive of his 
own interests and happiness ; yet was he far from the 
goal of peace to which he seemed to be ever looking. 
Restored to his natural and true position, by the side of 
his beloved and courageous Queen, yet was he again 
cast into a humiliating condition, and into no less un- 
happy and perilous circumstances. Deprived of his 
crown, and of his former semblance of royalty, and 
driven away from his capital, a new campaign seemed 
opened to the unhappy monarch, who, we are told, 
" could not endure the sight of blood/' He was hastily 
carried northward with the stream of destructive 
warriors, who, not unlike their antecedents, the Goths 
and Vandals, had effectively removed all within their 
reach, that time had stamped both in art and nature as 
beautiful or good. 

Queen Margaret had retired into Yorkshire, where 1461. 
she soon obtained a considerable increase to the number Toplis ; 
of her followers, owing to the licence in which she was u^vd 



compelled to indulge her troops of plundering the 
country. Many also joined her standard, influenced by 
party animosity, and thus were the royal forces aug- 
mented to 60,000 men. 

With this army the Queen might have advanced to 
offer her enemies battle ; but the adventurous Edward 
hastened to oppose her. This young monarch, being 
well aware that although he had assumed the title of 
King, he held it but by a precarious tenure, set out 
speedily from London for the north, to arrest the pro- 
gress of the Lancastrians ; and as he advanced the 
people flocked to him from all the towns and villages 
throughout the kingdom. 

The Earl of Warwick accompanied him, and wdien 
he reached Pomfret his army amounted to 49,000 * 
men. From thence a body of soldiers was despatched, 
commanded by Lord Fitz waiter, | who obtained posses- 
sion of the passage of Ferrybridge over the river Aire, 
which lay between the two armies. To dislodge them 
from this post the Lancastrians dismissed Lord Clifford, 
whose attack was so successful, that the Yorkists were 
driven across the river with great slaughter, and Fitz- 
walter and several distinguished officers were killed.;): 
On hearing of this defeat, the Earl of Warwick was 
greatly alarmed lest it might discourage his troops. 
He immediately informed King Edward of this event, 
and evinced by his emotion his fears for the results; 
yet he feared not for himself, but lest the disaster 
might damp the energies of his soldiers, when they 
were on the eve of a decisive battle. He gave orders 

* Some authors say King Edward's army amounted to 40,000 only, while 
by another statement it is 40,600. 

f Some historians tell us, there was no Lord Fitzwalter at the time ; but 
in the " Fragment," by Hearne, we find him called John Ratcliff, then Lord 

X Baker ; Habington ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Hearne's Frag- 
ment ; Ridpath ; Allen's York ; Milles's Catalogue ; Hall ; Toplis ; Paston 
Letters ; Antiq. of York ; Hume ; Lingard ; Baudier ; Henry ; Rapin. 


for his horse to be brought him, and, stabbing it in the 
presence of the whole army, kissed the hilt of his 
sword, made in the form of a cross, and swore, that if 
all his followers took to flight, he alone would defend 
the cause in which he had engaged. Upon this, King 
Edward issued a proclamation, giving liberty to any 
who desired it to retire, promising also liberal rewards 
to all those who should do their duty ; but denouncing 
the severest punishment against all who should betray 
signs of fear in the approaching conflict. 

The Yorkists, as well as their leader King Edward, 
had unanimously resolved "not to cease from their 
" exertions, until they had removed the dishonour of 
" the fight at Wakefield ; ' and indeed the deadly 
retaliation exhibited in the ensuing engagement was 
proof of this. The war between the two Roses had 
now become one of extermination, no forgiveness being 
hoped for from either party ; they thought not of their 
lives, and it was proclaimed that no prisoners should 
be taken. To conquer, or to die, was their aim at this 
crisis. It was an important crisis truly. Each party 
had employed the utmost efforts, and tried every expe- 
dient, to be successful in the fight to which they were 
looking, and each man nerved himself for the awful 

Lord Falconbridge was dismissed by the Yorkists 

to recover the post which had been lost. He passed 

the river Aire, or Are, at Castleford, three miles from 

Ferrybridge, along with Sir William Blount and Robert 

Home, intending to surprise Lord Clifford ; but he 

retired in great haste towards the main body. In his 

retreat, however, he fell in unawares with a party of 

his enemies, and his helmet being off, either from heat 

or pain, he was shot in the throat with an arrow, as 

some say without a head, and was instantly killed. 

This Lord Clifford was much hated for his barbarous 

I 2 


murder of the innocent Earl of Rutland, a boy of only 
twelve years of age (the youngest son of the late Duke 
of York) ; the piteous intercessions of this stripling might 
have awakened compassion in the roughest heart. For 
this and other cruel acts the Yorkists had surnamed 
Lord Clifford * " the butcher." They now felt revenged 
for the defeat at Ferrybridge by his death. f 

The King, Queen, and the young prince their son 
were staying at York. They were desirous of this 
engagement J as their only means of success. The 
command of the Lancastrian forces had been bestowed 
on the Duke of Somerset ; but the Queen, although 
absent from the field, was not idle ; she had been, 
previous to this battle, employing all her address to 
confirm the loyalty of her adherents, and to arouse their 

When King Henry heard of the near approach of 
his enemies, he did not sally forth to meet them on 
account of Palm Sunday being on the morrow, a solemn 
feast day, and one, on which he preferred rather to 
pray than fight, in order that the day after he might 
be more successful in battle. Such was his faith ! but 
his piety was not regarded. The soldiers liked not 

* This John, twelfth Lord Clifford, left two sons very young, who were 
living with their mother at Londesborough. Lady Clifford, to save her 
children from the vengeance of the Yorkists, sent Richard, the youngest, 
into the Netherlands ; and placed Henry, the eldest, with a shepherd, who 
was the husband of one of her maids. This young nobleman was removed 
from Londesborough and conveyed into the mountains of Cumberland, 
where he continued to lead the life of a shepherd until he attained the age 
of thirty-two, having never learnt to read, when King Henry the Seventh, 
in his first Parliament, restored him to the estates and hereditary distinc- 
tions of his family. 

f Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Rapin ; Drake's Hist, of York ; Allen's 
York ; Toplis ; Paston Letters ; Antiquities of York ; Hume ; Lingard ; 
W. of Worcester ; Historical View of Northumberland. 

J John de Wethamstede, the monk of St. Alban's, composed a poem in 
Latin, soon after the battle of Towton, giving an account of the wars of 
the Roses, especially as they related to St. Alban's monastery. — Wright's 
Political Songs. 


tarrying, and we are told the saintly monarch was 
constrained to sound the alarm for this cruel massacre 
of friend and foe. Doubtless he then gladly withdrew 
from the scene of strife to the shelter of the battlements 
of York.* 

When the armies met face to face, the men shouted 
aloud — it was a portentous shout ! — each party ex- 
pecting to be victorious : for were they not equal, 
both in courage and resolution, all Englishmen, all 
alike proud of their power, and disdainful of their 
enemies ? 

Yet was their strength and power insufficient when 
one party resorted to artifice, and when the elements, 
intermingling in the fray, lent their assistance to end 
this direful conflict. Thus was the truth made mani- 
fest, that " the race is not to the swift, neither is the 
" battle to the strong." 

Between the villages of Towton and Saxton, about i*6i. 

. . Toplis ; 

ten miles from the city of York, on a " goodly plain," Ridpath; 
the two armies met ; and on Palm Sunday, the 29 th f York - s 
of March, 1461, was the bloody battle fought, called Knke'rton; 

' ' J & ' Sharon 

by some the "Pharsalia" of England.^ It has been Turner; 
considered the most sanguinary engagement ever ^tl ' 
fought in this land ; and to augment the horrors, con- 
temporary writers tell us, that the fight began " at four 
" of the clock at night, and continued all night till on 
" the morrow at afternoon." The commands of King 
Edward were, that no prisoners should be taken, but 
that all should indiscriminately be put to the sword, § 
and this was responded to by a similar dreadful pro- 
clamation from the Lancastrians. 

The right wing of King Edward's army was led on 

* Pol. Vergil. 

t Toplis ssljs it was the 28th March. 
X This battle is sometimes called " Palm-Sunday Field.'' 
§ Historians say that King- Edward did not give this command from 
cruelty, but that his army should not be encumbered with prisoners. 


by the Earl of Warwick ; the left by Lord Falcon- 
bridge, in the absence of the Duke of Norfolk, who 
was sick ; and the main body was commanded by the 
King, while the rear guard was entrusted to Sir John 
Wenlock and Sir John Denham, two valiant com- 

At the commencement of this engagement the 
Yorkists obtained the advantage, owing to a heavy 
fall of snow, which, driving in the faces of the royal 
troops, almost blinded them. Lord Falconbridge, per- 
ceiving this circumstance, employed the following 
stratagem to turn it to his own advantage. He 
ordered some of his infantry to advance before the 
lines, and discharge a volley of arrows amidst the 
enemy, and then to retire. The Lancastrians were 
thus led to believe, that the army of the Yorkists was 
within their reach, and they exhausted all their arrows 
without doing any execution, as they fell short of the 
enemy. ■ King Edward, then advancing, committed 
great slaughter. The dismayed Lancastrians had re- 
course to their swords, but their valour was quite 

The Earl of Northumberland and Sir Andrew Trol- 
lop, seeing the disadvantage, left the vanguard and 
urged on their men to the fight, hand to hand. Then, 
indeed, the battle became desperate, each man stand- 
ing his ground until slain, or knocked down, and then 
another took his place. Needless were the orders to 
give no quarter ; such was the extreme of hatred 
manifested by the two parties, that it called for 
nothing short of blood, or death. They continued 
fighting with great desperation, for an almost in- 
credible length of time ; * for contemporary writers 
assert, that the battle commenced three hours before 
darkness came on, and that they fought all night, and 

* Some writers say they fought for four or five, others for ten hours. 


until past midday. About noon, John, Duke of Nor- 
folk, came, with a fresh band of " men of war," to 
the aid of King Edward, and completed the defeat of 
the royal forces, which were pursued to Tadcaster. 
Much courage was displayed by King Edward in 
this battle, and the conduct of Falconbridge greatly 
promoted the victory. 

A graphical account of the conclusion of this direful 
conflict has been given by one of our historians, who 
says, " The Lancastrians gave way, and fled to York ; 
but, seeking, in a tumultuous manner, to gain the 
bridge at Tadcaster, so many of them fell into the 
rivulet Cock,* as to quite fill it up, and the Yorkists 
passed over their backs in pursuit of their brethren. 
" This rivulet, and the river Wharfe, into which it 
empties itself hereabouts, were dyed with blood ; nor 
is this surprising, so many falling a sacrifice at this 
time for their fathers' transgressions, and their 
wounds, being made by arrows, battle-axes, or 
swords, would bleed plentifully. The blood of the 
slain lay caked with the snow which covered the 
ground, and afterwards dissolving with it, ran down, 
in a most horrible manner, the furrows and ditches 
of the fields, for two or three miles' distance." 
No one of note was taken prisoner, except the Earl 
of Devonshire, and he seemed to be saved when they 
were weary of killing. Many of the chief nobility lost 
their lives. There were slain three earls, ten lords, 
and a prodigious number of knights and gentlemen, of 
the Lancastrians. The following were amongst the 
most distinguished of those killed ; the Earl of West- 
moreland, and the Earl of Northumberland, Sir An- 
drew Trollop, Viscount Beaumont, the Lords Neville, 

* We are told that this rivulet is so narrow that a man may easily leap 
over it, its breadth being-, in most places, less than four yards, which renders 
this account more credible, to those who may be inclined to doubt it. 



Riclpath ; 
Turner ; 
Caledonia ; 
W. of Wor- 

Henry Stafford, of Buckingham, Scales, Willoughby y 
Wells, Dacre, and Malley ; also Sir Ralph Grey, Sir 
Richard Fency, and Sir Harry Belingham. The total 
loss of the Lancastrians was estimated by a contem- 
porary writer at 38,000 men ; but King Edward, 
writing in confidence to his mother, told her that the 
loss sustained by his enemies in this battle was 28,000 
men. The total loss on both sides has been variously 
computed by historians at 20,000,- 33,000, 35,091, 
36,776, and 38,000 ; this last being, however, as we 
are told, the statement of those who buried the dead. 
The prisoners and wounded amounted to 10,000. This 
was, indeed, " a sore-fought field ! " 

The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter, who had fled 
from the dreadful conflict, conveyed immediately the 
fatal news of their defeat to the King and Queen at 
York. The Lancastrian army, but a short time before 
so powerful, had been, contrary to all expectations, 
completely routed. All hope was thus extinguished ; 
and the King, Queen, and Prince Edward, all precipi- 
tately fled towards Scotland. They did not consider 
themselves safe while in England, and used their 
utmost efforts to escape, flying all night, lest they 
should be overtaken by the cavalry which King Ed- 
ward had sent in pursuit of them. They first went to 
Newcastle, and proceeding thence on the second day 
of their flight, they arrived in safety on the borders of 

The royal fugitives were attended by the Dukes of 
Exeter and Somerset, the Lords Eoos and Hunger- 
ford, the Lord Chief Justice Fortescue, and other 
lords and gentlemen of rank, who all submitted to this 
voluntary exile.* It was not in vain that the Lan- 

* Drake's York ; Baker ; Makenzie's Newcastle-on-Tyne ; Leland ; W. 
cf Worcester ; Fabyan ; Sandford ; Howel ; Toplis ; Paston Letters ; Allen's 


castrians had so hastily departed from York ; for King 
Edward repaired thither on the morning after his 
victory, hoping to surprise Ills enemies, and secure 
the unfortunate Henry, but in this object he was dis- 
appointed. The Lords Montague and Barnes having 
besought the King's grace for the city of York, which 
he granted, the victorious monarch, with great solem- 
nity, entered this city, and kept the feast of Easter 
there, being well 1 received by the citizens, and many 
processions being made to his honour. Edward's first 
care was the removal of his father's head, and that of 
the Earl of Salisbury, from the city walls, and to order 
their interment with their bodies. In the spirit of 
retaliation, the victor commanded that several of his 
prisoners should be executed. Amongst these were 
Thomas Courtney Earl of Devonshire, the Earl of 
Kyme, Sir William Hill, and Sir Thomas Foulford, 
whose heads were cut off, and each of them affixed to 
a pole, and then fastened over the gates of York.* It 
may be remembered that, in the commencement of 
the career of the Duke of York, the Earl of Devon- 
shire had espoused the cause of the Yorkists, and had 
afterwards returned to his allegiance to King Henry. 
He seems, at last, to have suffered for his incon- 
stancy, f 

The Earl of Northumberland, who was a powerful 
baron, had a palace in the city of York, situated in 

Modern antiquarians assure us that the body of 
this Earl was brought home by his retainers, and 
buried in the Church of St. Dionysius, or St. Dennis, 

York ; Hearne's Fragment ; Pol. Vergil ; Archaeological Journal ; Collin - 
son's Somerset. 

* James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire, was also beheaded at Newcastle. 

t This was the fifth Earl of Devon. His son, Thomas Courtney, was 
beheaded in 14G1 ; and his brother, Henry Courtney, in 14G6, was also 
beheaded at Salisbury. 


in this northern capital, and that a large blue stone in 
the north aisle marks his burial place. 

The villagers have a tradition, which points out the 
spot where Lord Dacre fell. It is called Towton Dale, 
or Tartingdale ; and a road, running between two 
stone quarries, is said, with great probability, to have 
been the scene of the battle. From the same source 
is the following tradition, also verified by facts : — ■ 

" It is reported that the soldiers were buried in 
" large mounds, on the field of battle, and that the 
" Yorkists, either in affection, or in triumph, planted 
" some rose trees on the tombs of their fallen country- 
" men. These mounds, through the lapse of four 
" centuries, have worn nearly clown to the level sur- 
" face of the soil ; but vou may vet see a kind of 
" circles in the field, above the quarry, already men- 
" tioned, and these circles are covered with patches 
" and clusters of rose trees. The rose is white, and 
" now and then, on the appearance of a pink spot on 
" the flower, the rustic, happy in his legendary lore, 
" traces the blood of Lancaster." * 

From the chronicles of those times we learn that 
those who fell in the desperate conflict at Towton, 
were at first interred in five pits. They were after- 
wards buried in the churchyard at Saxton, where a 
mean tomb has been erected to the memory of Lord 
Dacre. This flat marble stone, although now much 

* Archaeological Journal ; Hume. 

It has been asserted by some historians that King Henry escaped, after 
the battle of Towton, to a place called Coroumber, in Yorkshire, which, 
they say, was closely besieged by Edward's soldiers under Sir Robert Ode 
and Sir John Conyers. They add, that some of the Earl of North umber- 
land's esquires raised an army of o or 6000 men to fight with the besiegers, 
hoping that, in the meantime, Henry VI. might be fortunate enough to 
make his escape through a postern gate. It was rumoured, also, that Queen 
Margaret, her son, and the Duke of Somerset, were at this place, and not 
less than four thousand of the north countrymen were slain upon this 


broken and defaced, still bears this imperfect inscrip- 
tion : — 

" Hie jacet Ranulphus Ds. de Dakre et . . . 
miles et occisus erat in bello principe 
Henrico VI. Anno Dom. m,cccc,lxi, xxix 
die Martii, videlicet dominica, die 
palmarum. Cujus anime 
proprietur Deus. Amen." 

The five pits in the field near to Saxton church, could 
not have contained, as we are told, the hundredth part 
of those who were slain, and many must have been 
buried in other parts of that field ; indeed the plough- 
share oft discovers some of their remains, and this has 
called forth the following lines from the poet's pen : — 

' ' As oft as the ploughman turns the fields, 

" Half -buried human bones the soil still yields, 

" The dire remains of civil strife, 

" An hundred thousand bereft of life 

" This quarrel claims ; and Tadcaster may boast 

" That thirty thousand in her fields were lost." 

The citizens of London at this period evinced their 
strong attachment to their unfortunate monarch. The 
following passage may be quoted in proof of this, from 
a letter written immediately after the battle of Towton. 
" We send no sooner unto you, because he had none 
" certain until now, for unto this day London was as 
11 sorry as city might be."* 

From the city of York King Edward proceeded to 
Durham, where, having set things in order in the 
North, and committed the charge and governance 
there to the Earl of Warwick, whom he left behind 
him, he then returned in great triumph to London. On 

* Hall ; Biondi ; Sandford ; Baker ; Howel ; Stow ; Leland ; Fabyan ; 
Pol. Vergil ; Habington ; Rapin ; W. of Worcester ; Milles's Catalogue ; 
Ridpath ; Allen's York ; Paston Letters ; Toplis ; Sharon Turner ; Anti- 
quities of York ; Collinson's Somersetshire ; Pennant. 



Baker ; 
W. of Wor- 
cester ; 
Stow ; 
Letters ; 
Chron. ; 

Caledonia ; 
W. of Wor- 

the 1st of June he reached the manor of Shene, where 
he remained until the 26th of June while preparations 
were making for his coronation. The day fixed for 
this ceremony was Sunday the 29th of June, 1461, 
being St. Peter's da}'. On the Thursday preceding 
he came from Shene to the Tower of London, whither 
he was conducted by the Mayor and Aldermen and 
400 citizens, who met him on the road, on horseback, 
clad in splendid scarlet liveries. While at the Tower 
King Edward, in the most sumptuous manner, enter- 
tained the chief of the nobility and gentry who were 
favourable to the House of York ; and on the morning 
of Saturday he made thirty-two new knights of the 
Bath, who being arrayed in blue gowns with hoods and 
tokens of white silk upon their shoulders, rode before 
the King the same afternoon, and thus "in goodly 
" order " brought him to Westminster. On the follow- 
ing day, Sunday, King Edward was solemnly crowned 
by the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the accustomed 
ceremony and honours in the Abbey of Westminster. 

The new monarch's attention was next turned to 
Scotland, whither he dismissed ambassadors to propose 
a truce with that kingdom, fearing that by the succours 
the Scots would in all probability afford to the fugitive 
Queen, they might enable her to attempt the recovery 
of the crown, and thus make the Lancastrians more 
formidable than ever.* 1 

Queen Margaret and her little escort had meanwhile 
arrived at Berwick, where they all embarked, except- 
ing the Duke of Somerset, and finally reached Scot- 
land in safety. f They first proceeded in four vessels 

* Sproti Chron. ; Pol. Vergil ; Fabyan ; Baker ; Stow ; Heame's Frag- 
ment ; Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Maitland's London ; Sharon 
Turner ; Ridpath ; Lingard ; Allen's York ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume. 

■f Baker ; Hall ; Sandford ; Stow ; Rapin ; Pol. Vergil ; Toplis ; Paston 
Letters ; Lingard ; Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Antiquities of York ; W. of 


to Kirkcudbright, where they were honourably re- 

Finding, while at this place, that the mental infir- 
mities of her husband rendered it necessary for him to 
remain there, the Queen left him with four persons, and 
a boy, to attend upon him, while she proceeded with 
her son and her court to meet the Scottish Queen at 
Edinburgh. It was the 30th of August, 1461, when 
Queen Margaret left Kirkcudbright. The chief atten- 
dants on the exiled Queen were Lord Roos, and his son, 
John Ormond, William Talyboys, Sir John Fortescue, 
Sir Thomas Fyndern, Sir Edmund Hampden, John 
Courtney and others, in number less than thirty. Lord 
Hungerford* was also amongst the faithful adherents 
of Margaret. He had fled after the battle of Towton, 
with his royal mistress into Scotland ; but as he soon 
afterwards accompanied the Duke of Somerset to 
France, it is probable that he was employed by the 
Queen, to bear some message to the French King. 
This monarch f had, even while at war with England, 
issued orders to all his ports that the Lancastrians 
should be well received, and many Englishmen pre- 
suming on this favourable reception, took refuge in 
France at this period.^ 

While at Berwick, the unfortunate King and Queen 
had sent to request of James III. an honourable recep- 
tion, and the royal protection during their stay in his 
dominions ; and in return they had received a most 
gracious reply. The Scottish monarch, then but seven 
years of age, expressed great concern for the defeat of 
the Lancastrians, and regret, that he could not receive 
them under better circumstances ; he concluded with 

* This nobleman was attainted by King Edward, and bis estates were 
forfeited to the crown. 

f This was Charles VII. 

% Paston Letters ; Fabyan ; Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester ; Sharon Turner ; 
Chalmer's Caledonia ; Daniel ; Collinson's Somersetshire. 


assurances that, under whatever condition they might 
apply to him, they should receive every succour and 
protection which his kingdom could afford.* This 
young monarch also testified his respect and attention 
by going out in person to welcome the Lancastrian 
exiles ; and after showing them all kinds of honours, 
he finally lodged them in his own palace. 

His mother, Mary of Gueldres, hastened to embrace, 
and sympathize in the sufferings of the unfortunate 
Margaret of Anjou. In her, she beheld a form beautiful 
and elegant as her own ; she found her endowed with 
a genius as lofty and aspiring, and a temper so much 
resembling that which she herself possessed, that it was 
impossible for her to witness her distress without be- 
coming her friend. She received her with every kind- 
ness, appointed for her and King Henry an honourable 
maintenance, and promised to assist them in the 
recovery of their kingdom. 

Queen Margaret, notwithstanding all this show of 
courtesy, could not procure much help from the court 
of Scotland, to enable her to recover her crown. The 
Council, composed of the chief of the Scottish nobility, 
had the guardianship of the young king. Two parties 
had laid claim to the Regency ; one of them headed by 
Mary of Gueldres, the other by the Earl of Angus ; 
and the states, in order not to offend either of them, 
had selected two Regents from each, at the same time 
petitioning the Queen to be satisfied with the direction 
of her children's education. Under this arrangement 
both of these parties continued to subsist, and Queen 
Margaret, amidst these dissatisfactions, found the king- 
dom in such a state of agitation, that she could pro- 
cure little attention to her solicitations. f She first 

* Sandford ; Baker ; Baudier ; Pol. Vergil; Bidpath. 
f Sandford ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Pinkerton ; Bidpath ; Baudier ; Kapin ; 
Hume ; Carte ; Stow. 


pleaded her claims to their assistance, through the 
connexion between the House of Lancaster and the 
royal family of Scotland ; but she obtained, in reply, 
only the expression of their good wishes. When, 
however, she offered to deliver up to them the town 
and fortress of Berwick,* and to contract her son to 
the Princess Mary, the sister of their king, they lent a 
more willing ear to her proposals, and were finally 
prevailed upon to assist her.f 

In order to secure the friendship and aid of the 
powerful George Douglas, Earl of Angus, the lands 
between the Trent and Humber, of the yearly value of 
2000 marks sterling, were promised to him, to be 
erected into a dukedom. It was, however, agreed, 
that Angus should be at any time at liberty to make 
war upon England, at the Scottish king's command, 
and that he should not be amenable to the English 
Parliament, or courts of justice. This nobleman, who 
was tutor to the young King of Scots, was so flattered 
by the prospect of an English dukedom, that he readily 
engaged in the service of the Lancastrians, and was 
soon after enabled to render them a signal service. 

When the Duke of Burgundy heard of the proposed 
marriage of Prince Edward and the daughter of the 
Scottish Queen, he dispatched the Lord of Gruthuse to 
break it off. He did this, as some affirm, on account of 
the enmity he bore to King Rene ; but others tell us, 
with more probability, that he was equally attached 
to King Edward and to the King of Scotland, being 
uncle to Mary of Gueldres, and he did not wish to 
see them become irreconcilable. Through this inter- 
ference the marriage was rather deferred than broken 

* This town and castle were surrendered on the 25th April, 1461, and the 
young King" of Scots visited, on the 15th June, his new acquisition. 

f Stow ; Carte ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Monstrelet ; 
Daniel ; Henry ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; W. of Worcester. 



off; yet the Duke of Burgundy was eventually suc- 

Queen Margaret had, by her exertions, to overcome 
not only the prejudices of the Scots, but the machi- 
nations of her enemies from the English court, there- 
fore was her success the more extraordinary. 

The Regents of Scotland had felt disposed to agree 
to the truce desired by King Edward IV., but the 
eloquence of the Lancastrian Queen overcame their 
scruples, in her favour, and the only effect which this 
embassy from England produced, was the prevention 
of any declaration in favour of the exiled family. 
Many individuals, nevertheless, of all ranks, espoused 
their cause, and it was not until the following year, 
that any truce was established between the kingdoms.! 
i46i. In return for the surrender of Berwick, an object 

which had been often wished, and attempted by the 
iingard. Scots, since the invasion of Edward, a Scottish army 
entered England, and advancing to Carlisle, laid siege 
to the city, which was held by the Yorkists. 

The English, under Lord Montague, raised the 
siege, and the Scots were defeated, with a loss of 
G000 men, amongst whom was a brother of Lord 

King Henry, meanwhile, with some faithful ad- 
herents, advanced into the county of Durham, but 
he narrowly escaped being taken prisoner, owing to 
the superior number of his enemies.:): 

The Lancastrian Queen still retained possession of 
several castles in Northumberland ; and when the 
negotiations with the Scots were ended, and they 
had promised to assist her, Queen Margaret's measures 

* Barante ; Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Lingard. 

f W. of Worcester ; Baker ; Stow ; Sharon Turner ; Ridpath ; Rapin ; 
Hume ; Henry : Lingard. 

J Paston Letters ; Pinkerton ; Hallam ; Rynier ; Sharon Turner ; 
Monstrelet ; Lingard. 


were promptly and vigorously taken. It cannot be 
doubted that the Queen had accompanied King Henry in 
his expedition to Durham, although no records furnish 
the details of this precise period, beyond the fact, that 
Laurence Booth, who, through the intercessions of 
Queen Margaret, had been appointed to the see of 
Durham, had taken part, in these times of trouble, 
with his royal patroness, and had thereby incurred 
the ire of the Yorkist King. 

It was supposed that the Queen had nearly reached 
the city of York, when King Edward penned the fol- 
lowing letter, which he addressed to his adherents : 

" Right trusty and well beloved, we greet you well, 146L 
" and thank you of the great truth, love, and kindness 
" shewed unto us at all times herebefore, and specially 
" to the days and time of our great necessity, for the 
" defence of our land and subjects ; wherein ye ap- 
" proved your said truth and devoure of such largesse* 
" as we will ever remember in the mightiest part of 
il the affection of our heart ; not holding doubted, but 
'' ascertained, that we shall be assured of the perfect- 
" ness of your hearty perseverance in the same ; letting 
" you witt, that yesterday, and this day it come certainly 
" to our knowledge, that on Thursday last past it was 
" fully determined, concluded, and assented, in the 
" Council of our great enemy, the King of Scots, in 
" Edinburgh, between him and Margaret, late called 
" Queen, under the form following : 

" The same Margaret, in the name of Henry, late 
" called King, our great traitor and rebel, hath granted 
"unto the said King of Scots, to his heirs and suc- 
" cessors, seven sherifwicks of our realm of England ; 
" his son Edward in marriage to the sister of the same 
" King, and to be, for the same intent, for seven years 
" under the keeping and governance of the Bishop of 

* Liberality. 



" Saint Andrew's, to whom she hath granted the 
" Archbishopric of Canterbury ; to divers clerks of 
" Scotland, divers bishoprics in this our realm, and 
" the livelihood lands of the lords, gentles, and nobles 
" thereof, to divers Scots and Frenchmen, having 
''thereof petitions, by the said King Henry signed; 
" and by the consequence and sequel, the obeisance of 
" our said realm, and of our subjects thereof, as much 
" as she may, under the domination and power of the 
'* same Scots and Frenchmen ; whom she hath excited 
" and provoked to show them of the greatest and 
" largest cruelty and tyranny against our said subjects 
" that they can, unto the execution of the end of her 
" insatiable malice toward them ; whereunto her joy 
" and consolation is most disposed and applied. 

" Over this, the said Margaret hath, inasmuch as 
" she may, in the name of the said Henry, bounden 
" the realm to be adjoined to the league of antient 
"time made and renovelled* betwixt France and 
" Scotland. 

" And to the observing and performing of all the 
" promises for the party f of the said Henry, Margaret 
"hath made solemn oath, the said Thursday, openly 
" in the said council, upon the Four Evangelists ; for 
" the which the said Scots there also bodily made like 
" oath to the said Henry and Margaret, to take whole 
and full party with them, against us and our 
subjects, to put them in divoire, to the execution 
of the said malice ; and to the same intent to enter 
" our land on Friday next coming; arreadyingj their 
" great ordnance to besiege our castle of Northam, 
" authorised by the said Bishop, with the clergy of 
" Scotland ; the lords, gentlemen, and commonalty 
" thereof, intending to accompany and bring the said 
" Henry and Margaret into our said realm. The 

* Eemodelled. f On the part of. ^ Making ready. 


" which we purpose to resist with God's grace, and 
" arready us thereto, and to the rebuke of the said 
" malice, and of the great presumption and customable 
" pride of the said Scots, grounded and established 
" upon unrighturse covetise,* that we trust in the 
" Lord shall be the occasion of their fall and decline, 
" if they persevere in their said purpose." 

King Edward becomes more and more vehement as 
he proceeds with this address, and in conclusion of 
this appeal, he says — 

" We, therefore, pray you to pray heartily to God for 
' our good speed in our righturse cause and quarrel, and 
" true intent in the defence and tuition of our said land 
" and subjects ; whereunto we will join our body, 
" blood and life ; and that you will joyfully courage"]" 
" yourselves and our subjects of that our city, under 
" the trust of God, and the mystery of His grace and 
" might, wherein we establish our surety and progress, 
" and trust thereunto, that ye shall hear such tidings 
" of the resistance of our said enemies, as shall be in 
" perpetual memory to their rebuke and confusion, 
" and singular and assured comfort to you and all our 
" said subjects. "| 

Another letter was addressed by King Edward to 
the King of Scots, in which he alludes to his reception 
into Scotland ; he says of the "traitors and rebels, 
" Henry, late usurpant king of our said realm, Mar- 
"garet his wife, and her son, and other our traitors 
"and rebels," not being his liegemen, and exhorting 
him to deliver them up unto him, without delay, if they 
become not his lieges and subjects, and if it so be, to 
certify the same.§ 

After this the heaviest punishments were denounced 
by this monarch, against all those who should be found 

* Unrighteous covetousness. + Embolden. 

t Stow ; HalliweU's Letters. § HalliweU's Letters. 

k 2 



favouring, or giving reception to King Henry, Queen 
Margaret, or any of their partizans. 

The same ill success which attended the efforts of 
Turn°r ^ ne Lancastrians in the north of England, pursued 
them in their ineffectual attempts in Wales during this 
year. A guard was set by Edward on the northern 
marches, lest any should desert and join King Henry 
in Scotland ; for although victorious, his rival feared, 
that Margaret would return and excite the people to 
renew the war.* 
i46i. King Henry, while in adverse circumstances, took 

refuge at one time in Muncaster Castle, in Lancashire. 
There is a room there still bearing the name of " King 
"Henry the Sixth's room," where he was concealed, 
when pursued by his enemies in 1461, probably when 
he fled from Durham. The possessor of the castle was 
Sir John Pennington, who gave the unfortunate 
monarch a secret reception. The King, upon his 
departure, addressed to Sir John many kind and 
courteous acknowledgments for his loyalty and 
hospitality, lamenting, at the same time, that he could 
present him with nothing more valuable, as a testi- 
mony of his goodwill, than the cup out of which he 
crossed himself. This he gave into the hands of Sir 
John, and accompanied the present with the following 
benediction, " The family shall prosper as long as they 
preserve it unbroken." 

The superstition of the times caused it to be 
imagined, that it would carry good fortune to the 
descendants of this house, whence it was called 
the "luck of Muncaster." It was a curiously 
wrought glass cup, studded with gold and white 
enamel spots. The blessing attached to its security 
occasioned the family to consider it important for their 
prosperity, at the time of the usurpation, that the 

* Henry ; Pol. Vergil. 


"luck of Muncaster" be deposited in some place of 
security, and consequently it was buried, until, by the 
cessation of hostilities, this care was rendered no 
longer necessary. 

It happened, however, unfortunately, that the 
person permitted to disinter this precious cup let 
the box fall in which it was enclosed ; and this gave 
such alarm to the remaining members of the family, 
that they could not summon courage to open it, and 
quiet their apprehensions. It therefore remained (as 
tradition tells us) for more than forty years unopened ; 
at the end of which period, one of the Penningtons, 
more courageous than his ancestors, unlocked this 
casket, and joyfully proclaimed the safety of the 
"luck of Muncaster."* 

King Edward had fortified the frontiers ; he had 
built forts on those parts of the sea-coast which were 
most convenient for landing ; particularly in the south 
of England. He also gained possession of all the 
castles and holds both in North and South Wales ; 
and the Duke of Exeter, Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pem- 
broke, and other noblemen, were defeated by King 
Edward's army, on the 13th of October, 1461, at 146L 
Tatehill, near Carnarvon, and compelled to fly to the 
mountains. Many of the Lancastrians likewise went 
over to Edward, f 

All England and Wales was at length in the 
possession of the young King ; Harlech Castle only 
held out. This fortress had been kept by Richard 
Tunstall; and afterwards by Lord Herbert. The 
former held this castle previous to the Welsh chieftain, 
David ap Jevan, who protected the Queen, when she 
took refuge at Harlech, after the battle of North- 

* Roby's Lancashire. 
f Biondi ; Paston Letters ; Henry ; Sharon Turner ; Pol. Vergil. 

J 1 


After Lis defeat in Wales, Jasper Tudor, Earl of 
Pembroke, passed over into Ireland; where, in the 
following rear, 1462, lie endeavoured to procure some 
further assistance for his unfortunate half-brother, 
King Henry the Sixth. 

This monarch, doubtless, on his departure from 
Aluncaster Castle, found means to return to the 
Scottish court, where the Queen still remained, with 
some of her adherents ; we learn that Kins; Henry 
with his attendants, resided at Edinburgh. 
1461. It was at this time that Sir John Fortescue, Lord 

Chief Justice of England from the year 1422, was 
made Lord Chancellor by his beloved sovereign. 
While at Edinburgh the King, Queen, and Prince 
Edward lodged at the Friar preacher's house, also 
Exeter, Somerset, and others. Not long after the 
Duke of Somerset, Lord Hungerford, and Robert 
W hittingham, with four or five esquires, came from 
Scotland into Normandv. It was rumoured that 
" they were like to be deemed prisoners ;" indeed, the 
English refugees were exposed to numerous perils, 
for many fled to France, relying on the favourable 
reception of King Charles,, at whose court Somerset 
and others had hoped to find an asylum. When 
these persons, however, reached Dieppe, they were 
immediately arrested by the officers of the new 
King, Louis XL, and were apprised of the death of 
Charles VII. Surprised and disappointed, and while 
in uncertainty concerning their fate, the following 
letter was addressed by Lord Hungerford to his 
roval mistress in Scotland : — 

" To the Queen of England in Scotland. — 
" Madam, please it your good God, we have, since our 
" corning hither, written to vour Highness thrice : the 

* Paston Letters ; Barry's Itinerary of Wales. 


" first we sent by Bruges, to be sent to you by the 
" first vessel that went into Scotland ; the other twa 
" letters we sent from Dieppe — the one, by the carvel 
; ' in which we came, and the other, in another vessel ; 
" but, Madam, all was one thing, in substance, of 
" putting you in knowledge of the King your uncle's 
" death* (whom God pardon), and how we stood 
" arrested, and do yet. But on Tuesday next we trust 
" and understand we shall up to the King,f your 
" cousin german. His commissaries, at the first of our 
" tarrying, took all our Letters and Writings, and bare 
" them up to the King ; leaving my Lord of Somerset 
"in keeping at the castle of Arkes ; and my Fellow 
" Whityngham and me (for we had safe conduct) in 
11 the town of Dieppe ; where we are yet. But on 
" Tuesday next we understand, that it pleaseth the 
" said King's Highness that we shall come to his 
" presence ; and are charged to bring us up, Monsieur 
" cle Cressell, now bailiff of Canse, and Monsieur de 
" la Mot. 

" Madam, fear you not, but be of good comfort, 
" and beware that ye adventure not your person, ne 
" my Lord the Prince, by the sea, till ye have other 
" word from us ; in less than your person cannot be 
" sure there, as ye are, and that extreme necessity 
" drive you thence. And for God's sake, let the 
" King's Highness be advised the same ; for, as we be 
" informed, the Earl of March | is into Wales by land, 
" and hath sent his navy thither by sea. And, 
" Madam, think verily, we shall not sooner be de- 
" livered, but that we will come straight to you, with- 
" out Death take us by the way, the which we trust 
" he will not, till we see the King and you peaceable 
" again in your realm ; the which we beseech God 

* Charles VII. of France. f Lewis XI. 

t This^as King Edward IV. 



" soon to see, and to send you that your Highness 
" desireth. 

" Written at Dieppe, the 30th day of August, 1461. 
Otters. " Your true subjects and liege men, 


" Whytyngham." 

The suspicious position in which these lords sud- 
denly found themselves prevented the efforts they 
intended making for the interests of their royal mis- 
tress at the court of France, whither thev had been 
dismissed to obtain assistance for the Lancastrians. 
U6i. Lord TTenlock and others, who had been sent over 

ambassadors to the French King, on the part of 
Edward, were awaiting a safe conduct at Calais. The 
treasurer of this town, with many soldiers, some join- 
ing them also from the Marches, were engaged in 
besieging the castle of Hammes, near Calais, " both 
parties making great war." * 

The Count of Charolois, who was related to the 
Duke of Somerset, interested himself in his favour, 
having a high esteem for him, on account of his 
preference for the Lancastrian party ; and at his peti- 
tion, the King of France gave the Duke his liberty, 
besides making him handsome presents of gold and 
silver. He was also conducted to Tours, and well 
received there. 

After this, the Duke of Somerset, desiring to return 
to Scotland, was informed that King Edward had placed 
spies there, to watch his conduct, upon which he 
withdrew to Bruges, where he remained in privacy 
a considerable time. It was not until March in the 
following year that he returned to Scotland, as 
appears from the deposition of certain Frenchmen, 
taken prisoners at Sharringham, in Norfolk, who, 

* Daniel ; Paston Letters. 


being examined relative to Queen Margaret's affairs, 
stated that the Duke of Somerset was gone into Scot- 
land from France, and that Lord Hungerford had, a 
few days before, passed before Sharringham in a 
carvel of Dieppe, on his way to Scotland, having 
however, but few followers.* 

The Scottish Queen, as it appears, entertained great 
hatred against the Duke of Somerset, because he had 
discovered an intrigue between her and the King of 
France, and she even employed Lord Halys to lie in 
wait for the Duke to kill him. j" 

On the 4th of November, 1461, King Edward ? Hfli. 
held his first Parliament, when his title to the crown Howei.' 
was confirmed. All the acts which had been made in 
the reigns of his predecessors against the House of 
York were repealed. Henry VI., after having reigned 
thirty-eight years, by the unanimous consent of the 
people, was, in this session, declared an usurper. An 
act of attainder and forfeiture was passed against King 
Flenry, his Queen, and their son, the Prince of Wales ; 
also against Henry, Duke of Somerset, the Earls of 
Northumberland and Devonshire; Lord Roos; Thomas 
Beaumont ; Henry, Duke of Exeter ; Jasper, Earl of 
Pembroke; the Earl of Wiltshire; John, Lord Clifford ; 
the Lords Hungerford and Dacre ; John Fortescue, Esq. ; 
and many others, even, according to some authorities, 
to the number of one hundred and forty persons. 
This act, indeed, extended to almost every individual 
who had distinguished himself in the cause of the 
Lancastrians. In excuse for this severity it was 
alleged that the power of that House ought at 
once to be annihilated. Every Lancastrian, who had 
not perished in the struggle to support his sovereign 
on the field of battle, was adjudged to suffer all the 

* Monstrelet ; Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Daniel ; Barante. 
t W. of Worcester. 



Btow ; 

Sandford ; 




penalties of treason, the loss of his honours, the for- 
feiture of his estates, and an ignominious death. Another 
motive probably led to this unexampled severity ; it 
was the necessity of providing funds to satisfy the 
expectations and reward the services of those to whose 
exertions King Edward was indebted for the posses- 
sion of the crown. 

AVhen this first Parliament of King Edward was 
held, the nobility of England consisted of only one 
Duke, four Earls, one Viscount, and twenty-nine 
Barons, such numbers having been slain in battle, put 
to death on the scaffold, or having fled from their 
native country to save their lives. During this session 
King Edward created his eldest brother, George Plan- 
tagenet, Duke of Clarence, and his youngest brother, 
Richard Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester. Lord 
Falconbridge he created Earl of Kent ; and Plenry 
Bouchier, the brother of the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, Earl of Essex. Also John, Lord Neville, the 
brother of the Earl of Warwick, he created first Vis- 
count Lord Montague ; * likewise Lord Wenlock he 
created Baron TTenlock. Anthony Widville was sum- 
moned to this Parliament as Lord Scales. The Duke 
of Exeter had married King Edward's sister, who pre- 
ferred to remain with her brother rather than to share 
the misfortunes of her husband : the Duke having fol- 
lowed King Henry into Scotland, his estates were 
bestowed at this time on his Duchess. 

The new Earls of Kent and Essex, with the Lords 
Audley and Clinton, Sir John Howard, and others, 
were dismissed by King Edward, with forces amount- 
ing to 10,000, to scour the seas. They landed in 
Brittany, assailed the town of Conquet, and the isle of 

* This Lord Montague was rewarded with the earldom of Northumber- 
land, although the late Earl had left one son. 


Bee, but were repulsed by the inhabitants, who, 
headed by the Sire de Kimerch and Rosmadec, Ber- 
trand de Chaffault, and others, compelled them to 
retreat hastily to their vessels, after which they re- 
turned to England.* 

The vengeance of the Yorkists was still unsatisfied, 
even after so many bloody battles. Fresh victims 
were found after a diligent search, and every culprit 
was brought to a summary execution. Neither old nor 
young were spared. The first of these was the aged 
Earl of Oxford, who was both wise and valiant, and of 
an unimpeachable character. He was arrested by 
John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, then Constable of 
England, and, without being allowed any trial, was 
sentenced to die, under pretence that he had cor- 
responded with Queen Margaret. He was beheaded i*6i 
on Tower Hill, on the 22nd of February, 1461 ; and at Paston 
the same time, and under the same charge, viz., of FabyaL' 
having received letters from the Queen, were also 
executed on Tower Hill, Aubrey cle Vere, the eldest 
son of the Earl of Oxford, Sir Thomas Tudenham,| 
Sir William Tyrrel, and Sir John Montgomery. J John 
Clopton was also arrested, but his life was spared. 
These and other cruelties distinguished the first year 
of the reign of King Edward IV., who rewarded his 
own adherents with the lands and effects of these 

The Earl of Oxford had disputed in Parliament the 
question concerning the precedency of the Barons 
temporal and spiritual, a bold attempt in those days, 
and judgment was given in favour of the Lords 

* Sandford ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Stow ; Howel ; Milles's Catalogue ; 
Henry ; Allen's York ; Bridge's Northamptonshire ; Collinson's Somerset- 
shire ; W. of Worcester ; Sharon Turner ; Paston Letters ; Hallam ; Mon- 
strelet ; Eapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; Barrow ; Roujoux, Dues de Bretagne. 

f Or Tiddingham. 

X Or Walter Montgomery. 


temporal, through his arguments. This Earl had 
accompanied King Henry V. in his wars in France. 
He left one son, named John de Vere, then only nine 
months old. 

Another of King Henry's faithful adherents, Thomas 
de Eoos, died this year, at Newcastle, after sharing 
the exile of his master, who had rewarded his services 
with an annuity of £40 for his life, out of the Earl of 
Salisbury's forfeited estate. The battle of Towton had 
caused the confiscation of his property. His eldest 
son Edmund joined the Lancastrians.! 

At this time King Edward was at war with France, 
Brittany, the Low Countries, and Scotland ; yet it was 
only respecting the last of these that he entertained 
any uneasiness. He justly expected that the Queen's 
active mind would invent some fresh enterprise, and if 
supported by the Scottish chieftains' valour and num- 
bers, she would become truly formidable. To prevent 
this, he adopted the advice of the Earl of Douglas, 
who had long been a refugee in England, and enjoyed 
an annual pension there, and who at this time recom- 
mended him to enter into a negotiation with the Earl 
of Ross, Lord of the Isles.J 

This nobleman had revolted from King James, and 
he at once concluded a treatv with the English monarch. 
It was agreed that the Earl of Ross should lay waste 
the northern parts of Scotland with fire and sword ; 
and, by this treaty, it was stipulated that he should, 
with all his vassals, become the liege subjects of Ed- 
ward, and that if Scotland should be vanquished through 

* Baker ; London Chron. ; Stow ; Milles's Catalogue ; Hume ; Paston 
Letters ; Barrow ; Henry ; W. of Worcester ; Fabyan ; Monstrelet. 

f Stow ; Monast. Anglic. ; Dugdale ; Barrow ; Leland's Collect.; Bridges's 

% Douglas was afterwards taken prisoner by the Scots, and kept in con- 
finement until his death, in 1488. 


this alliance, the northern part should be assigned to 
Ross, and the remainder to Douglas. 

Thus did King Edward seek to balance the influence 
of Henry VI. in Scotland, and by the invasion of the 
territories of King James to prevent his rendering him 
any effectual assistance. We are even told that 
Edward purchased the fealty of the Earl of Ross by 
the payment of an annual pension, and that he also, to 
amuse the Queen Dowager, Mary of Scotland, made 
her a deceitful offer of marriage. In April, 1462, im. 
the Earls of Warwick and Essex, Lord Wenlock, the L^te^. 
Bishop of Durham, and others were sent on an embassy 
into Scotland, and at Dumfries met the Scottish Queen 
on this fruitless offer.* 

King Edward addressed a letter from Stamford on 
the 8th of March, 1462, to Thomas Cooke, whom he 
calls c his trusty and well-beloved alderman of our 
" city of London." 

In this epistle he alludes to information he has re- 
ceived respecting the designs of his " great adversary 
" Harry, naming himself King of England, who through 
" the malicious counsel and excitation of Margaret his 
" wife, naming herself Queen of England, have conspired, 
" accorded, concluded, and determined with our out- 
" ward enemies, as well of France, and Scotland, as of 
" other divers countries, that our said outward enemies 
" in great number shall in all haste to them possible 
" enter this our realm of England, to make in the same 
" such cruel, horrible, and mortal war, depopulation, 
"robbery, and manslaughter as heretofore hath not 
" been used among Christian people, and with all ways 
" and means to them possible, to destroy utterly the 
"people, the name, the tongue, and all the blood 
" English of this our said realm ; insomuch that in the 

* Pinkerton ; Bidpath ; Paston Letters ; Barrow ; Henry ; Lingard ; 
Hume ; W. of Worcester ; Bymer. 


" said conspiracy, among other tilings, it is agreed and 
" accorded by our said adversary Harry, moved thereto 
" by the malicious and subtle suggestion and enticing 
"of the said malicious woman Margaret his wife, that 
" in case they shall and may perform this their mali- 
" dons and cruel purpose (which God forfend!), that 
" then his uncle Charles of Anjou with the Frenchmen 
" shall have the nomination, rule, and governance of this 
" our realm aforesaid." King Edward continues his 
letter with stating, that " for the furtherance of their 
" wicked intent, the said Harry and Margaret his wife, 
" had granted to Louis de Valois, naming himself King 
" of France, a renunciation and release of the right and 
" title that the crown of England hath to the crown 
" and realm of France, and also to the duchies and 
"countries of Guienne ; and besides hath granted to 
" the same intent to the Scots not only the town and 
" castle of Berwick, now by his deliverance occupied 
" by the same Scots, and also a great part of our realm 
" of England. Which things diligently considered, it 
" appeareth that the said Harry and Margaret his wife, 
" not only to us, but to all our realm and true liege 
"people, have been mortal and cruel enemies." King- 
Edward continues, " We intending with all our might 
" and power to resist our enemies, and in no wise to 
" spare our own person, body, or goods, neither refuse 
" any peril for the defence of our realm and of our true 
" subjects ; we desire and pray you, in the most especial 
" wise, that you, immediately upon the receipt of these 
" our letters assemble all the householders and in- 
" habitants within your ward, as well citizens as 
" foreigners,* and declare unto them the malicious 
" intent of our adversary and enemies, and exhort and 
" pray them with such words of benevolence as shall 

* Strangers coming from the country. It is still customary in Norfolk 
for the country people to call the inhabitants of a distant village foreigners. 


" be thought to you behoveful, that they, for the defence 
" and surety of themselves and of all this land, and in 
" the eschewing of the great and horrible mischiefs 
" and inconveniences above rehearsed, will at this 
"time, and in this great and urgent necessity, show 
" effectually and indeed their good will, zeal, and affec- 
" tion unto us, and to the common weal of this land 
" and prosperity of themselves. 

" Further, for the relief of the great charges that we 
" must of necessity bear, they and every of them will 
" grant unto us certain sums of money, to be given of 
" their free will, and that they will not suffer wilfully 
" all this realm and themselves to perish and utterly be 
u destroyed ; that trusting in the infinite goodness and 
f - righteousness of Almighty God, who hath declared for 
" our right and title, that if our true and faithful subjects 
" will at this time apply themselves benevolently to 
" our desire in this behalf, that we shall so defend and 
" preserve them from such perils and mischiefs, and all 
" this land, that within a few days they shall have cause 
" to think that they never herebefore better expended 
" their money. Over this for your direction and more 
" speedy execution of this matter, we send you certain 
a instructions, praying you, that ye will effectually 
" labour to the accomplishment of our desire in this 
" behalf, and that ye fail not us, as ye desire the wel- 
" fare and prosperity of us, yourselves, and all this 

In this year, 1462, John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, p J£f ■ 
was appointed by King Edward to fill the office of Lord Letters. 
Treasurer, as he had done in the reign of King Henry, f 
It was about this time that the displeasure of the 
Yorkist King was evinced against the Bishop of Dur- 
ham ; he seized his temporalities, which he retained for 
two years ; when restored to him, the Bishop deserted 

* Halliwell's Letters. f Paston Letters. 



the Lancastrian cause, and was employed by Edward, 
who rewarded his services by making him Lord High 
Chancellor of England, in 1473. Afterwards he was 
translated to York.* 

Queen Margaret had repeatedly applied to the Court 
of France for assistance, but had received no effectual 
1462. Louis XL. who had lately succeeded his father King 

Charles upon the throne, was at this time exerting his 
political genius to subdue the independent spirit of his 
vassals ; and in this attempt had raised so great an 
opposition throughout his kingdom, that he found him- 
self unable to take any advantage of the divisions of 
the English nation. Nor was this monarch willing to 
afford Queen Margaret the assistance she required in 
money and troops, although he evinced great regard 
for her, and wished well to her cause. He even favoured 
the Lancastrians at the court of Rome, and in all the 
states of Europe, and promised this Queen an asylum 
in his dominions should she be obliged to quit her 
kingdom. This, however, he advised her not to leave, 
but at the utmost extremity. 

This King of France never concluded any treaty 
with Kino- Henry, saying that it would be time enough 
to do so when the King of England had subdued his 
enemies and resumed his authority. The offers of the 
Yorkists were alike refused by Louis, who declared "it 
" was not a good quarrel/ 5 and that " the enterprise of a 
" subject who wishes to dethrone his sovereign, is neither 
"just, reasonable, nor worthy of support." f 

At length, despairing of foreign aid, Queen Margaret 
resolved, in spite of fatigue or danger, to go in person 
to France, to solicit the assistance of her friends and 

* Dugdale's Monasticon. 

The only act recorded of this bishop was that he built the gate of the 
college of Auckland, and adjoining edifices. 
t Hume ; Barante ; Madlle. Lussan. 


relatives. She left the King and Prince in Scotland, 
and sailed from Kirkcudbright, in Galloway, on the pi n k er ton; 
16th of April (or, as some say, on the 28th of June), 2^ er . s . 
1462, accompanied by the Duke of Somerset and a fcrajoux; 
small retinue, in four vessels. They sailed between Hume ; ' 
Wales and Ireland, and upon landing at Ecluse, in Henry * 
Brittany, the Queen was kindly and honourably re- 
ceived by the Duke of Brittany. Compassionating 
her condition, he afterwards sent her a present of 
12,000 crowns, upon her arrival at Eouen, and even 
promised to furnish her with a squadron, in addition 
to those she might be able to collect with the help of 
her friends and relations.* 

The unfortunate Queen passed through Brittany, 
and thence proceeded to the city of Rouen. A regis- 
ter of this city gives the following account of the 
Queen's reception : — 

"On Tuesday, the 13th of July, 1462, after 
" canonical hours, and towards evening, the Queen 
" Margaret of Anjou, wife of the King of England, 
" Henry VI., arrived before the King our Lord, in 
" this town of Rouen ; and was received with much 
" honour, by the gentlemen of the King's suite, the 
" counsellers, and others of the four-and-twenty of 
" the Council of this town, together with ten distin- 
M guished individuals of each quarter, who went forth 
11 to meet that Queen on horseback, and met her on 
" the road between Grammont and Sotteville ; and 
11 the reception was given, and the oath administered, 
' in obedience to the letters and commands of the 
" King, our Sire, by Germain Mancial, Knight, the 
" Lieutenant - General of the bailiwick of Rouen, 
" speaking on foot, by the side of his horse, to the 

* Carte ; Paston Letters ; Roujoux ; Hume ; Ridpath ; W. of Worcester ; 
Daniel ; Henry ; Lobineau ; Pinkerton ; Lingard ; Tillet's Recueil des Rois ; 
Wright's History of Scotland. 

vol. it. L 


"said Queen; and answer was made, and thanks 
" returned for the said Queen Margaret, by the Arch- 
" bishop of Narbonne, Master Antoine Crespin ; and 
" this Queen was presented, and handed, and escorted 
" to her dwelling, which was in the hotel of the 
" ' Golden Lion,' in face of the church of La Ronde, 
" belonging to Regnault de Villene, barrister of 
" Rouen." * 

The first application which Queen Margaret made 
was to her father, the King of Sicily ; but Rene, 
although abounding in nominal dignities, was in great 
distress, and could not afford any succour to his 
daughter. He could only unite his earnest solicita- 
tions with those of the exiled Queen at the Court of 
France ; and he endeavoured to prevail upon all true 
knights to avenge the wrongs of the English monarch, j" 
The unfortunate Queen had reason, at this period, to 
feel some regret for the loss of King Charles VII. , 
her kind-hearted uncle, who had parted from her with 
such marked forebodings of misfortune, when she 
quitted her native country for England. How wel- 
come would have been his generous sympathy upon 
her return to France in such adverse circumstances ! 

The death of King Charles had happened about a 
year before, and had been accelerated by the beha- 
viour of his son, who he believed had entertained a 
design to poison him, and, yielding to the fear and 
grief to which this conviction gave rise, be obstinately 
refused all nourishment, and died at the age of 

Charles VII. was one of the greatest monarchs 
who had reigned over France. He had a heart and 

* Collection Universelle des Memoires pariiculiers relatif a THistoire de 
France. Jean de Troye, from a Register of the city of Rouen. 

f Biondi ; W. of Worcester ; Daniel ; Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Roujoux's 
Dues de Bretaigne. 


head equally well disposed ; he was religious, honest, 
and upright, and selected good and great men to rule 
for him ; he paid respect to and listened to their 
advice, which caused it to be said of him that he 
allowed himself to be governed. He loved his sub- 
jects, and taxed them but little. He easily forgave ; 
but, when the offender happened to be one who ap- 
proached his person, after granting his pardon, he 
would never see that person again. Few reigns have 
been productive of so many great men, both political 
and warlike : Charles attached to himself these by his 
beneficence and goodness. After the defeat of the 
English nothing would have been wanting to his 
happiness, had not the conduct of the Dauphin dis- 
turbed his peace, and weakened his mind by grief. 
The regrets and sorrow of his subjects for his loss, 
form his best eulogy. 

The great events of the reign of Charles VII. 
seem to contradict the opinion of the mediocrity of 
the genius of this prince ; who, driven from his throne 
at so early an age, and finding so many obstacles and 
difficulties, yet arrived at so much power, and 
recovered his regal authority. If he did not act 
himself, he, at least, had great discernment in the 
choice of those who served him.* 

The Princes of the blood under the late reign 
had been accustomed to rule, or to contend for rule, 
and they were ill-disposed to Charles VII. , who was 
jealous of their power. These Princes saw the con- 
stitution verging to an absolute monarchy, in the 
direction of which they would have no share: the 
fear of such a calamity occasioned several attempts at 
rebellion during this reign, and gave rise to the war 
commonly called " du bien public." f 

The death of King Charles was soon followed by 

* Daniel. f Hallam's Middle Ages. 

i 2 


that of his consort, Mary of Anjou. She was distin- 
guished by her virtue and prudence, but more especially 
by her moderation and patience under the rude trials 
to which her husband's infidelities subjected her. Such 
was her conduct that satire, so much in vogue in 
France, could not touch her reputation. She was 
exempt from the faults of the court of King Charles, 
and preserved the love of the people, the esteem of 
the courtiers, and even of Charles himself. It is 
related of Mary of Anjou, that, when some persons 
noticed the irregular conduct of that King, and even 
attributed it to a weakness that she did not resent his 
infidelities, the Queen replied : " He is my lord, and 
" has all power over my actions, but I have none 
" over his." * 

Rene of Anjou was tenderly attached to his sister, 
who, indeed, bv her behaviour to her husband, showed 
herself to be a model for wives and princesses who in 
her sphere might find themselves in similar circum- 
stances. Strongly united to her husband while living, 
she was no less inconsolable at his death, and in 
her widowhood wept daily at his tomb. The poor and 
unfortunate regarded her as a parent, and respect for 
her many virtues silenced the malignant. 

On her return from a pilgrimage Mary was taken 
ill, and died in the Abbey of Chatellier, in Poitou, on 
the 29th of October, U63.t 

The son and successor of King Charles was not 
easily influenced by the claims of relationship, or 
alive to the intercessions of beauty in distress ; he was 
naturally selfish and unfeeling ■ notwithstanding, he 
received the unhappy Queen at his court at Chinon, 
with apparent kindness. When Queen Margaret 

* Anquetil; Daniel; Memoirs of Queens and Regents of France. 
f Moreri ; Montstrelet ; 3Ionfaucon ; Daniel ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; 
Godard Faultrier ; Anquetil. 



urged her distressed condition, and with earnest en- 
treaties besought him to assist her dethroned hus- 
band and her helpless son, she found him deaf to her 
arguments, and unwilling to grant her any supplies, 
until she promised to deliver up to him the town and 
castle of Calais, should she, by his means, be restored 
to the throne. 

Upon this assurance, Louis engaged to lend Queen 
Margaret 20,000 crowns, and to furnish her with a 
small body of troops, amounting to 500 men-at-arms, 
who, with their usual attendants, comprised a force 
of 2,000 men. These were to be under the command 
of Pierre de Breze, Grand Seneschal of Normandy. 

The agreement, signed at Chinon, on the 23rd of June, ^ ue% 

1462, was to this effect : — " Margaret, Queen of Eng- 

" land, being empowered by the King of England, 

" Henry VI., her husband, acknowledges the sum of 

" twenty thousand livres, lent to her by the King 

' Louis XL, to the restitution of which she obliges 

" the town and citadel of Calais, promising that as 

" soon as the king, her husband, shall recover it, he 

" will appoint there as Captain, his brother Jasper, 

' Count of Pembroke, or her cousin, Jean de Foix, 

" Count of Caudale, who will engage to surrender the 

' said town to King Louis XL, within one year, as his 

" oion, or pay to the said King Louis XL forty thou- 

" sand pounds (double the amount of the loan)." 

De Breze had already been distinguished as a brave 
general, and had enjoyed the royal favour in the pre- 
ceding reign. Lie had been made Governor of Rouen 
after the defeat of Somerset, but having incurred the 
displeasure of the present King, had been thrown 
into prison. Louis now gave him his liberty, on 
condition that he should engage in the service of King 
Rene, and conduct this expedition into England. It is 
said, that the French King hoped by these means to 


get rid of him, having furnished him with forces so 
inadequate to the enterprise.* 

The crafty Louis, not thinking it to his interest to 
espouse the cause of the Lancastrians openly, per- 
mitted, notwithstanding, a secret treaty to be entered 
into between Queen Margaret and Pierre de Breze, by 
which it was agreed "that, in consideration of the 
" assistance he should bring to King Henry, her 
" husband, the islands of Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, 
" and others, adjoining, should be made over to him 
" and his heirs for ever, to hold them independently 
" of the crown of England." This reward, which has 
been considered vastly disproportionate to any service 
the Count might be able to render, could never be 
fully bestowed upon him ; it was therefore judged 
necessary that Breze, in taking possession of these 
islands, should do it by surprise, making his act 
appear to the world as unpremeditated. Yet even 
then, the Count could never fully obtain possession of 
them, as will appear in the sequel. 

It is not difficult to perceive by this treaty, and 
the secret part taken in it by Louis XL, the great 
importance of these islands at that period, nor 
can it be supposed that the Norman baron would have 
been permitted to hold his acquisitions independently 
of the French crown ; and some have said, that it 
can scarcely be doubted that he acted under the 
guidance of the King of France. However this may 
have been, it is certain that Pierre de Breze speedily 
assembled 2,000 veterans, which he had the greater 
facility in doing, having already been engaged in the 
wars of France. With this body of soldiers he passed 

* Daniel ; Baudier ; Ridpath ; Pinkerton ; Stow ; Tillet's Recueil des 
Rois ; Carte; Bodin ; Collection des Memoires particuliers relatif a l'Histoire 
de France ; Barante ; Leland ; Monstrelet : Female Worthies ; Tresor des 


over into England, where he rendered all the services 
in his power to the cause of Queen Margaret. 

The Count, meanwhile, to secure the reward of his 
services, which indeed were great (for he did all it 
was possible for him to do, in the support of a sinking 
cause), sent a Norman gentleman named Surdeval, 
with a sufficient force, to take possession of Mount 
Orgueil Castle, the commander of which had received 
secret orders from the Queen to deliver it up. As it 
had been preconcerted, the French arrived in the 
night, when the garrison was unprepared for resist- 
ance, and the commander was taken in his bed, in 
order that to the world it might appear as a surprise, 
rather than a premeditated treachery.* 

While at the French Court, Queen Margaret had 
the mortification of beholding the ambassadors of 
King Edward, who were negotiating a truce, well 
received and frequently admitted to audience. 

The Lancastrian Queen was doubtless an un- 
welcome visitor, and it was on this account that 
Louis XL gave her some troops ; he promised, how- 
ever, further supplies, and gave orders that all the 
adierents of the House of Lancaster should be well 
received in his dominions. 

After her tedious and almost fruitless application, 
which occupied this Queen at least five months, she at 
length set sail for England, in October,")" 1462, having w/oTwor 
witi her only the small forces granted her from p^ t e ^ ; 
Fraice, and which were scarcely deserving the name Letters ; 

Pinkerton ; 

of an army ; indeed she seemed so poorly attended, Barrow, 
that it was remarked she had scarcely a sufficient 
retinue for so great a Princess. 

It must not here be omitted to state that during 
this visit of Queen Margaret to France, and while 

* Falle's Jersey ; Warner's Hampshire ; Plees's Jersey ; Inglis's Channel 
Islands ; Crutwell's Tour through Great Britain. 
•f Jean de Troye says it was November. 




Bidpath ; 
Henry ; 
Lingard ; 
"W. of Wor- 

staying at the court of Louis XI. at Chinon, she 
became sponsor to the only son of the ransomed poet, 
the Duke of Orleans, and his wife Mary of Cleves. The 
child was named Louis by the King of France, who stood 
godfather, and became long afterwards Louis XII. * 

King Edward had guarded the seas, with the inten- 
tion of waylaying the Queen, on her return from 
France, but she succeeded, after a rough passage, in 
landing at Tynemouth. Here Queen Margaret un- 
furled her standard, and invited the Scottish allies, and 
the friends of her family, to rally around her ; and she 
was, at this time, once more cheered by a transitory 
gleam of hope in the success of her cause. She vas, 
however, disappointed in her expectation that the 
people of Northumberland would declare for her ; for 
they had heard that King Edward's army of 20,000 
men, commanded by the Earl of Warwick, was ap- 
proaching, so that finding the Queen had bat few 
auxiliaries from the continent, they remained for the 
most part quiet. Thus Queen Margaret only succeeded 
in taking the castles of Bamborough, Dunstanburg aid 
Alnwick. This last surrendered through the want of 
provisions. Some write that the castle of Warkworth 
was also taken. The care of Alnwick Castle was en- 
trusted to the son of Pierre de Breze, Lord Hungerford, 
Eobert Whittingham, and others, having a garrison of 
three hundred men. During the time of these sieges 
the King was staying at Durham. | 

When the Earl of AVarwick arrived in the north 
with his army of 20,000, and intelligence was brought 
of King Edward's approach with an equal number, the 
Lancastrians separated; some to garrison the castles 

* Biondi ; W. of Worcester ; Tillet's Recueil des Rois : Duclos ; Fabyan 
Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Monstrelet ; Baker ; Bodin ; Rapin ; Henry ; Carte 
Paston Letters ; Femmes Celebres ; Philip de Comines ; Hume ; Barante 
Daniel ; Jean de Troye ; Lingard ; Barrow. 

t Some "writers say the Queen advanced as far as Durham. 


they had just taken, whilst others, with the French 
auxiliaries, retired with the Queen on board their ships 
with great precipitation. Lizard- 

Within a few hours after their departure from Tyne- w - of Wor- 
mouth, they encountered a severe storm. The Queen's 
vessel was separated from the other ships, and it was 
not without the utmost exertions that it was brought 
into the Tweed, and reached Berwick. The remainder 
of this little fleet had dispersed towards Bamborough, 
where the Frenchmen would have landed, but Lord 
Ogle and Sir John Manners, at the head of some troops, 
prevented them. Upon this they retired to the little 
isle of Lindisfarne, but were pursued thither by Lord 
Ogle and his followers, who completely defeated them, 
slew five hundred, and took the rest prisoners, Pierre de 
Breze only excepted, who escaped in a fisherman's boat 
to Berwick. In this wreck Queen Margaret lost all the 
treasure which she had obtained from the King of France. 

After these continued misfortunes the Queen 
gave up the care of defending her castles, now be- 
sieged by the Yorkists, to the Duke of Somerset, 
Pierre de Breze, and others of her party, while she 
withdrew with her husband and son to Edinburgh ; 
and there, for some time, they continued to reside. 
They seemed left almost alone, deprived of friends, of 
money, and even of hope. 

The cause of the Red Rose appeared, indeed, to be 
desperate, but it was still supported by the courage 
and intrepidity of Queen Margaret. f 

* At one of these castles, viz. Bamborough, when the garrison was taken 
by the Queen's forces, Sir William Tunstall was taken, and in danger of 
being beheaded. His brother, Richard Tunstall, at this time bore arms for 
the Queen against him. 

f Sandford ; Baker ; Ridpath ; Henry ; Lingard ; Female Worthies ; 
Fabyan ; Biondi ; Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester ; Stow ; London Chron. ; 
Barrow ; Historical View of Northumberland ; Rapin ; Sharon Turner ; 
Howel ; Mackenzie's Newcastle ; Monstrelet ; Duclos ; Paston Letters ; 


King Edward had advanced as far as Newcastle, 
when, hearing of Queen Margaret's shipwreck, he 
returned to London. Another account is that the 
King was compelled to withdraw, being visited by the 
1463. The Earl of Warwick had been made commander of 

Letters. the forces of the Yorkists after the battle of Towton, 
and had received the title of Warden of the East and 
West Marches. This Earl divided his army into three 
bodies, and besieged at the same time the three castles 
of Bamborough, Dunstanburg, and Alnwick. The 
besieged made an obstinate resistance, and displayed 
much valour. 

Bamborough Castle had been entrusted to the care of 
the Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Pembroke, Lord 
Roos, and Sir Ralph Percy, with a garrison of 300 
men. Sir Richard Tunstall, and some others of less 
note, defended Dunstanburg Castle with 120 men. The 
Lords Montague, Ogle, Arundel, and many others, ad- 
vanced against Bamborough with an army of 1,000 
men, and besieged it ; while the Earl of Worcester and 
Sir Ralph Grey, with 10,000, assailed the castle of 
Dunstanburg. Meanwhile the Earl of Kent, Lords 
Scales,"!" Powis, Cromwell, and Baron Grey stock, with 
10,000 men, assisted at the siege of Alnwick. This 
castle was held by the son of Breze, with the Lords 
Hungerford and AVhittingham. 

The Earl of Warwick, taking up his residence at 
Warkworth Castle, three miles from Alnwick, daily 
superintended these sieges, sending provisions to the 
besiegers, and other supplies. The Duke of Norfolk 
had also been placed at Newcastle, to assist the Earl 
of Warwick, and send to him the ordnance. 

* Ridpath ; Paston Letters ; Fabyan ; W. of Worcester ; Stow ; Hurne ; 
Lingard ; Sharon Turner ; Historical View of Northumberland. 

+ This Lord Scales was Anthony WidYille. The new Earl of Kent was 
William Neville, Lord Fauconbridge. 


This undertaking of the Earl of Warwick would 
appear gigantic, but it will be well to consider the 
relative position of these castles, which doubtless 
afforded great facilities for the enterprise. 

The little town of Alnwick, which, from its boundary 
position, has ever been an important possession to the 
monarchs of either kingdom, was situated in the midst 
of green vales, overlooked by a castle of most pic- 
turesque appearance, beneath which the river Aln 
meandered towards the sea, which terminated the view 
to the east and south. Northward might be seen the 
Farn isles and the shipping, and upon a bold rock near 
the shore stood Bamborough Castle ; to the south that 
of Dunstanburg, and above all appeared conspicuous 
the castle of Warkworth, and Coquet island. Lastly, 
at the south-west, lay the forest of Haydon. The 
vicinity of these castles to each other probably afforded 
the means of speedy communication, and renders less 
surprising the taking and retaking of them so rapidly 
in these civil wars. Northumberland thus became the 
scene of many memorable exploits, in which much 
skill and courage were exhibited. 

The fortress of Bamborough surrendered on Christ- Ria P ath; 
mas eve, three days later that of Dunstanburo;, after ^nkerton 
making a gallant resistance. The conditions upon 
which the besieged surrendered were, that the Duke of 
Somerset, and Sir Richard Percy, with some others, 
should, upon taking the oath of fealty to King Edward, 
be pardoned and restored to their estates and honours ; 
and that the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Roos, and the 
rest of the two garrisons should be permitted to with- 
draw into Scotland. 

Alnwick Castle still held out. The Earl of War- 1463. 

* Stow ; Howel ; Ridpath ; Lingard ; Carte ; Paston Letters ; W. of 

Worcester ; Pinkerton ; Sharon Turner ; Monstrelet ; Grose's Antiquities ; 
Hist. View of Northumberland. 


wick closely besieged it, assisted by Sir Ralph Grey, 
and many others. This was in January, 1463. An 
army of the adherents of Queen Margaret hastened to 
its assistance. It was valiantly defended for some 
time by Pierre de Breze's son and his 300 Frenchmen. 
This general boldly sallied forth and attacked the 
camp of Warwick, but was repulsed. Soon after he 
was joined by George Douglas, Earl of Angus, who, 
at the request of Queen Margaret, had bravely under- 
taken to bring off the garrison. For this purpose he 
hastily collected a body of horse, amounting to 10,000 
(or as some say, 13,000) and advanced, as if with intent 
to charge the English army, which had invested the 
castle ; and while the latter prepared for battle, he 
brought up a party of his stoutest horse to the postern 
gate. The garrison, headed by Pierre de Breze, bravely 
sallied forth to meet them ; and then, every soldier 
mounting behind a trooper, or, as some tell us, upon a 
number of spare horses brought for them, they were all 
successfullv carried off into Scotland, in sisdit of the 
whole English army, which, being inferior in numbers, 
was unable to resist them. Lord Hungerford and a 
few knights sallied from the castle, and, cutting a pas- 
sage through the enemy, joined their partisans, and 
accompanied them in their retreat. 

The small garrison remaining, left to its own 
guidance, capitulated ; for Angus, having accomplished 
his design of freeing the besieged, abandoned the 
castle to the enemy, and the Earl of Warwick was 
well contented that, without shedding blood, he was 
thus enabled to get possession of the deserted castle. | 

* The Earl of Angus eagerly seized this opportunity of rendering a 
service to the exiled Queen, ■who had promised him a dukedom and lands 
in England. 

f Biondi ; Stow; W. of Worcester ; Fabyan ; Baker ; Ridpath ; Buchanan ; 
Pinkerton ; Lingard ; Holinshed ; Historical View of Northumberland : 
Grose's Antiquities ; Daniel. 


At the time of this memorable retreat, the Duke of 
Somerset, Sir Eichard Percy, and others, were seen 
fighting on the side of King Edward. 

This monarch, pleased to gain over these noblemen, 
who had hitherto been such firm allies of his rival, 
not only repealed their attainder, and restored their 
lands, but rewarded their services with many marks of 
favour. Somerset obtained an annual pension of 1,000 
marks, and Percy was re-established in the possession 
of Bamborough and Dunstanburg. Alnwick was be- 
stowed upon Sir John Ashley, to the great displeasure 
of Sir Ralph Grey, a partisan of the Yorkists, who, 
having once gained it for King Edward, hoped to be 
again put in possession of this castle. 

The desertion of Somerset from the Lancastrians has 
been attributed to his dread of the resentment of Mary 
of Gueldres, the Scottish queen, he having incurred 
her displeasure. Many Lancastrians, despairing of 
the restoration of Henry the Sixth, followed the 
example of Somerset, and, throwing themselves on 
Edward's mercy, obtained his pardon. f 

About this time the inhabitants of Lancashire and 1463> 
Cheshire assembled, to the number of 10,000 men, in J*^ 011 

7 ' ' Letters ; 

support of the Lancastrian cause, but they were soon Henry, 
overcome, and several of them were beheaded at 
Chester. \ 

The affairs of Queen Margaret had become desperate. 
Almost all the powerful friends of King Henry had 
been either slain in battle, put to death on the scaffold, 
or banished the kingdom. When the Yorkists had 

* King Edward, in a letter to his Chancellor, gives the account of the 
surrender of these castles in the North, and of the submission of Somerset 
and Percy. The King writes from the monastery at Durham. 

+ Baker ; W. of Worcester ; Sandford ; Fabyan ; Rot. Pari. ; Rapin ; 
Ridpath ; Carte ; Monstrelet ; Sharon Turner ; Henry ; Lingard ; Female 

i Paston Letters. 


regained possession of the castles of Northumberland, 
the French auxiliaries capitulated, and gladly obtained 
permission to return to France. 

After so many had espoused the cause of King 
Edward, the only remaining faithful adherents of the 
deposed monarch, and of his exiled family, were the 
Duke of Exeter and a small party, whose loyalty re- 
mained unshaken under the most adverse fortunes. 

When the struggle between the two powers seemed 
to be over, and the unfortunate issue compelled the 
Lancastrians to seek refuge in France, Breze also 
departed from England, and went to Jersey. There he 
took upon himself supreme authority, styling himself 
in all public acts set forth in his name : " Pierre de 
" Breze, Count de Maule verier, &c, Lord of the islands 
" of Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, and the others ad- 
" joining, Counsellor and Chamberlain of our sovereign 
" Lord the King of France," by which proclamation 
he showed his own dependence on the King of France, 
giving the inhabitants to understand that they must 
henceforth consider themselves as subjects of the same 
monarch, which greatly enraged them. Nay, it even 
seemed to them more intolerable to be thus betrayed 
to the French, than to have been conquered by arms. 
It was in vain that the Count sought to soothe their 
discontents. His promises of kind treatment and 
gentle sway, if they would but acknowledge him and 
transfer their allegiance to France, were all unavailing. 

Breze had obtained possession of the Castle of Mount 
Orgueil, but the stronghold did not carry with it the 
island, of which it was the defence. The six parishes 
adjacent to Mount Orgueil Castle yielded a reluctant 
obedience to the rule of the Norman chiefs ; while 
the western half of this island, influenced by Philip de 
Carteret, Lord of St. Ouen, maintained its allegiance 

* Rapin ; Henry ; Monstrelet ; Bodin ; Daniel ; Ling-ard. 


to the King of England. Thus, during six years, Jer- 
sey continued to be a divided possession. 

Philip de Carteret obtained the castle of Grosnez, and 
defended himself and his followers, setting the French 
at defiance ; and frequent encounters occurred between 
the two parties. Those also who had submitted to the 
authority of Breze were but ill affected towards him. 
Such was the condition of these islanders, at the time 
King Edward IV. obtained quiet possession of the 
English throne, and a scheme was immediately formed 
for the expulsion of the French and Normans. 

Sir Richard Harliston, Vice Admiral of England, 
coming with his fleet into the Channel, Philip cle Car- 
teret made known to him the hard struggle he had had 
to preserve to the English a portion only of this island 
of Jersey ; upon which, the Admiral, leaving his ships at 
Guernsey, hastened to the Manor of St. Ouen, in Jer- 
sey. There he held a private consultation with De 
Carteret, and they together planned a surprise for their 
enemies, which scheme they accomplished with pru- 
dence and skill. 

The French were not aware that an English fleet 
was near, when Philip de Carteret with his followers 
invested the castle of Mount Orgueil in the night; 
meanwhile, the fleet sailed from Guernsey to assist 
them ; and thus, in the morning, the Frenchmen found 
themselves surrounded both by sea and land. The 
besieged vigorously resisted for some time, but finding 
no hope of relief, (there being no communication with 
France,) and being greatly distressed, they capitulated. 
The castle and neighbouring country joyfully returned 
to the domination of England, and Jersey received a 
new charter, in which the services of the people were 
especially acknowledged. 

Sir R. Harliston, for his reward, was appointed to be 
Governor of the island which he had been instrumental 


in recovering ; but how De Carteret, who had been 
most active in its preservation, was recompensed, is 
unknown. "He could not," however, "fail," as one 
writer says, " to procure that which always attends the 
" doing of brave and worthy actions, viz., the public 
" esteem, and the inward satisfaction of having faith- 
" fully and honourably acquitted himself to his King 
" and country, following therein the example of his 
" ancestors." 

When the standard of England was raised upon 
Mount Orgueil Castle, it diffused such universal joy 
amongst the people that " it could not be expressed! ' : 
So obnoxious had the French Count become to the 
inhabitants of Jersey, that they had even ventured to 
burn him in effigy while in their island. 

De Breze had left Jersey before the siege. He was 
killed, not long after, at the battle of Montlebery, fight- 
ing for Louis XL against the Burgundians.* The 
French writers highly extol his valour, and say that he 
died the death of a hero.f 

* Falle's Jersey ; Warner's Hampshire ; Plees's Jersey ; Inglis's Channel 

t Bodin ; Annals of Aquitaine. 


[Queen Margaret.) 

" We will not from the helm to sit and weep, 
" But keep our course, though the rough winds say no, 
" From shelves and rocks that threaten us with wreck, 
" As good to chide the waves, as speak them fair." 


{Queen Margaret.) 

" No, sirs ! my regal claim, my rightful crown, 
" The honour'd title of your sovereign wife, 
" No bribe shall e'er incline me to lie down, 
" Nor force extort it, save but with my life." 

Eltham's Margaret of Anjou. 

Successes of the Lancastrians — Queen Margaret at Durham — The plunder 
of the country — Battle of Hedgeley Moor — Defeat at Hexham — The 
King and Queen take to flight — Three lords put to death — Queen 
Margaret's adventure in the forest — She escapes to Bamborough, and 
to France — King Edward's treatment of the Lancastrian lords — Queen 
Margaret and her followers in Flanders — The reception of Margaret 
by the Duke of Burgundy and his son — Sir John Fortescue — Education 
of Prince Edward — Margaret settles in Lorraine — Attempts to console 
her — The distress and poverty of the Lancastrians — Margaret goes 
with her son to reside with her father — Rene's tastes for the arts, 
chivalry, and the tournament, and for the " belles lettres " — His life 
in Anjou and Provence, and his correspondence — The fetes of Rene in 
Anjou and Provence— The Order of the Crescent — Suppressed by the 
Pope — Rene joins the King of France in his wars against the English 
— Rene at Angers, Saumur, and Bauge — His taste for building — The 
castle and town of Bauge— Rene's house at Saumur — The manor-house 
of Reculee and hermitage — The illness and death of Isabella of 
Lorraine — Her burial — The grief of Rene — His device — The children 
of Rene and Isabella — Rend joins in the war of Sforza, Duke of Milan 
— He is soon disgusted with the intrigues in the camp, and returns to 
France — His son, John, carries on the war for a time, and then with- 
draws also — Rend gives Lorraine to his son, John of Anjou — Rene marries 
Jeanne de Laval — They go to Provence — Rent's occupations — Alphonso 
makes war in Italy — The Duke of Calabria takes part with the Fre- 
goses — Rene comes to Genoa — A battle with the Genoese — Death of 
Alphonso — Ferdinand, his son, succeeds him in Naples — The barons 

VOL. II. m 


cabal, and send for the Duke of Calabria — Pope Pius II. invests Ferdi- 
nand with Naples — This offends Rend — Battle of Sarno — The Duke of 
Calabria's expedition fails — Provence only remains from the adoption 
of Joanna I. — Louis XL mounts the throne of France — Henry VI. has 
taken refuge in Wales — He is discovered, brought to London, and 
committed to the Tower. 

1463. The courage of Queen Margaret was not overcome 
Barrow kv the numerous disasters she had encountered. She 

passed the whiter of 1463 in Scotland, and in the 
spring assembled all her English adherents, and 
allured to her standard many of the Scots, by the 
promise of reward and permission to plunder. The 
government of the Scots had, in effect, abandoned the 
cause of the Lancastrians, having concluded, in the 
preceding December, a truce with King Edward. 

The interest which Queen Margaret had, notwith- 
standing, cultivated with some of the Scottish chief- 
tains, enabled her, once again, to form a considerable 
army, with which she made a descent upon North- 

1464. umberland, in the month of April, 1464. In this 
luaplth. expedition the Queen was accompanied by her hus- 
band, but the young Prince was left at Berwick. He 
soon afterwards rejoined the army, and was present at 
the battle which ensued at Hexham. 

Affairs began to assume a more favourable aspect. 
The Lancastrians speedily regained the three castles 
which they had so lately lost.* The care of two 
of these castles, Bamborough and Alnwick, had been 
committed to Sir John Ashley, to the great disappoint- 
ment of Sir Ralph Grey, whose personal resentment 
for this neglect instigated him to take by surprise 
the castle of Bamborough, which he garrisoned with 
Scotch troops, and then held it for Queen Margaret, 
who made him Governor of the fortress. Sir Ralph 
Grey also contrived to expel Sir John Ashley from 

* Stow ; Carte ; Ridpath ; Baker ; Henry ; Hume ; W. of Worcester. 


Alnwick Castle ; then was Dunstanburg easily gained 

The courage of the Queen seemed to be aroused, 
more and more, in proportion to the difficulties of her 
situation, and the uncertainty of her success. As 
she advanced to Durham, her numbers were daily 
increasing ; but many of those who joined her, pre- 
ferred plunder to fighting, and Margaret well knew 
the little dependence she could place on such followers, 
who needed leaders to enforce discipline amongst them. 
At Durham she was joined by the Duke of Somerset, 
who, as soon as he had heard of the Queen's successes, 
suddenly and privately quitted North Wales, where 
he had been secreted, and hastened to her assistance 
with all his followers ; which example was followed 
by Sir Ralph Percy, with his adherents.* 

This conduct of the Duke of Somerset was very 
reprehensible ; he had been nobly treated by King 
Edward, and in return for His generosity in restoring 
his lands and dignity, he only took the earliest oppor- 
tunity of deserting him. Ungrateful, indeed, he must 
have appeared to the Yorkists ; but historians justly 
censure him for his submission to Edward, being him- 
self descended from the House of Lancaster, whose 
interests he would have naturally espoused. Still it 
must be said for him, that he reproached himself for 
quitting his royal master, the unfortunate Henry, in 
the extremity of his distress. 

This defection greatly alarmed King Edward. He 
dispatched Lord Montague, whom he had, the pre- 
ceding year, appointed Warden of the Eastern Marches,")" 

* Sandf ord ; Biondi ; Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Baker ; Howel ; Ridpath ; 
Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Henry ; Barrow ; Lingard ; Paston Letters ; Female 
Worthies ; Carte ; Fabyan. 

f He likewise gave him charge of his dominions in Scotland, viz., Ber- 

wick and Roxburg. 

m 2 


with all the forces he had ready, to oppose the Queen, 
while he remained to collect a large army, both by sea 
and land. He issued a proclamation, commanding 
every man, from the age of sixteen to sixty, through- 
out the kingdom, to be ready to march against his 
Alien" 4 ' enemies, at a day's notice. At length, having as- 
*°rk; sembled a powerful army, and having with him a 

Carte. *" 

splendid train of nobility, he set out from London, and 
arrived at York about the end of May.* 

Queen Margaret, meanwhile, traversed the north of 
England, plundering and ravaging wherever she went. 
Lord Montague had advanced as far as Durham, 
where he halted for several days ; and when he had 
received a reinforcement from King Edward, proceeded 
in quest of the Queen's army. He met a detachment 
of her forces, commanded by the Lords Roos and 
Hungerford, at Hedgeley Moor, near TTooler, on 
U64 the 20th j of April, 1464. The Lancastrians, with 
Hmne; onr ) T ^00? defended themselves against this attack 
H^m-' w ^ tn 8 Tea ^ bravery, but were, at last, defeated. The 
carte. ' courageous Sir Ralph Percy was killed. His last 
words were, "I have saved the bird in my bosom," in 
allusion to his loyalty to King Henry. A stone pillar, 
having the Percy arms rudely cut upon it, marks the 
spot where this action took place. Roos and Hunger- 
ford escaped to the Queen. 

Much elated at his success, Montague resolved to 
have the honour to himself of Queen Margaret's 
defeat, before King Edward could possibly join him. 
He, therefore, boldly advanced to attack her, with an 
army of 4,000 men. The Lancastrians, who had but 500 
men, commanded by the Duke of Somerset, encamped 
on a plain called the Linnels,^ on the south bank of 

* Sandford; Stow; Eidpath; Baker: Henry ; Eapin ; Allen's York. 

t Toplis and others say it was on the 25th of April. 

t Or Lennolds, where the line of entrenchment is still visible. 


the Devil's Water,* near Hexham, where they awaited 
the approach of their enemies. These soldiers were 
emboldened by the presence of King Henry, whose 
only hope of restoration to the throne depended, as 
they well knew, on the success of this battle ; there- 
fore, when the contest began, they fought desperately. 

This engagement took place on the 15th of May, ^ uql 
1464. The Queen's forces were taken by surprise by Topiis; 
Lord Montague, who, inarching by night, attacked ^^f 
them in their trenches, before they knew of his ap- Hume; 

x Henry • 

proach, and a long and bloody battle ensued. The Lingard ; 
skill and bravery of Montague enabled him, at last, to Turner ; 
gain a complete victory. King Henry owed his safety llvTIier - 
to the fleetness of his steed. | He fled to the Castle 
of Harlech, in Wales, which fortress was still held by 
Davycld ap Jevan ap Eynion, who, in defiance of re- 
peated acts of attainder, refused to yield to King 

The Duke of Somerset was taken prisoner as he TJ ?. 46 f- , 

1 g m Hohnsned. 

fled from the field of battle, and was immediately 
beheaded at Hexham. The Lords Roos and Hunger- 
ford, whose personal bravery and unwavering attach- 
ment to their unfortunate monarch deserved a better 
fate, were discovered, the following day, in a wood, 
and were executed, with many of their followers, at 

On account of the illustrious dignity of his family, 
Lord Hungerford's body was, by permission, removed 
to Salisbury, and there interred in the north aisle of 
the cathedral. The Duke of Somerset was buried in 
the Abbey, at Hexham. From this Duke, as it is sup- 
posed, the name of Duxfielcl was given to a field near 
the scene of action. 

* This has been contracted into Dilswater by some writers. 

f Biondi ; Stow ; Topiis ; Howel ; Wright's Hist, of Hexham ; Holinshed ; 
Ridpath ; Hutchinson's Durham ; Gent.'s Magazine ; Carte ; Rymer ; Rapin ; 
Hume ; Lingard ; Femmes Celebres ; Allen's York ; Paston Letters ; Henry ; 


The prisoners taken and beheaded with the Duke 
were the Lords Basse, Molehs, Wentworth, Hussey, 
and Sir John Findern, knight. There were also 
others decapitated ; viz., Edward Fysshe, knight, 
Bluke Jukes, John Bryce, and Thomas Hunt ; and, 
within a short period afterwards, other executions fol- 
lowed, at York and other places. The victims were 
twenty-five in number, who, haying escaped from the 
field of battle, had secreted themselves, but were dis- 
covered by the Yorkists. Of these were Sir Richard 
Tunstall and William Tavlbois, Earl of Kvme, who 
was apprehended at Riddesdale, brought to Newcastle, 
and beheaded. Sir Humphrey Neville was taken in 
Holderness, and lost his head at York, as did also 
John Botler, knight, and others. 

Nothing but utter extermination appeared to be the 
purpose of the victors. Unhappily, they found but too 
plausible an excuse for this in the previous example of 
the Lancastrians. 

King Edward bestowed all the estates of his victims 
on his own followers.* 

After the battle of Hexham, Queen Margaret had 
immediately separated herself from the King, her 
husband, in order that she might be better able to 
conceal herself in England, while she awaited an 
opportunity to embark for the continent, as she feared 
any longer to trust the Scots. 

Once more a fugitive with her son, without resource, 
and apparently in worse circumstances than those in 
which she had ever before been placed, she was com- 

Sharon Turner ; Barrow ; Historical View of Northumberland ; Fabyan ; 
Pol. Vergil. 

* Lingard ; Holinshed ; Biondi : Toplis : Stow : Baker : Pol. Vergil ; 
Sandford ; Milles's Catalogue ; W. of Worcester ; Ridpath : Bridge's 
Northamptonshire ; Eapin ; Carte ; Collinson's Somersetshire ; Monstrelet ; 
Barante ; Paston Letters ; Barrow ; Allen's York : Historical View of 
Northumberland ; Sharon Turner ; Henry : Hume ; Fabyan. 


pelled to seek shelter and concealment in the adjacent 
forest. Her adventures that night were so romantic 
as to raise the tone of history, and while they form 
an interesting digression from all the honours of the 
battle-field, they exhibit the energetic character of 
Queen Margaret, whose noblest phase appeared in this 
her greatest peril. 

The dark recesses of Hexham forest, and the rocky 
banks of the river Devil, had been the retreat of a 
ruffian horde, who, during this period of civil strife, 
found a plea for their abandoned life in neglected laws, 
and the example of their superiors. A band of these 
ruffians met the Queen while she was wandering, with 
her little son, in the darkness of the night, and un- 
awed by her rank, and untouched by pity for her sex 
or situation, they seized her, stripped her of her jewels, 
and would have treated her with'greater indignity, had 
not a quarrel arisen amongst the banditti about the 
division of their spoil. From words they proceeded to 
blows, which afforded the unhappy Queen, (who trem- 
bled for herlife, and that of her son,) an opportunity to 
escape. She pursued her flight across the forest, 
carrying her child in her arms. She wandered on, 
although oppressed with fatigue and hunger, and al- 
most overcome with terror and anxiety, when another 
robber crossed her path, with his sword drawn ; but the 
great soul of Queen Margaret would never succumb 
under any accumulation of misfortunes. In this moment 
of exigence she approached the man, assuming an air 
of confidence, and presenting her son, she exclaimed, 
u Here, my friend, I entrust to your care the safety of 
"your King's son." Impulse is often unerring; the 
Queen's confidence was not misplaced. The robber, 
who had been outlawed for adhering to the House of 
Lancaster, still retained a humane and generous spirit, 
which had not been destroyed by his licentious course 


of life. The unexpected appeal to his feelings, joined 
to the sight of his Queen and his Prince in distress, 
and the beauty and dignity of the unhappy Margaret, 
completely softened his heart. He instantly accepted 
the sacred trust reposed in him ; he swore to refrain 
from injury, and assured her of his protection and 
fidelity. He assisted the Queen to a secure but 
wr etched asylum, where she remained concealed with 
her son. This place of refuge obtained the name of 
the "Queen's Cave." Its roof was supported by a 
pillar of rude stone work, which, according to tradition, 
formed part of a wall, and divided the cave longi- 
tudinally, to accommodate the Queen and her son. This 
cave has been described by an author who, in 1822, 
visited it, as follows : — " The Queen's Cave lies be- 
" neath the southern bank of the little river, exactly 
" opposite the farm-house on the Black Hill. Its situa- 
" tion is extremely secluded. An idea of the Queen's 
" accommodation in this wretched retreat may be con- 
" ceived from its present extent, which does not exceed 
" 31 feet in length, and 14 feet in breadth, while the 
" height will scarcely allow of a person standing up- 
" right." After remaining in this melancholy seclusion 
in the forest for some time, the robber conducted her 
in safety to a village on the sea-coast. She was then 
received for a time by Sir Ralph Grey into Bam- 
borough Castle, and thence sailed for the continent.* 

Many indeed were the victims to party resentment^ 
yet we are told that the Earls of Montague and War- 
wick were empowered to receive rebels to mercy, upon 
their submission. They were also permitted to reward, 
out of the estates of the rebels, such as might serve 
King Edward faithfully in reducing the northern castles r 
which were still in the hands of the Lancastrians. 

* Ridpath ; Toplis ; Biondi ; Barante ; Rapin ; Carte ; Raleigh ; Henry r 
Lingard ; Hume ; Barrow ; Female Worthies ; Wright's Hist, of Hexham. 


King Edward, at this time, made an extraordinary 
grant to the citizens of York ; by which it would appear 
that they had greatly favoured this monarch's cause. 
The patent, dated at York the 10th of June, 1464, ex- 
presses the King's concern for the sufferings and hard- 
ships the city had undergone during these wars, and 
for the poverty which they had occasioned, on account 
of which he not only relinquished his usual demands 
upon that city, but assigned it for the twelve succeed- 
ing years, an annual rent of £40, to be paid from the 
Customs of Hull.* 

The fortunate Montague met the King on Trinity 
Sunday at York, who rewarded him with the earldom 
of Northumberland, and the estates and honours be- 
longing to Sir Ralph Percy. He then dismissed him, 
with his brother the Earl of Warwick, and the Lords 
Scroop and Fauconbriclge, to recover the places which 
still remained in the possession of the Lancastrians. 
They quickly regained the castles of Dunstanburg and 
Alnwick. That of Bamborough, where Queen Mar- 
garet and many of the Lancastrian adherents had 
taken refuge with Sir Ralph Grey, was closely 
besieged. This fortress was strong enough to defend 
itself, and the siege continued until July, but a wall 
accidentally falling on the commander, placed the life 
of Sir Ralph Grey in great danger, and his adherents 
finding themselves left to their own discretion, im- 
mediately surrendered the castle, on condition of 
pardon from the King. They made no stipulation 
for the life of their commander, who only recovered 
from the severe contusions he had received to suffer 
the punishment of his desertion from Edward. He U64. 
had no hopes of pardon. He was led into the presence ^ e ; r . 
of the incensed monarch, at Doncaster, and Lord Rfpm; 
Worcester, a ready minister of King Edward's cruel- Hutchin- 

* Ridpath ; Baker ; Carte ; Allen's York. 


ties, pronounced his sentence, which was speedily exe- 
cuted. His knightly spurs were struck off, the heralds 
in attendance took from him his coat of arms, which 
they reversed, and compelled him to wear them thus 
to the place of execution ; they also broke his sword 
over his head. Thus disgraced, he was conducted to 
the end of the town, where the executioner terminated 
his earthly sufferings. This knight, and Sir Humphrey 
Neville, were the only exceptions to the general pardon 
which King Edward had offered to all those who had 
been in arms against him. 

From Bamborough the Earl of Warwick advanced 
to Berwick. He took the town, and laid waste the 
adjacent country. He then burnt the towns of Jed- 
burg, Lochmaban, and others, taking revenge of the 
Scottish borderers, to whom probably the late inroad 
into England was mainly attributable." 

In the escape of the unfortunate Henry VI. from the 
battle of Hexham, he was so closely pursued, that three 
of his servants who accompanied him, and rode on his 
horses of state, were taken prisoners. They were 
dressed in gowns of blue velvet, and one of them 
carried King Henry's cap of state, called " Abacot,"| 
adorned with two rich crowns of gold, and ornamented 
with pearls, which was taken immediately to King 
1464. Edward, and with which this monarch caused himself 
Lmgard. .£ ^ e crownec [ w ith great solemnity at York. 

Many writers affirm that King Henry, after the battle 
of Hexham, returned to Scotland, where he found 
a temporary asylum .J This report seemed to be pro- 

* Biondi ; Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Carte ; Rymer ; Baker ; Bidpath : 
Hutchinson's Durham ; Fabyan ; Bapin ; Henry ; Historical View of 

f This word " Abacot," Spelman says, signified " a royal cap, ensigned 
with two crowns," which, doubtless, were those of England and France. 

+ Biondi ; Baker ; Holinshed ; Fabyan ; Grafton ; Lingard ; Pinkeiton ; 
Allen's York ; Henry ; Barrow. 


bable, as the interval between the two last battles had 
been passed by him in that country. Subsequently, 
however, he went southward, and arrived in a part of 
the country called Craven, then but little known ; or, 
as others affirm, at the castle of Harlech. 

The Scots had hitherto shown much affection for the 
House of Lancaster, but the issue of the late battle of 
Hexham had rendered their cause more irretrievable, 
and had cooled the ardour and friendship of these allies. 

The Earl of Warwick had, in the preceding year, 
with consummate art shaken the attachment of Mary 
of Gueldres to the interests of Henry by proposing 
her marriage with King Edward, and the Scottish 
Queen met that nobleman at Dumfries on the subject ; 
she even advanced as far as Carlisle to hasten the 
negotiations, and at this place she was met by some of 
the chief nobility of England. Mary's doubtful repu- 
tation, however, and the ruin of King Henry's affairs, 
occasioned this match to be broken off, and the 
mortified Queen fell a victim to her feelings. She 
died in the flower of her age, on the 16th of November, 

The English and Scotch ambassadors met at York, 
and concluded a truce for one year, which was after- 
wards prolonged to fifteen years. By this treaty, it 
was agreed that the Scots should abandon the cause 
of King Henry, and no longer afford protection to this 
monarch, to his Queen, his son, or to any of their 
followers. King Edward resigned the friendship of 
the Earl of Douglas in order to confirm this treaty."]" 
Another truce was concluded by King Edward, which 
was also for one year ; this was with Louis XL The 

* Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester ; Lingard ; Gent's Mag-., 1841 ; Paston 

f Douglas was afterwards seized by his countrymen, and thrown into 
prison, where he remained until his death in 1488. 


Duke of Burgundy likewise renewed the truce of com- 
merce with England and the Low Countries, and it 
was finally agreed that these several kings and rulers 
should lend no assistance to their respective enemies. 
This truce was to continue until the year 1467. The 
conclusion of this truce had been somewhat hindered 
by the Count of Charolois, who showed much favour 
to the party of Queen Margaret.* 
H64 After these reverses Queen Margaret sailed, with 

her son Prince Edward, from Bamborough to Sluys 
in Flanders. The Queen was accompanied in her 
flight from England by Edmond Duke of Somerset, 
and his brother, John Beaufort, their elder brother 
having been beheaded at Hexham ; also by the Duke 
of Exeter, Pierre de Breze, Sir John Fortescue, 
Edmond Mundford, E. Hampden, Henry Roos, 
Thomas Ormonde, Robert AVhittingham, knights ; 
John Morton, Robert Mackeret, doctors, besides many 
other knights and gentlemen, and also some ladies ; 
the number amounting to about two hundred. They 
all arrived at Sluys in safety, f From thence Queen 
Margaret proceeded with her son to Bruges, where 
she was honourably received. | Leaving Prince Ed- 
ward at this place, she passed on to Lisle, where 
she was hospitably entertained by the Count of 
Charolois, who, being descended by his mother's 
side from the House of Lancaster, showed her real 

From Lisle the Queen went to Bethune, to hold a 
conference with Philip " the Good," Duke of Bur- 
gundy, the father of the Count of Charolois, and the 
most magnificent prince of his age. Being at this 

* Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester ; Lingard ; Ridpath ; Paston Letters ; 
Henry ; Carte ; Barrow. 

+ Biondi ; W. of Worcester ; Baker ; Ridpath ; Pinkerton ; Lingard ; 
Barante ; Henry ; Hume ; Femmes Celebres. 

* Monstrelet ; Baudier. 


time at St. Pol, the Duke dismissed a party of horse 
to escort Queen Margaret thither, and to protect her 
against the excursions of the garrison of Calais. They 
safely lodged her near the Carmelites. 

The Duke received her with much outward dis- 
tinction and respect, generously overlooking the ani- 
mosities which had existed between their families, 
in order to afford her all the succours she required 
in her present distress. When introduced to the 
Duke, Queen Margaret, in the most pathetic manner, 
related to him her misfortunes and the loss of her 
kingdom, and besought him to assist her in the 
recovery of her possessions ; but, while the Duke 
sought to console the unhappy Queen, he refused to 
listen to her solicitations in favour of her husband. 
He gave her, however, a supply of money for her 
present expenses ; it is said that he bestowed upon 
her 2,000 crowns of gold ;*and gave, at the same time, 
1,000 to Pierre de Breze (called the Lord of Varennes), 
who had shared her misfortunes, and 100 also to each 
of the ladies who had attended her. The Duke also 
furnished her with an escort to the duchy of Bar, 
in Lorraine, which belonged, at this time, to her 
brother, the Duke of Calabria. Queen Margaret re- 
gretted much that she had not earlier thrown herself 
upon the generosity of this noble Duke, thinking that 
her affairs might have been more prosperous.* 

At length she settled, with her son and her principal 
followers, in the Castle St. Michel, in Barrois, which, 
with the estate annexed to it, was bestowed upon her 
by her father, Rene of Anjou. From this period 
Queen Margaret remained for several years secluded 
from the world ; yet she still watched with anxiety 
the course of events, sustained with the hope of one 

* W. of Worcester ; Rot. Pari. ; Monstrelet ; Baudier ; Rapin ; Hume ; 
Lingard ; Fern ale" Worthies. 


day being able to place her husband or her son on the 
English throne.* 

In her retirement she did not fail to exert all her 
influence with the friends of her family, to persuade 
them to assist her in some future effort to wrest the 
crown from Edward ; and her active mind was, 
doubtless, forming continually new schemes to effect 
this object. She was also employed in the education 
of her son, a most promising boy, who had for his 
preceptor Sir John Fortescue, the greatest lawyer 
of that period, and who has been described as " the 
" ornament of his honourable profession," and " as one 
" of the most learned and best men of the age in 
"which he flourished." Sir John had been made 
Chief Justice of the King's Bench in 1-1-12, and 
presided in that court many years with wisdom and 
integrity. His attachment to his sovereign had 
caused him to be attainted of high treason by King* 
Edward, in 1461 ; and, after sharing the misfortunes 
of his master when he fled into Scotland, he was 
there made Lord Chancellor, an office, nevertheless, 
which he was unable to fulfil. He followed Queen 
Margaret to her retreat in France ; and there sought 
to soothe and cheer her solitude, bv assisting her 
with his counsels, and superintending the education 
of her son. It was for the instruction of the young 
Prince of "Wales that he composed, during his exile, 
his excellent little treatise " De laudibus legum 
Anglise/'f The following passage shows the author's 
motives for undertaking this work, and his zeal as pre- 
ceptor, and exhibits a good specimen of this excellent 
work, which blends religion and morality sd admirably 
with the laws, in explaining them to the young prince, 
of whose habits it gives us some idea. 

* W. of Worcester ; Pinkerton ;\ Henry ; Lingard ; Hume, 
f Pinkerton ; Morant ; Lingard ; Heniy. 


" The Prince, shortly after growing to man's estate, 
" applied himself wholly to feats of arms, much 
" delighting to ride upon wild and unbroken horses, 
" not sparing with spurs, to break their fierceness. 
" He practised also sometimes with the pike, and 
" sometimes with the sword, and other warlike 
" weapons, after the manner and guise of warriors, 
" according to the use of martial discipline, to assail 
" and strike his companions, that attended upon his 
" person ; which thing, when a certain ancient knight, 
" being Chancellor to the aforesaid King of England, 
" saw, who also in the miserable time did there 
" remain in exile, he spake thus to the Prince : 

" Your singular towardness, most gracious Prince, 
"maketh me right glad, when I behold how earnestly 
" you do embrace martial feats ; for, it is convenient 
" for your grace to be thus delighted, not only, for 
" that you are a soldier, but much rather, for that you 
" shall be a king. For it is the office and duty of 
" a king, to fight the battles of his people, and also 
" rightly to judge them, as in the eighth chapter of 
" the First Book of Kings, you are plainly taught. 
" Wherefore I would wish your grace, to be, with as 
" earnest zeal, given to the study of the laws, as you 
" are to the knowledge of arms, because, that like as 
" wars by force of chivalry are ended, even so judg- 
" ments by the laws are determined. Which thing 
" Justinian the Emperor, well, and Wisely, and ad- 
"visedly pondering, saith thus : It behoveth the 
"imperial majesty, not only to be guarded with arms, 
" but also to be armed with laws, to the end that he 
" may be able rightly to execute, the government of 
'both times, as well of war as of peace. Howbeit, 
" for your most earnest endeavour to the study of 
" the law, the exhortation of the chiefest law maker, 
" Moses, sometime captain of the synagogue, ought 


" to be of much more force with you, than the words 
" of Justinian; whereas, in the seventh chapter of 
" Deuteronomy, he doth, by the authority of God, 
" strictly charge the kings of Israel to be readers 
" of the law, all the days of their life ; saying 
" thus : When the king shall sit upon the princely 
" seat of his kingdom, he shall write him out this 
" law in a book, taking the copy there of the priests, 
"the Levites ; and he shall have it with him, and 
" he shall read it all the days of his life, that he 
" may learn to fear the Lord his God, and to keep 
" His commandments and ordinances, written in this 
" law. And Helynandus, expounding the same, saith 
"thus: 'A prince, therefore, must not be ignorant of 
" the law, neither is it tolerable that he, under the 
" pretence of warfare, should be unskilful in the law.' 
" And a little after, he is commanded, saith he, ' to 
"receive the copy of the law of the priests, the 
" Levites, that is to say, of Catholic and learned men.' 
" Thus much he : for the book of Deuteronomy is 
" the book of the laws, wherewith the kings of Israel 
" were bound to rule and govern their subjects. This 
" book doth Moses command kings to read, that 
" they may learn to fear God and keep his com- 
" mandments, which are written in the law."* 

It may be conjectured that it was at this time of 
Queen Margaret's retirement from the world, when, 
doubtless, she occasionally indulged in a melancholy 
retrospect of the past, or dwelt with painful interest 
on the condition of her meek and patient consort, 
whose separation from her, and incarceration, must 
have been a source of grief to her, that the little 
volume called " Le petit Bocace " was written for her 

This rare manuscript was composed by George 

* Fortescue : De Laudibus Legnm An^Kae. 


Chastelain, historiographer to the Dukes of Burgundy ? 
esteemed one of the best writers of his times ; and 
was written at Tours.* It is in the form of dialogues 
between Jehan Bocace and the Queen, introducing 
subjects of moral and religious contemplation, calcu- 
lated to dispose the mind to resignation under the 
reverses of fortune. 

" C'est cy le temple de Bocace 

" Miroir pour tons tirans de la terre, 

" Auquel la reyne d'Angleterre 

" C'est venu plaindre a triste face." f 

Queen Margaret obtained much consideration 
amongst her own countrymen and kindred ; but 
when she received the news of the capture of King 
Henry, she departed secretly to the court of King 
Rene, her father, with whom she remained until, 
through another revolution in her favour, she was 
enabled once more to reappear in England. This 
was her last attempt.:); 

The scanty documents relating to the exile of this 
Queen, and of her residence with the good King Rene, 
afford but little information respecting her tastes and 
occupations during this season of seclusion and melan- 
choly. Neither do we learn how far she was able to 
participate in the recreations of her respected parent, or 
solace herself by the society of her friends and 
kindred. By the latter she was always esteemed and 
had much attention shown her. We may instance a 
little note to be found in the archives of Milan, dated 
Chartres, May 5th, 1467. 

Giovanni Pietro Panicherolla to the Duchess and 
" Duke of Milan. 

" The Marquis de Pont, son of the Duke John, has. 

* MS. of the fifteenth century, dated 1498. 

+ MS. in the library of the late Lord Stuart de Rothsay. 

X Sandford. 




" quitted Nanci, in Lorraine, and is gone to visit his 
" aunt, late Queen of England, who has also wiih- 
" drawn into Lorraine, with a son of hers, aged thir- 
" teen, having no other place of refuge. She is subse- 
" quently to come and reside here at the court." * 

It was while in attendance on the Queen and Prince 
at St. Michel-in-Barrois, in Lorraine, that Sir John 
Fortescue wrote to the Earl of Ormond, then in Por- 
tugal. In his letter he does not speak of himself as 
Chancellor, but merely as one of the knights who were 
at that time with the Queen. Their means of living 
must have been much straitened, for Sir John speaks of 
their great poverty, and adds, " but yet the Queen sus- 
" teyneth us in mete and drinke, so as we be not in 
" extreme necessity." Another letter was also sent 
from Prince Edward to the same nobleman, urging him 
to intercede with the King of Portugal, to assist King 
Henry in the recovery of his kingdom, and subduing of 
his enemies.")" 

The tastes of Prince Edward, so different from those of 
his father, and his love of martial exploits, seem almost 
an inheritance from his maternal grandfather Rene, 
at whose court he probably found encouragement for 
his favourite amusements. Chivalry, although on the 
decline in Europe, was still maintained in its original 
character in the province of Anjou, by King Piene, of 
whom Bourdigne says, "his gentle and chivalrous 
" heart delighted in knightly deeds " — that the young- 
prince must have been stimulated by the picturesque 
observances of chivalry ; and his tutor tells us that he 
grew up " in a warlike spirit, and was a gallant horse- 
" man, and expert in the use of the lance." 

Queen Margaret, however, had resolved that her son 
should not onlv become a martial character, but receive 

* Sforza's Archives of Milan. 

f Archaeological Journal ; Fosse's Lives of the Judges. 


an education of a superior kind, and with this intent 
had placed him in his early childhood under the care of 
Sir John Fortescue, to whom no little honour was clue 
for his diligent instructions in the free institutions of 
his native land. Much praise is also due to Queen 
Margaret for her choice of such a preceptor for her son ; 
for although brought up in arbitrary doctrines, her 
enlightened mind had led her to desire that her son 
should be filled with noble and liberal sentiments. At 
this period of her seclusion from public life, the care of 
her son's education must have afforded no small satis- 
faction to the mind of the dejected Queen. When we 
consider how the fortitude of Margaret sustained in 
her breast the constant hope and desire for the restora- 
tion of her husband, or the future establishment of her 
son on the throne, her perseverance in renewing every 
possible friendly aid to this end, her grief at the King's 
imprisonment, and the extreme distress and ruin of her 
true and constant adherents, we should find it difficult 
to pronounce, as some writers have done, this period 
of our heroine's existence, which she passed with her 
father and her son at Angers, as the happiest of Queen 
Margaret's life. 

The most considerable noblemen attached to the 
interests of the Lancastrians, amongst whom were the 
Duke of Somerset, his brother, the Duke of Exeter, 
and others, who had all escaped with Queen Margaret 
to the Low Countries, suffered great distress. Fearing 
that their rank being discovered, would cause them to 
be delivered up to King Edward, these noblemen en- 
dured, during their exile, all the extremities of want 
and poverty. 

It is related that the Duke of Exeter, whose wife 
was sister to King Edward, was seen following the 
train of the Duke of Burgundy, bare-footed and bare- 
legged, and begging his bread from door to door. In 

K 2 


tlie most severe weather these unfortunate noblemen 
ran about as errand boys to the lowest classes of the 
people ; but, when the Duke of Burgundy learnt their 
rank, he gave to each of them, a small pension, barely 
sufficient for their support.* 

Let us now turn for a brief space to the interesting, 
yet unfortunate events, of the life of this heroine's 
father, Bene of Anjou. 

Contented at beholding his beloved daughter raised 
to one of the first thrones in Europe, and at the same 
time, feeling disgusted with war, upon beholding the ill 
success of all his efforts to secure the crown of Naples, 
Bene appeared from this period in a new character, and 
his life assumed a different aspect. AVe have hitherto 
beheld him only as a warrior, the very plaything of 
fortune, by turns a conqueror, a prisoner, a traveller, 
or a fugitive, as if in cruel expiation for a rapid 
exaltation ; and only consoling himself amidst his mis- 
fortunes, by dispensing benefits around him, and by 
the consciousness that his glory was untarnished, and 
must ennoble him, even in reverses. 

Bene at this season disposed himself for tranquillity; 
and we have now the more agreeable office of re- 
cording him from the year 14^6 (for we are reverting 
somewhat to the past), when, as the philosopher, he 
was devoting himself to letters, to poetry, or to paint- 
ing, reviving for his amusement the ancient chivalry, 
and leading the tournament! For the first time in 
his life this prince found himself at peace ; and being 
in quiet possession of Lorraine, Frovence, and Anjou, 
he tasted of that repose which he had so dearly bought, 
and was content in the bosom of his family, and in 
conferring happiness on his subjects. In yielding to 

* Philip de Comines ; Sandford ; Rapin ; Milles's Catalogue ; Baker ; 
Baudier ; S. Turner ; Henry : Barrow ; Historical View of Northumberland. 
f Moreri : Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargernont ; Bodin. 


his taste for chivalric fetes, this Duke of Anjou en- 
livened his court, both in Anjou and in Provence ; and 
passing his time alternately in these beautiful pro- 
vinces, he also relieved himself, after the cares of go- 
vernment, in cultivating the arts and belles-lettres in 
his hours of retirement, having previously so often ex- 
perienced their salutary influence while under the pres- 
sure of misfortune and in imprisonment.* 

Banishing all ambitious thoughts, except that of 
making himself beloved, Rene determined that hence- 
forth his abode should be in the fertile and charming 
country of Anjou, the place of his birth, and the cradle 
of his ancestors. In this favoured province, where 
nature lavishes her treasures, he enjoyed with tran- 
sport the liberty of frequenting those spots where he 
had passed his childhood, and this good monarch 
created for himself a course of life analogous to his 
tastes. He called around him the elite amongst the 
Angevins, and invited to his court, gentlemen, literati, 
and artists, consecrating to pleasure all the hours 
which were not devoted by him to the arts or litera- 
ture. These occupations and amusements of Rene 
obtain a peculiar interest with us, by their showing in 
a remarkable way the manners and customs of the age 
in which he lived. 

Rene was engaged about this time of his life in a 
poetical correspondence with the gifted Charles, Duke 
of Orleans, and also with the Dukes of Bourbon, Bur- 
gundy, and Nevers. He painted landscapes, portraits 
or miniatures, and even was employed in drawing out 
plans for the gardens of his palace ; still more than in 
all these., did he enjoy himself in the marvellous fetes 
which he instituted, in which, without incurring clanger, 
much honour might be acquired.")" 

In imitation of the Greeks and Romans, the Go- 

* Bodin ; Moreri. t Bodin. 


vernors of the Middle Ages had introduced military 
games, the object of which, was the same as that of 
the ancients. These fetes, or "Tournays," as they 
were called, afforded for several centuries infinite de- 
light to the people of France ; and, indeed, these com- 
bats appeared well calculated to sustain the spirit of 
the young cavaliers, and by exciting emulation and the 
love of glory, to prove the source of virtuous and great 
actions. The tastes and example of Rene contributed 
much to this passion for fetes amongst the Angevins. 
He composed a treatise on the form and manner of the 
Tournays, which he embellished with several sketches 
by his own hand, representing the characters in the 
costume and attitudes which they should adopt in their 
different parts.* To add example to precept, Rene" 
announced the first of his military fetes in 1446, called 
the " Emprise de la gueule du dragon," or the "pas de 
joute."f To increase the eclat of their " Emprise," four 
gentlemen of Anjou chose for its announcement the 
time when Potou de Saintrailles, Dunois, Louis de 
Beauveau, and Jean de Cossa, followed by a multitude 
of other lords of the courts of Provence and Sicily, 
were preparing to visit their beloved monarch, with 
whom they had gained laurels in their youth. Ever 
zealous for renown, these brave chieftains seized with 
ardour the opportunity of again distinguishing them- 
selves with him while partaking his pleasures. Thus 
were they seen to rush into the presence of Rene and 
Isabella at the moment when they were departing from 
their gothic palace at Angers, surrounded by a brilliant 
cortege of ladies of honour, officers, and pages, and 
were proceeding to the spot appointed by the champions 
for their amusement . 

* This manuscript vras in the Royal Library. 

+ The entertaining of the '*' dragon's mouth, or the Pace of the Tilt/* 
maintained by King Rene in favour of the ladies. 


It was on the banks of the beautiful Loire, on a vast 
plain, enamelled by the varied flowers of spring, beneath 
some majestic trees, in short, amidst some of the most 
enchanting scenery of this province, that there as- 
sembled, on one of those smiling mornings, whose 
serenity is unclouded by a single speck, all the most 
illustrious which France at this time possessed and 
gloried in. Here were to be seen warriors grown 
hoary in the fight, and beside them, ladies resplendent 
in youth and beauty, adorned with flowers, golden 
diadems, and jewels. 

These, mounted on white palfreys, covered with cloth 
of velvet, embroidered with gold, animated by their 
graceful movements and melodious voices, the scenery 
around. Near them, mounted on fiery coursers, was 
an assembly of young knights, equerries, or suitors, 
entertaining one another with the great exploits in the 
field of departed heroes, and seeking to attract the 
notice of the fair ones, by letting them read in their 
eyes, so full of fire, their desire of signalising them- 
selves, or even more tender sentiments. It may well 
be imagined that there was a succession of enchant- 
ments on the banks of the Mayenne at Chinon, for, 
says the historian, " these illustrious knights were going 
" to strive, for the acquisition of honour, to exercise 
" themselves more and more in the noble deeds of arms, 
" and testify their courage and valour to those they 
" loved the best." 

This last avowal of a gallantry quite chivalric, was 
by no means foreign at this moment to the prince who 
was looked upon as the hero of the tilt announced. 
The anonymous manuscript f assures us that Rene 
presented himself there, with the intention of making 
known his devotion to the ladies in general : yet truth 
constrains us to mention here one of the first weak- 

* Notes written by Rene. 


nesses of the heart, remarkable in the life of this 
monarch. jlalgre his boundless affection for his 
Queen Isabella, and that conjugal fidelity which ever 
remained unshaken, Rene could not encounter, without 
experiencing for her the strongest interest, the noble 
daughter of Guy de Laval. This princess was scarcely 
thirteen years of age, but her beauty, graces, and 
mental qualifications were so much developed, that 
Rene was captivated by them, and sought, as one 
writer tells us, " to make his expertness shine, for the 
" esteem with which it inspired the young and beautiful 
" Jeanne de Laval." It must, however, be added, 
that this attachment had less the character of ardent 
passion than of those romantic affections " on which 
" imagination feasts, and which each knight felt him- 
" self obliged to feign, if he did not actually feel it, by 
" addressing his vows to an object, which was often 
" ideal, under the name of ' lady of his thoughts.' 

" Thus Isabella of Lorraine had nothing to cause 
" her alarm, and indeed there was no indication that she 
" noticed it, for she always treated the young Jeanne 
" de Laval with marked esteem and distinction. It 
" may also be said, en passant, that if Rene, during 
" the rest of his life, was accused of more than one 
"fault of this kind, he surrounded them with so much 
" secrecy that he even veiled the real names of the 
" objects of his tenderness from observation." In an 
age when his contemporary princes openly boasted of 
their triumphs over the fair sex, this conduct of Rene 
was the more remarkable. 

" It was not by the brilliancy of his armour, or by 
" the magnificence of his apparel, that Rene sought to 
" distinguish himself in the eyes of Jeanne de Laval. 
" Still afflicted by the loss of his mother and his son, 
u and grieved at the departure of his daughter, Margaret 
" of Anjou, he appeared in the lists, dressed in armour 


" entirely black, his shield being sable, studded with 
" silver spangles. His lance was black, and his horse 
" was caparisoned in black, reaching down to the 
" ground. 

Of the other circumstances of the " Emprise de la 
" gueule du dragon," we learn from the same author 
merely "that the King of Sicily went and touched the 
" shields of the champions, and tilted so skilfully and 
" so fortunately, that the honour and prize of the combat 
" were publicly decreed to him." * 

On the superb plain near Saumur,f chosen for the 
celebration of this tournament, Rene had caused to be 
constructed a spacious palace of wood, decorated within 
and without with elegance and splendour. It was 
furnished with rich tapestry, and a prodigious number 
of silk and velvet cushions for the accommodation of 
the ladies, for whom especially this entertainment was 
given. In this royal pavilion, called by Rene, in imita- 
tion of those named by ancient novelists in chivalry, " le 
" chateau de la joyeuse garde/' several weeks passed in 
an uninterrupted succession of pleasures of all kinds. 
The Duke of Anjou held there a kind of plenary court, 
inventing daily new fetes, cavalcades, banquets, and 
dances, to amuse his illustrious guests, while they 
awaited the complete assemblage of the brave champions 
called by honour to carry off the prize decreed by the 
Queen of Sicily, and which was announced three times 
in a loud voice by the poursuivant d'armes. 

The following minute details have been given by 
one of the historians of Anjou of this interesting pas 

" On the day of the tournament King Rene set out 
" from his castle for the place appointed for the tilts, 

* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Bodin. 

+ It was between Eazilly and Chinon. This fete was sometimes called 
" Emprise de la joyeuse garde." 


"and in the following order was the procession : Two 
" Turks dressed in damask of carnation and white, each 
" leading a lion, tied with a huge chain of silver, marched 
" first. Then followed drummers, fifers, and trum- 
" peters of the King on horseback, all dressed in the 
"livery of Anjou, carnation and white. Next came 
" two kings-at-arms, carrying their books or charters 
" of honour and nobility, in order to note down in them 
" the high deeds and valorous combats which were 
' c going to be performed. ' ' After these came four judges 
of the camp, mounted on superb horses, whose cover- 
ings reached to the very ground, and were ornamented 
with richly-worked coats of arms. Two of these judges 
had been chosen from amongst the oldest and wisest 
knights, and the other two from the equerries, all 
skilful in combat. " The King's dwarf next appeared, 
"mounted on a beautiful and well-caparisoned horse, 
" bearing the shield and device chosen by Rene for this 
"fete, the bottom of it was of gules, strewed with 
" pansies c au naturel.' Similar to the coats of arms 
" were the banners, the head-gear, the coverings and 
" caparisons of the horses of the knights, the equerries 
" of the King, and all the champions. A very beau- 
tiful young lady, dressed magnificently, and mounted 
"on a superb white palfrey then followed ; she held 
" in her hand a very rich scarf tied to the bridle of 
" the horse on which King Rene was mounted. This 
" lady's office was to conduct all the champions, 
" when the time came for them to tilt against the 
" assailants. The King was followed by Ferri, of 
"Lorraine, the Lord of Beauvau, and his brother, 
" Guy de Laval, Lenoncourt, Cossi, Plessis, and many 
" other champions of renown. 

" Arrived at the spot where the lists were esta- 
" blished, in the order mentioned, they found a large 
"tent erected, richly decorated, also scaffoldings for 


the judges, for the kings-at-arms, as well as for the 
ladies, adorned with tapestries and cushions with 
gold lace, which were placed round the lists, but 
separated the one from the other by spaces so as to 
allow the people to enjoy the brilliant spectacle. 
There was also a stage raised several steps, and a 
marble column placed on it, to which was appended 
the shield of the device. Those of the assailants who 
wished to tilt against the champions were obliged to 
come and touch the shield with the end of their lance, 
and at the foot of this column were the two lions 
chained, of which we have spoken. 
" According to express agreement on the part of 
both champions and assailants, each of the vanquished 
was obliged to present a diamond, a ruby, or courser, 
or some other gift previously agreed upon. 
" These prizes were intended for their mistresses, and 
we learn that, at this fete, there were no less than fifty- 
four diamonds and thirty-six rubies given to the ladies 
by those who were vanquished ; besides these, there 
were two principal prizes given at the expense of 
King Rene, which were, by the command of the judges 
of the camp, presented to the conquerors by Jeanne 
de Laval. The first prize was a noble courser, and 
was gained by Florigny ; the second was a clasp or 
box of gold, enriched w T ith diamonds, and was decreed 
to Ferri of Lorraine." • 

Of those who assisted at this tournament w^ere Mont- 
morency, Breze, Daillon du Lude d'Harcourt, Tancar- 
ville, de la Jaille, Jean de la Haye, Guillaume de la 
Jumalliere, Lord of Martigne, Briant, Florigny, and 
Ferri de Vaudemont. Above all, the Duke of Alengon 
was remarkable, wearing the Order of the Golden 
Fleece, and still more distinguished by his fine form 
and noble features, which gained for him the surname 
of " la beau prince." 


The chevaliers were also guided by Pontou de 
Saintrailles, the brave Gascon, who had already figured 
in the pas cV amies of Razilly. There were also present 
Charles of Bourbon, father-in-law to the Duke of 
Calabria, the Counts d'Evreux, d'Eu, and Charles 
d'Artois. Lastly should be mentioned the Count of 
Nevers, who, having vainly aspired to the hand of Mar- 
garet of Anjou, found himself, perhaps unconsciously, 
the rival of Rene, in addressing at this time his secret 
vows to the beautiful heroine of the fete, Jeanne de 

"These tilts terminated fortunately without accident, 
" which seldom happened. Afterwards the King, 
" Queen, and all their brilliant assembly, returned to 
"the castle of Saumur, where Rene continued for 
" several, some say fifteen, days, his magnificent balls 
"and entertainments.* 

" The helmet and cuirass were now laid aside by the 
" brave knights, who, having signalised themselves 
" before in the combat by their courage and agility, 
" and by the rudeness and simplicity of their attire, on 
" this occasion vied with one another in the richness 
" and elegance of their apparel, and their gallantry 
" towards the ladies. The gratification of these heroes 
" in the series of amusements which King Rene had 
" prepared for them was great, yet we may justly add, 
" that it was equalled, even surpassed, by the satisfac- 
tion which the 'merry monarch,' as Rene has been 
" styled, experienced himself on this occasion, in the 
"presence of his family and court, and placed between 
" his much-beloved Queen Isabella, and the fascinating 
" Jeanne de Laval." 

The joust, thus renewed upon the return of this 
excellent prince to his native province, became subse- 

* A picture representing this Tonrn anient was painted by King Rene, 
who offered it to his brother-in-law, King Charles VII. 


quently, in a degree, the expression of joy at his 
appearance amongst the Angevin nobility, who had 
retained a lively inclination for these ancient amuse- 
ments of their own sovereigns. 

It is easy to imagine how this monarch, brought up 
in hereditary ideas so worthy of him, would indulge 
in the chivalric spirit, and delight in and occupy him- 
self in these noble games, which were not in his age 
regarded as vain amusements. 

He did not, however, forget his duties as a sovereign. 
Always assiduous to render his people happy, he 
sought every means of ameliorating their condition, 
and he was well informed of all the events which con- 
cerned the interest of his subjects.* 

Soon after his arrival at Angers, a frightful drought 
desolated nearly all Provence. The harvests had been 
destroyed, the springs dried up, and the miserable 
inhabitants of Aix had to send to a great distance to 
have their corn ground, and were obliged to fetch 
water several leagues distant. Rene, touched with 
this calamity, immediately ordered his grand seneschal 
to exempt each city or village afflicted by this scourge, 
from taxation during a year. This rare example of 
humanity was more than once displayed, on similar 
occasions, by this prince, whose disinterestedness knew 
no bounds ; and while we read of the regal pomp and 
luxury which was exhibited at the celebration of his 
attractive tournaments, we are reminded that the same 
monarch who commanded these expensive tilts, assisted 
in drying the tears of the distressed and indigent. f 

In December, 1447, Rene was engaged in a holy 
tour to Provence, to collect the bones of saints. In 
July following, he assisted at the council held by the 
Archbishop of Tours. The termination of the year 

* Bodin ; Oodard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont. 
f Bodin ; Gcdard Faultrier. 


1448 Rene passed in tranquillity at Angers. He then 
traversed Provence, resting at Aix, Marseilles, at Aries, 
and lastly at the chateau of Tarascon, where he 
announced another fete, three years after his former 
one in 1449.* 

This tournament at Tarascon has been described by 
the Seneschal of Anjou, Louis de Beauvau. At this epoch 
but few of the French nobility had acquired the know- 
ledge of reading and writing ; but, at the court of Anjou, 
on the contrary, most of the great people, imitating the 
example of their king, were men of letters, and several 
of them have left honourable traces of it. 

The manuscript of Louis de Beauvau, relating to the 
tournament of Tarascon, is written in verse, and ad- 
dressed to Louis of Luxembourg. A miniature etching 
placed at the head of his book represents the first 
scene of the fete. It exhibits a shepherdess seated in 
the middle of the landscape, " near a barn, having on 
" a grey dress, and her head covered with a little red 
'' hood, such as the simple bourgeoises usually wore ; 
" her lap was filled with white, blue and red flowers; 
" her clog and her crook were near her; and at some 
" distance, appended to a large tree, were two cuirasses, 
u one black, the other white. In the middle distance 
" was seen a flock of sheep in a fold." 

" The tournay of Saumur had been quite of a mili- 
" tary character. That of Tarascon was almost a fete 
" champetre. The knights appearing each in a shep- 
" herd's dress, which they wore over their armour. 
" The prize was a bouquet, and a kiss from the shep- 
" herdess. We are not told the name of this lady, but 
" the author gives us to understand that, malgre the 
" simplicity of her attire, she was a person of high 
" rank. Amongst the knights who figured on this 
" occasion were Philippe de Lenoncourt, Tauneguy 

* Bodin ; G-odard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont. 


" Duchatel, and Ferri cle Lorraine. Louis de Beauvau 
" appeared with great eclat ; he was on a bay horse, 
" armed in red, and on his shield were these words, in 
" golden letters, ' les plus rouges y sont pres/ After 
" a violent and doubtful combat against Philibert cle 
" Laigle, he at last shivered to atoms the lance of his 
u adversary. Philippe de Lenoncourt next entered 
u the lists. Tauneguy Duchatel, carrying with great 
" mirth the lady of Ponteve behind him, advanced 
" against him. They attacked each other so vigorously 
" that their lances both broke at the same instant, and 
" Lenoncourt shivered two others also of his antagonist, 
" who then yielded him the victory, and departed, with 
" his courageous lady, who kept her seat throughout 
" this terrible encounter." 

" The fete being ended, the shepherdess mounted 
" her horse, and to the sound of instruments, twice 
" made the tour of the lists, accompanied by her two 
" admirers, and preceded by the heralds and judges. 
" She thus arrived at the house of Louis de Beauvau, 
" who furnished her with a. magnificent supper. She 
" then went to the castle, preceded by a herald, who 
" bore a white wand in one hand, and in the other 
" the grand prize, which was a golden rod and a 
' brilliant diamond. The poursuivant-at-arms de- 
,l manclecl of the King, who was the victorious knight 
u to whom he adjudged the prize ? Guy de Laval and 
" Louis de Beauvau had each of them broken three 
'' lances, the number prescribed for the grand prize, 
" but Ferri of Lorraine had broken four, and it was 
' awarded to him. This valiant knight accepted it, 
' but only as an ornament for the head of the noble 
" shepherdess." 

This tournament, which was executed in true pas- 
toral style and good taste, and which attracted nume- 
rous actors and spectators to Tarascon, lasted three 


davs only ; and we learn from the poem of Louis de 
Beauvau that the handsome women of Provence saw 
with regret the conclusion of the "Emprise." * This 
was Rene's last tournament. 

The gratification experienced by this prince in these 
romantic entertainments, led him to seek "the exalta- 
" tion of knighthood, and to found an Order to promote 
" it still more for the ' honour of God and of the 
" ' church/ and that ' all noble hearts should daily 
" ' increase and augment their well doings,' in courtesy 
" and fair behaviour, and likewise in valiancy and 
" feats of arms." 

So says Bourdigne, the historian of Anjou ; but we 
do not learn whether the young prince, Edward, became 
a member of this " Order;" and it is probable he did 
not, as his arrival in France with the Queen, his mother, 
was about the time of the suppression of this Order bv 
Pope Paul II. f 

The chivalric fetes were suspended in 1448, when 
Rene had to mourn for the loss of his two relatives, 
Marie Duchess of Calabria and Antoine de Vandemont ; 
the former was an amiable princess, adored by her 
husband, family, and subjects. The latter had, before 
his death, entirely overcome the enmity which had 
previously existed between himself and Rene.J It was 
in the year 1448 that Rene, while at Angers, instituted 
the military Order of the Knights of the Crescent, which 
Pope Paul II. suppressed in 1464.§ The knights 
of this Order bore on the collar a Crescent, pendant, 
with the words inscribed, "Los en Croissant," after- 
wards familiar to King Charles VIII. of France. 

The symbol of this Order, a crescent of gold, had 
" the word ' Loz ' enamelled in letters of blue, which 
" formed, with the crescent on which it was written, a 

* Bodin ; Godard Faultrier. t Bourdigne. 

t Yilleneuye Bargemont. § Some say 1460. 


" sort of rebus, signifying that one acquires ' Loz/ 
" that is, praise, by growing in virtue." The knights 
attached to this Crescent a tagged point of gold,* 
enamelled in red, after each action in which they had 
distinguished themselves. Their costume was a cas- 
sock and a mantle "j" of white velvet, over which they 
wore a great cloak of crimson velvet ; bordered with 
ermine for the princes, and with linen of two colours 
for the gentlemen. Under the right arm they wore 
the decoration of the Order of the Golden Crescent, 
suspended from a chain of the same metal, attached to 
the upper part of the sleeve, j St. Maurice became 
the patron of this new Order, and the south wing of 
the cathedral of Angers was covered with heraldry, 
for it became the chapel of these knights. § The 
statutes of this Order commanded fraternity and mutual 

The knights swore by their " share of Paradise," and 
by " the redemption of their souls." Their chief was 
called Senator, and his office annual. It was first 
filled by Guy de Laval. The object of Pope Paul II., 
who was the enemy of Rene, in suppressing this Order, 
was to free the Neanolitan knights, who were members 
of the " Crescent," from their oaths, and to prevail on 
them to unite in the interests of Ferdinand of Arragon, 
against Rene of Anjou, who, nevertheless, continued to 
bear the badges of this Order even to the time of his 
death. § 

The rupture of the truce between England and 
France, drew Rene of Anjou from his pleasing occupa- 
tions, and, at the head of his veteran troops and the 
Provencal nobility, he came to the aid of the King 

* Aiquillette. 
f Mantlet. 

t Moreri ; Bodin ; Monfaucon ; Dom Calmet ; Villeneuve Bargemont : 
Seidell's Title of Honour. 
§ Godard Faultrier. 
vol. it. O 


of France against the English. He was present at the 
taking of several cities, and when King Charles VII. 
entered in triumph the city of Rouen, Rene marched 
on his right hand, and the Count of Maine on his left. 
Rene has been described as " brilliant, mounted on a 
" palfrey, with a horse-covering of azure velvet, inter- 
" spersed with lily flowers of gold, and the cross of 
" Jerusalem." 

Rene was also in the battle of Fourmigni, and at 
the capture of Caen and Falaise. The valour and 
conduct of the Angevine prince in these wars, may 
have deserved eulogium, but his neutrality would have 
been doubtless very serviceable to the interests of his 
daughter, Queen Margaret, who, upon the loss of 
Xormandy and Guienne, was, with her ministers, sus- 
pected of treachery ; and throughout England great 
disorders arose owing to the discontents of the 

AVhen in Anjou, Rene inhabited by turns the castles 
of Angers, Saumur, and Bauge. He was popular and 
liberal, living without pomp, whether in town or 
country. He was fond of building, and when not thus 
occupied for himself, he employed himself about the 
houses of the poorest of his subjects, or for those who 
were encumbered by a numerous family. 

A writer of his times says, that, to this taste of 
Rene for construction, we must attribute the numerous 
escutcheons on the houses of Anjou. They were 
placed upon the houses which Rene rebuilt or repaired, 
and this has rendered the name of the "Good Duke-" 
so popular hi Angers.")" 

Out of respect to his patron saint, Rene rebuilt the 
Chateau de Possonniere and the Chapelle de St. Rene. 

* Villeneuve Bargemont : Godard Faultrier. 
f Bodin ; Bourdigne. 


This reconstruction was in the middle of the fifteenth 
century. The charming ogival windows of the chapel 
were ornamented with coloured glass, and one of them 
represented the resurrection of St. Rene.*"* The Castle 
of Bauge was also built by Rene, who was regarded as 
the founder of the town of Bauge. 

In the midst of a forest a beautiful lodge had been 
erected, in former times, by Foulques Nerra, around 
which a small village had been formed. It became a 
bourg, and a little church was added. The name of 
this place was derived from the muddy soil (the resort 
of wild boars), whereon this place was built, and in 
Rene's time it became a handsome town, although 
without commerce or manufactures. Rene was greatly 
attached to this place, and also to Saumur, where he 
built a house in the Faubourg of the Bridges, called by 
the people the " Palace of the Queen of Sicily." The 
front of this dwelling was enriched with the armorial 
bearings of King Rene. These became in part effaced 
by time, but the shield long remained visible, bearing 
the decoration of the Order of the Knights of the 
Crescent. Round the escutcheon was a chaplet of 
large berries, in the midst of which were the words: 
" Devot lui suis." This was a device of this good 
king to testify his love for his Queen Isabella, and he 
afterwards assumed a new one, expressive of his grief 
for her loss. Not far from Angers, where his consort 
resided, Rene constructed the charming hermitage of 
La Baumette j" (named by him from Saint Baume, so 
celebrated in Provence), and this he caused to be 
erected on a rock, watered by the Mayenne. It was 
to divert the attention of Isabella in her dangerous ill- 
ness, that Rene undertook this work, and to accom- 

* Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont. 

f La Baumette (the Little Balna), a monument of conjugal piety, may 
still be seen ; and at Saumur, " La maison de la Reine de Cecile," though, 
defaced by time. 

o 2 


plish a vow he had made to re-establish it. About 
the same period, Rene, indulging his taste for archi- 
tecture, built a little manor house in Reculee, as well 
as a hermitage, afterwards resorted to by Queen Mar- 
garet of Anjou, when she made the cession of her 
rights to Louis XL* 

Isabella of Lorraine had been for some years subject 
to attacks of a disease, which, at this time, returned 
with increased violence. She had renounced the 
pleasures of a court whose ornament she had been, 
and had been living in Anjou, in the most profound 
solitude, no longer joining in the fetes or the politics 
of the times, her only amusement being the educa- 
tion of her young grandchildren, and religious exer- 
cises. She adopted an extreme simplicity in her 
manner of living, in place of the magnificence formerly 
observed in her palace. She also put a stop to all 
superfluous expense, in order to augment, by her own 
economy, the money requisite for the King, her hus- 
band. Rene still preserved for his consort, after 
thirty-two years of marriage, the most tender affec- 
tion ; and the good understanding so visible in their 
union, contributed to increase the admiration with 
which his subjects regarded him. Often would he 
seek to delude himself on the subject of this incurable 
malady, which bore with it the marks of a decay 
which Isabella sought by every means to conceal from 
him ; and at times he would try to escape from the 
cruel thoughts which haunted him, by hunting in the 
forests of Saumur, Beaufort, and Bauge ; but these 
scenes were even less frequently the witness of his 
skill in these sports, than of his melancholy reveries, 
excited by the dangerous condition of his beloved 
Isabella. Then would restlessness and vague presenti- 
ments bring him back to her side, where, with new 

* Bodin ; Godard Fatiltrier. 


ardour, lie would return to those pious reflections 
which had never been extinguished in his soul. At 
length, Isabella's strength visibly diminished from day 
to day, and she expired on the 28th of February, 
1453.* She was buried in the church of St. Maurice, 
at Angers, near the tomb of the second family of 

It is needless to dwell on the grief of King Rene 
when bereft of his beloved consort. In solitude, on 
the banks of the rivers, amongst the willows, and 
in the green meadows, he would indulge his sad 
thoughts : sometimes fixing his eyes on the water, 
he would give himself up to a placid reverie, per- 
haps beholding, in the now tranquil, now noisy wave, 
some image of his own chequered life. To those 
who sought to console him he only replied by an 
Italian device, J in imitation of a verse of Petrarch : 
" Arco per lentare defender e piaga non sana" § 
" Relacher l'arc ne guerit pas la plaie." 

King Rene had, by Isabella of Lorraine, nine 
children : five sons and four daughters. Of these, 
five died in their infancy. || Those who were distin- 
guished in history were John, Duke of Calabria, the 
eldest son ; Louis de Pont-a-Mousson, Duke of Bar ; 
Yoland, Duchess of Lorraine ; and Margaret, Queen 
of England.^ 

To sooth his grief, and in remembrance of his love 
for his consort, Rene painted on the walls some vessels 
filled with fire, with these words : " Uardant desir ; ' : 

* Some date this event on the 22nd of February ; others say the death 
of Isabella occurred in the year 1452. 

+ Moreri ; Monfaucon ; Godard Faultrier ; Bodin ; Villeneuve Barge- 

X This new device was a bow, of which the cord was loose, with the 
Italian saying-, " To unstring the bow does not heal the wound." 

§ Godard Faultrier ; Bodin. 

|| They were Charles, Rene, Nicholas, Isabella, and Anne. 

^[ Moreri. 


round this symbol lie put a cliaplet of pater-nosters, in 
which was expressed, in Italics, " Devot ltd sv 

In the year 1453, Rene of Aujou again took up 
arms, at the solicitation of Francois Sforza, Duke of 
Milan, and of the Florentines, his old allies, who were 
attacked, at this time, bv the Kins; of Arrasron and 
the Republic of Venice. Sforza held out hopes to 
him of making war against Xaples, when the contest 
on this side the Alps should be ended ; and Rene 
again flattered himself with the hope of chasing Al- 
phonso from Italy. He repassed the Alps, continually 
giving proofs of his talents and bravery ; but was soon 
induced to abandon this enterprise. The intrigues 
of Alphonso in the Milanese camp, and amongst the 
Milanese, their unjust rivalry, and insufferable pre- 
tensions, quite disgusted him, and he returned into 
France, leaving behind him his son John to maintain 
the cause ; but even he also became displeased, and 
withdrew from this war. 

Some write that the Angevine Prince came to 
Geneva, with but two vessels, and so small were his 
forces, and mean the condition of his court, that con- 
tempt only was excited towards him, while doubts 
arose respecting his skill and capability of governing. 
This opinion was also adopted by some of the French : 
the Dauphin, (afterwards Louis XL), had led on a 
body of infantry. 
1453. The French, who eagerly undertook this enterprise, 

advanced as far as Asti ; but, at the expiration of 
three months, they all returned to their own country. 
apparently without any reason. 

John, Duke of Calabria, was extremely chagrined 
to see himself thus abandoned, and especially by the 
King, but it is probable that he might have perceived the 
futility of these struggles for the kingdom of Xapl 

Daniel ; 3Iariana ; Godard Faultrier ; Moreri ; Bodin. 


I— I c - 1 









Upon his return from Italy Rene gave up the dueliy 
of Lorraine to Ins son,* and again returned to his 
beloved Anjou. He was more than ever disgusted with 
public affairs, and resigned himself to the arts, especially 
to that of miniature painting on vellum. Ennui still 
followed him amidst these peaceful occupations, and 
yielding to the susceptibility of his heart, he united 
himself in marriage with Jeanne de Laval, the same 
Princess who had been so much distinguished by him 
at the tournament in Anjou, eight years before. 

Rene was at this time forty-seven years of age, and 
his second consort was twenty-two. Their marriage 
was celebrated in the Abbey of St. Nicholas, at 
Angel's, on the 16th of September, 1455. The Car- 
dinal of Foix, Archbishop of Aries, officiated. 

Jeanne de Laval was the daughter of Guy, 14th 
Count of Laval, and of Isabella of Brittany, his second 

Guy de Laval succeeded Raoul de Montfort, his 
paternal grandfather, in the estates and titles of 
Montfort, and obtained such favour with King 
Charles VII., that he erected his barony of Laval 
into the seventeenth county, in July, 1429. This was 
granted with Margaret of Brittany, the daughter of 
John, sixth Duke of Brittany, and of Joanna of France, 
the sister of Charles VII. When this Princess died, 
Guy de Laval married Isabella of Brittany, elder 
sister of Louis III., Duke of Anjou.f The offspring 
of this union were three sons and seven daughters. 
Of these the third daughter was married to Rene of 

The articles of Rene's marriage were signed, 3rd 

* Some write, that John of Anjou reigned in Lorraine from the time of 
the death of his mother, Isabella of Lorraine. 

+ G-uy de Laval became again a widower, and married Francoise de 
Dinan, Lady of Chateaubriant, only daughter of Jaques de Dinan. 


September, 1455, by Louis de Beauvau, Guy de Laval, 
and the sire of Loue, in the presence of Anne de 
Laval, the grandmother of the bride, the Counts of 
Venclome and Tancarville, the Lord of Loheac, Raoul 
de Bosket, and Olivier de Feschal. 

The dower of Jeanne de Laval was valued at 40,000 
crowns of gold, about 368,000 francs.* 

From the period of this second marriage the Ange- 
vine Prince appears to have renounced all projects of 
conquest. He conducted his new wife through Anjou, 
and into Provence, where they remained several 
months : Rene so regulating his time as to divide it 
between the administration of his States and the 
amusements afforded him by poetry, painting, and 
music. I But it seemed to be the destiny of Rene 
never to be allowed to taste of the quietude for which 
he so constantly longed. 

Italy had enjoyed, for some time, the sweets of re- 
pose ; but, in 1456, Alphonso, King of Arragon, again 
began to trouble it. He ravaged the territories of the 
Siennois, who were defended by the Venetians and 
the Duke of Milan, and they compelled him to make 
compensation for the injuries he had done, by the 
payment of a sum of money. 

Two years elapsed, and Alphonso attacked Genoa 
by sea and land. The city was divided into two 
factions, the Fregoses and the Adornes. Of these 
Alphonso took part with the latter, while the former 
was supported by the Duke of Calabria, to whom 
succours were dismissed by the King of France ; and 
King Rene came in sight of Genoa, with ten galleys, 
to the help of the commander, who had been acting 
on the defensive with great valour. 

* Monfaucon ; Moreri ; Bodin ; Hist, de Montmorency et de Laval, par 
Andre Du Chesne ; Godard Faiiltrier : Villeneuve Bargemont. 
t Godard Faultrier ; Mariana ; Daniel. 


Rene's fleet consisted of 1,000 good soldiers, united 
with those of the King of France, amounting to 
6,000 men, sent from Dauphine, with other reinforce- 
ments from Savoy. A fierce battle ensued, but the 
Genoese, by a stratagem, obtained the victory, and 
the French were obliged to fly to their galleys, the 
Genoese pursuing them, and making great slaughter. 
The city was on the point of surrender, when Alphonso 
was attacked by a malignant fever, which in a few 
days terminated his life, in July, 1458. This Prince 
left no legitimate children, therefore his brother, Don 
John, King of Navarre, became his true heir ; but 
Alphonso had bequeathed the kingdom of Naples to 
his natural son, Ferdinand, who took peaceable pos- 
session of the throne.* The Neapolitan barons, how- 
ever, began to cabal against his succession, and even 
intreated Don John to come to Naples ; but this 
prince contented himself with the kingdom of Arra- 
gon and the island of Sicily, which his brother had 
left him, upon which the lords of Naples called in 
the Duke of Calabria, son of Rene of Anjou. This 
brave Prince was easily prevailed upon to undertake 
the invasion of Naples, and, accompanied by his rela- 
tive, Ferry de Vaudemont, hastened into Italy. 

Unfortunately, at this crisis, Pope Calixtus died ; . v W6i. 
and his successor, Pope Pius II., declared for the 
Arragonese, and gave the investiture of Naples to 
Ferdinand, at which King Rene was so indignant that 
he forbade his people to obey the decrees which might 
issue from the Court of Rome. 

Florence and Venice united with the An ge vine 
prince ; but Sforza continued in alliance with Fer- 
dinand, thinking this the best safeguard for his own 

Orsini, Prince of Tarentum, the most powerful 

* Mariana: Daniel. 



vassal of the crown, and a large proportion of the 
Neapolitan nobles, besides Piccinino, the last of the 
great Condottieri, with whom were the veterans of the 
former wars, all joined in supporting the banner of 
Anjou. But in spite of this, the Duke of Calabria was 
destined to experience the fate of all his family, in 
their competition for the throne of Naples. He had 
at first brilliant success, and gained a battle near 
Sarno ; but the Pope would never be reconciled to 
the House of Anjou, and this expedition failed 
through one of those defections so common amongst 
the Italians. The desertion of the Genoese, on whose 
enmity to the House of Arragon the Duke of Cala- 
bria had relied, was aggravated by this Prince's want 
of resources : this being perceived by the barons 
of his party, they all returned, one by one, to the 
allegiance of Ferdinand.* 

This was the last attempt made by the Angevine 
Princes for the possession of their Neapolitan do- 
minions ; and Rene was the last sovereign of Naples, 
of the race of Anjou. f 

In conclusion, says Bodin, " it behoves us to 
destroy a calumny, by refuting a great error which 
has escaped Villaret in his History of France. 
This author says, ' that at the time of the expedition 
of Charles VII., in 1461, against the town of Genoa, 
in which Rene of Anjou commanded a thousand 
gens d'armes, whom he had embarked at Marseilles, 
this Prince remained during the action on board his 
galleys ; and that, seeing his troops beaten and in con- 
fusion, enraged to find that his gens d'armes had not 
gained a victory, which he had not had the courage to 
dispute at their head, he commanded that his vessels 

* Hallanrs Mid. Ages ; Eccles. Hist. ; Moreri ; Universal Hist. ; Mon- 
faucon ; Mariana ; Daniel. 

+ Bodin ; Villaret ; Mezerai ; Universal Hist. 


" should set sail from the coast, thus abandoning those 
" unfortunate French to the discretion of the con- 
" queror. This action, equally cowardly and barbar- 
" ous, covers the memory of King Rene with an 
" indelible shame.' Happily, this act, affirmed on 
" such slight evidence by Villaret, and contradicted by 
" the well-known character of the Prince, is found 
" only in one single contemporary historian, Jean 
" Simonetta, who, in reporting it in the life of Ludovic 
" Sforza, sworn enemy of Rene, still gives it only as a 
" popular report, to which he dared not attach credit. 
" How then could a French historian admit, without 
" examination, so odious a calumny, one which tends to 
" tarnish the glory of a prince whose life was distin- 
" guished by so many acts of bravery and humanity."* 

By the adoption of Queen Joanna I., the only ad- 
vantage derived by the second branch of the House of 
Anjou was the county of Provence ; for, after so many 
unfortunate struggles for the crown of Naples, fortune 
decided in favour of the crown of Arragon.f 

At the time when Louis XL ascended the throne 
Rene was residing peaceably at Angers ; and had it 
not been for the presence of their Prince, the county 
of Anjou would have been involved in fresh troubles. 
The nobles detested the new monarch of France ; or 
rather his hostile system towards the feudal families, 
and they readily united to compel him to modify his 
government 4 Godard 

There is much obscurity in the writings of this a * ri0r ' 
period concerning the locality in which King Henry 
concealed himself during this season of his adverse for- 
tunes. The first account we have quoted, viz., that he 
took refuge in Harlech castle, conveys no further par- 
ticulars of his stay in that fortress, or of the time of his 
departure from it. Stow's account differs materially 

* Bodin. f Gibbon. J Godard Faultrier. 



from the other historians. He says, " King Henry fled 
" four clays before the battle of Hexham into Lancashire, 
" where he and others lived in caves full hardly, un- 
" known more than a year." It is certain that he had 
in Lancashire and in Westmoreland many friends ; 
the natives of these counties were sincerely attached 
to his interests, and their fidelity enabled him to con- 
ceal himself for some months.* 

During this period, however, he endured many priva- 
tions. He was often secreted in the house of John 
Machell, at Crakentkorpe, in Westmoreland. He 
also dwelt at Waddington Hall, in Lancashire, and 
memorials of his presence were traced at Whalley Abbey 
and Bracewell ; but the chief residence of this unfor- 
tunate monarch appears to have been at Bolton Hall, 
in Yorkshire. One apartment, on the western side of 
the court which he occupied, was called, " King 
" Henry's room," and the canopy | still remains under 
which, says Whitaker, "the unhappy Prince ate the 
" bread of affliction during his seclusion from the 
" world." 

The probable cause why Henry sought refuge at Bol- 
ton has been thus accounted for : the proprietor of this 
hall, Sir Ralph Pudsey, had married Margaret Tunstall, 
the daughter of Sir Thomas Tunstall, who was esquire 
of the body to the King, and attended him on this 
occasion.:): Thurland Castle, the residence of Tunstall, 
being in clanger, and in a less retired situation, the 
King came to Bolton, where the loyalty of Sir Ralph 
afforded him a secure asylum ; nor was this the first 
occasion upon which this family had sheltered their 
persecuted sovereign. The race of thePudseys had been 

* Stow ; Rymer ; Lingard ; Carte. 

t This canopy resembles those in the halls of the College of Manchester 
and of the Carthusians, the Charter House, in the metropolis. 
± Whitaker's History of Craven. 


distinguished by a course of loyalty and hospitality, 
and the fidelity of Sir Ralph was never impeached 
in the treacherous proceedings which subsequently 
deprived this King of his freedom. The dutiful 
attachment of Pudsey was not, however, sufficient 
safeguard to the dethroned monarch, who, probably, 
being under some apprehension that his retreat was 
about to be discovered, quitted Bolton Hall, where 
he had passed some months in security, and repaired 
to Waddington Hall. 

While at Bolton, Henry had given orders for a well 
to be dug, and walled round for a bath ; this well still 
bears his name, and, even at the present day, con- 
tinues to be venerated by the peasants for many 
remarkable cures said to have been wrought there.* 
Some relics of interest were left at Bolton by King 
Henry ; these were a pair of boots, a pair of gloves, 
and a spoon. The gloves reached to the elbow, and, 
by them, it would appear that the hands were exactly 
proportioned to the feet, and not larger than those 
of a middle-sized woman.j It has been remarked 
that " in an age when the habits of the great, in peace 
" as well as in war, required perpetual exertions of 
" bodily strength, this unhappy Prince must have 
" been equally contemptible from corporeal and from 
" mental imbecility." 

His enemies probably thus regarded him ; but if 
this were the case, how much more does it argue 
in favour of the benevolent qualities of this monarch, 
who, undoubtedly, inspired much respect for his 
character, and even so attached those to him, who 

* Roby's Lancashire ; Gent.'s Magazine ; Stow. 

f The relics left at Bolton by the King were, for their better preserva- 
tion, deposited in an ark in the year 1822, which was constructed for the 
head of the present family. The ark was made of oak, and beautifully de- 
signed and executed in the architecture of the fifteenth century. On a 
brass plate within, an account is given of the circumstances under which 
these relics were left. 


were his immediate attendants, that they never for- 
sook him, and even shared his captivity.* When 
Henry fled for safety to the "Peel of Bolton," as 
this castle was called, he was accompanied by Doctor 
Manning, Dean of Windsor, Doctor Bedle, and young 
Ellerton, who all shared his dangers and cheered his 
solitude ; they were even conveyed with him on his 
capture, to the Tower of London. 

The castles of Bracewell and Waddington, at this 
time, belonged to Sir John Tempest ; and an alliance 
having just been formed between the Tempests and 
Talbots,t it may be inferred, that to preserve their 
estates, they consented to deliver up the unfortunate 
monarch to Sir John Harrington, for after this 
treacherv thev were suffered to eniov their lands in 
quiet possession ; while Sir John Harrington " was 
"rewarded," as expressed in the grant to him, "for 
"his great and laborious diligence in taking our great 
" traitor and rebel Henry, latelv called Henrv the 
" Sixth, with the estates of Sir Richard Tunstall, of 
" Thailand Castle, to the amount of £100, by King 
" Edward the Fourth, on the 9th of July, 1465."| After 
having been concealed by his faithful subjects for 
many months, some sav even for a whole year, while 
the most diligent search was made after him, Henry's 
retreat was at last discovered through the perfidy of a 
black monk of Abingdon; and Sir John Harrington, with 
a party of soldiers, surprised the King whilst at dinner, 
at Waddington Hall, and made him their prisoner: 

The account of Leland concurs with the tradition of 
the countrv, that he was betraved by Thomas Talbot 

* Roby's Lancashire ; Gent.'s Mag. ; Baker ; Stow ; W. of Worcester. 

+ The Tempests and Talbots bad annuities out of Holland and Ticbel 
till they could be provided with lands.* 
J Rymer. 

* Rot. Pari. ; Baker ; Henrv ; Roby's Lancashire ; W. of Worcester ; 
Gent.'s Magazine ; Stow. 


and his cousin, John Talbot, of Colbey (Salisbury) ; 
that when the house was beset, the King, by some 
means, escaped, and ran across the fields, when he 
passed the Ribble by a ford, called Bungerly Hipping- 
stones, into Clitterwoocl, and there, being closely 
pursued, was taken. He was treated with great 
indignity by his captors, who, strictly guarding him, 
conveyed him to London. The capture of King Henry 
took place on the 29th of June, 1465 ; and Sir John . 1465. 
Tempest shared with the Talbots in the rewards be- Arundel' 
stowed for this act by King Edward. 

On his approach to London, King Henry was met 
at Islington by the Earl of Warwick, who formally 
arrested him as "Henry of Lancaster," and "forth- 
"with," says the chronicler, "his gilt spurs were 
" taken from his feet."* The Earl of Warwick did 
not come out to meet him to show his respect, but 
to see him conducted in safety to the Tower. He 
caused his legs to be bound with leather straps to the 
stirrups of the small pony which he rode, and in other 
respects showed him much indignity : a great barbarity 
towards one, whose meek and patient conduct under 
adversity, entitled him to universal respect. In this 
degraded manner King Henry entered London, by 
way of Chepe and Cornhill. It had been proclaimed 
that no man should, under pain of death, salute him, 
or pay him the smallest mark of respect. His public 
and humiliating entrance into the metropolis, exposed 
him to the insults of the fickle multitude, who, on 
former occasions, had been accustomed to testify their 
reverence for his virtues by shouts of applause ; some 
of the citizens, indeed, were much disturbed by this 
proceeding, but did not dare to betray their senti- 

* Holinshed ; Stow ; Baker ; Carte ; Fabyan ; W. of Worcester ; Pol. 
Vergil ; Rymer ; Pinkerton ; G-ent.'s Mag. ; Monstrelet ; Lingard ; Barnes's 


merits. The Earl of Warwick not only behaved 
towards him in the most insulting manner, but even 
encouraged the mob to deride him : he preceded 
the deposed monarch to the Tower, crying " Treason! 
"treason! behold the traitor!' and when they 
reached the place, King Henry was led three tunes 
round a tree, which was placed in the front of the 
Tower (in the manner of a pillory), and then confined 
within that fortress, a strong guard being set to watch 
over him. 

This monarch's personal safety at this time 
was less owing to the generosity of the Yorkists, 
than to their opinion of his inability to give them any 

"While in prison King Henry was treated with 
humanity, but kept in the most rigorous confinement. 
To an ambitious mind, a tedious imprisonment in the 
Tower of London would have been insupportably irk- 
some ; but, to the gentle and unassuming Henry of 
Lancaster, it seemed but a haven of refuge from 
the storms and troubles of life.* 

It was during this captivity that the unfortunate 
monarch probably penned the following lines, which 
exhibit the composure of a truly pious and resigned 

' ' Kingdoms are but cares ; 
" State ys devoyd of staie ; 
" Ryches are redy snares, 
" And hastene to decaie. 

1 ' Who meaneth to remoffe the rocke 
" Owte of the slynrie mudde, 
1 ' Shall myre hymself e and hardlie scape 
" The swellynge of the flodde." + 

* Biondi ; Fabyan ; Stow : Toplis ; Baker ; Addit. MS. ; Rymer ; W. of 
Worcester ; John Rous ; Ridpath ; Rapin ; Henry ; Sharon Turner ; Hume : 
Barante ; Root's Lancashire ; Barrow ; Monstrelet ; Bayley's Hist, of the 
Tower ; Daniel. 

t Xugas Antiqua?. 


Fortune appeared now to have utterly deserted the 
House of Lancaster ; yet the contest between the two 
Roses was not altogether ended, seeming, rather, to be 
hushed to a temporary rest, while the energies of 
Queen Margaret reposed, only to become invigorated 
and to prepare for more desperate resolves. Mean- 
while, one might exclaim, in the language of the 
poetess, — 

' ' Oh Rose ! who long hath bloom'd the pride 

" Of England's garden, hang thy head ! 

" The dew upon thy leaves is dried ! 

" The generous, bright, exulting red, 

' ' The triumph of thy cheek, is fled ! 

" And one less beautiful shall raise 

" Her stem, where now thy bloom decays ! 

" York's rose is now the garden's queen ! 

' ' York's star to fortune lights the way ! 

" Nay, Heaven is pledged ! York's eyes have seen, 

" Responsive to their glances keen, 

" Three golden, glorious suns at once illume his day." * 

Many, indeed, were the British hearts by whom the 
Lancastrian rose was still cherished ; but, humbled 
and abashed, they sought refuge at a distance from 
the gaze of a court, or the allurements and splendours 
of society. 

* Miss Holford's Margaret of Anjou. 



{King Edward.) 

' ' Her looks do argue her replete with modesty ; 
" Her words do show her art incomparable ; 
" All her perfections challenge sovereignty; 
" One way or other she is for a king, 
" And she shall be my love, or else my queen." 


{The Earl of WaricicL) 

" Did I impale him with the regal crown ? 

' ' Did I put Henry from his native right ? 

' ' And am I guerdon'd at the last with shame ? 

" Shame to himself ! for my desert is honour ; 

" And to repair my honour, lost for him, 

" I here renounce him, and return to Henry. " 


King Edward's marriage projected — "Warwick sent to demand the hand of 
Bona of Savoy — Edward's interview with. Elizabeth Woodville, and 
their marriage — Warwick offended — He returns to England — Enmity 
between Edward and Warwick, who withdraws from court — Jealousy 
of the nobility — Of Clarence and Montague — Marriage of the King's 
sister — Anger of Warwick against King Edward — He meditates re- 
venge, and engages the Archbishop of York to assist him — Clarence 
marries — Insurrection in Yorkshire — Battle of Banbury — King Edward 
in prison — He escapes — Lord Wells is beheaded — Battle of Loosecoat 
Field — Vauclier's manoeuvre — Louis attempts a reconciliation — War- 
wick meets Queen Margaret in France — They are reconciled — Marriage 
of Prince Edward — Clarence won over to Edward — Warwick returns 
to England — His army — Henry VI. proclaimed— Edward's flight — 
King Henry released from prison and restored to the throne. 

The youthful Edward was now enjoying the sun- 
shine of prosperity, acknowledged as the lawful sove- 
reign of a people who rejoiced in his favour and success. 

No longer fearing civil discord, this monarch gave 
himself up to the dissipations and amusements of his 
high station. He lived in the most social and familiar 


manner with his subjects, especially with the Lon- 
doners. His gallantry and handsome person rendered 
him a general favourite with the fair sex, while the 
young and gay of his own, found him all condescension 
and affability. 

It was during this season of tranquillity, while King- 
Henry was in captivity and Queen Margaret banished 
the kingdom, that Edward was, by the advice of his 
ministers, persuaded to confirm to his posterity his 
right to the crown, by his marriage with some foreign 
princess. The ladies who were selected were Isabella 
of Castile, who was afterwards married to Ferdinand 
of Arragon, and Bona of Savoy, the sister of the Queen 
of France. This last was chosen by King Edward, 
and the Earl of Warwick was dismissed to Paris to 
demand the hand of the lady.* 

The King of France, whose thoughts were wholly 
occupied in his project of making himself absolute, was, 
in pursuance of this object, engaged in many quarrels 
with his barons. He was, however, highly gratified 
with the proposal of an alliance with England, by which, 
while increasing his own power, his vassals were pre- 
vented seeking foreign aid in their wars against him. 
To make sure of his advantage, Louis delayed the 
negotiation, while by the help of the Earl of Warwick 
he secured a personal friendship with King Edward. 

This wise foresight was, however, rendered fruitless 
by the precipitate conduct of the English monarch, 
who, unaccustomed to control his passions, had during 
this interval wandered to a new object, accidentally 
presented to him, but calling forth so much romantic 
sentiment as to fix at once his affections. 

While in Northamptonshire Edward had resolved to 
pay a visit to Grafton, the residence of Jacqueline of 
Luxembourg, the widow of the Duke of Bedford. Her 

* Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ; Baker ; Rapin ; Hume. 

p 2 


second marriage to Sir Richard Woodville had brought 
upon her much censure and contempt, because of her 
union with a private gentleman. She had, however, 
obtained the favour of Queen Margaret for her daughter 
Elizabeth, who first left her home at Grafton to visit 
the court of this Queen, now there was no longer any 
favour or promotion from the House of Lancaster. 
The brave and devoted husband of Elizabeth had lost 
his life in supporting King Henry's cause, and his inno- 
cent children were exposed to the rancour of party 
feeling. They were deprived of their inheritance, their 
lands confiscated, and their old mansion bestowed on 
one of the Yorkists, who, taking possession, obliged 
Elizabeth with her children to seek refuse under the 
paternal roof. While she continued to reside there, 
and was dependent on her father's bounty, she devoted 
herself to the education of her sons, the eldest of whom 
was but four years of age. It was at Grafton, or, as 
some say, in the forest of Whittlebury,that King Edward 
first beheld Elizabeth ; for this lady, thinking it a 
favourable opportunity to obtain the grace of the young 
King, threw herself on her knees before him, and 
besought him to restore the lands of her husband, and 
to take compassion on her destitute children.* King 
Edward was instantly smitten with the charms of the 
beautiful widow, and, touched by her distress, not only 
granted her request, but assured her that it was not in 
his power to refuse her anything. Shortly after, in a 
private interview, he made known to her his passion, 
which had so suddenly taken root in his breast under 
the guise of compassion ; but all his importunities were 
unavailing, the virtuous Elizabeth, while she modestly 
confessed her unworthiness to become his queen, obsti- 
nately rejected every dishonourable proposal. 

The esteem of Edward was heightened by the rigid 

* Guthrie ; Wethamstede ; Hearne's Chron. 



inflexibility of the lady, and he at last resolved to share 
his throne, as well as his affections, with the woman 
whose personal charms and dignity of character ap- 
peared to render her so worthy of them. King Edward 
was but twenty-two years of age, and he did not question 
his right to marry a subject. 

This union was privately solemnised at Grafton, and 
for some time it was kept secret.* We are assured 
that none were present at these espousals, on the 1st of 
May, 1464, except the Duchess of Bedford, the priest, 1464. 
and two gentlewomen, with a young man to assist in 
singing."]" It was not until this monarch prepared for 
the coronation of his Queen, that his marriage was 
divulged to the astonished people, who were expect- 
ing the match with Bona of Savoy to be speedily 


The Earl of Warwick, who had hastened the negotia- 
tions, when they were drawing to a conclusion, dis- 
covered that all his exertions were fruitless, through the 
unruly passions of the monarch who had employed him. 
He could not brook the affront which was put upon him. 
He had thought that King Edward entertained too 
much regard for him, to treat him so unworthily, and 
he felt indignant at this conduct in one, to whom he had 
rendered such essential services. He complained to 
the King of France, who could not fail to resent the 
slight thus offered to his family ; and his anger was 
augmented by this monarch, whose situation at this 
time not allowing him to demand satisfaction, he wisely 

* Some say that this marriage was not even known to Elizabeth's father, 
Lord Rivers. Carte places the date of this marriage on the 1st of May, 
1463. He says it was concealed for more than a year previous to the 
battle of Hexham. The same date is given in Hearne's Fragment. 

f The priest who married them was buried before the altar in the church 
of the Minories, at London Bridge. 

X Baker ; Rapin ; Hume ; Stow ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Lin- 
gard ; Allen's York ; Hearne's Chron. ; Ridpath ; Henry ; Paston Letters. 


concealed his sentiments, and awaited a more favour- 
able opportunity of revenging himself.* 

Meanwhile, the Earl of Warwick returned to Eng- 
land, but with a heart swelling with hatred and 
revenge. He abhorred the ingratitude of Edward, but 
perceived the necessity for concealing his sentiments ; 
yet even in this endeavour he could not help betraying 
his disgust, and the King, although he still showed 
some favour to the Earl, gradually began to regard 
him in the light of an enemy. Their mutual hatred, 
in spite of their attempts to disguise it, became aggra- 
vated, and caused them much uneasiness. 

King Edward gave the Earl great occasion for com- 
plaint, and this he did either to gratify himself, or to 
lessen the credit of the Earl with the people. Warwick 
perceived the King's design, but let it pass unnoticed, 
lest by untimely resentment he should place himself in 
such a situation that he could not revenge the insult 
which had been offered him. 

Finding himself no longer regarded with the same 
favour as formerly, Warwick withdrew from Court, 
under the plea of indisposition ; and, seizing an oppor- 
tunity, he obtained leave to retire to the castle of 
Warwick. This Earl could not bear to witness the 
exaltation of Sir Richard Woodville, the Queen's father, 
who was created Lord Eivers, and engrossed the King's 
confidence, to the exclusion of Warwick, who was 
scarcely employed in public affairs, nor could the latter 
endure the diminution of his credit at Court. His 
ambitious mind made him discontented, although the 
grants which he had received from the Crown had 
increased his patrimonial estate to 80,000 crowns per 
annum ; and he was displeased at beholding King 
Edward, jealous of the power which had supported 
him, daily advancing the authority of the Queen's 

* Daniel ; Baker ; Hume ; Rapin. 


relatives as his rivals. The King justified his partiality 
to these individuals, seeking thus to counterbalance 
the great influence of Warwick, whom he had before 
assisted to exalt.* The Earl, on his part, acted with 
great dissimulation. 

About Michaelmas, after the King's marriage, when 1464. 
Edward desired to make his union known to the public, 
Warwick and Clarence led Elizabeth by the hand to the 
Abbey of Reading, in the King's presence, and declared 
her Queen of England before the nobility and people there 
assembled, when the former paid her their compliments. 
Edward passed the Christmas at Eltham, and thence 
removed to Westminster ; and about this time lands to 
the value of 4,000 marks were settled upon the Queen. 
Preparatory to her coronation, the King made, on 1465. 
Ascension Day, at the Tower of London, thirty-eight 
Knights of the Bath, amongst whom were several of 
the nobility, viz., Lord Dumas, SirBartelot de Ribaire, 
and Sir John Wooclville, the Queen's brother, besides 
four citizens, viz., Thomas Cooke, Matthew Philip, 
Ralph Josselyn, and Harry Waver. 

The coronation of the Queen took place on the 26th B 2 m ' 
of May, 1465. On the 24th, Elizabeth was met at 
Shooter's Hill, in her way from Eltham to London, by 
the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and citizens, nobly mounted 
and richly attired, who conducted her to the Tower. | 
On the next clay, the 25th, she was conveyed in a horse 
litter, preceded by the new-made knights, to West- 
minster, where, on Sunday, the 26th, she was crowned 
by the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the accustomed 

* Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin ; Paston Letters ; Carte ; 
Hume ; Lingard ; Maitland's London. 

f In Edward IV.'s reign the Tower of London was frequently a royal 
residence, perhaps from its proximity to the city, where the King so much 
sought to ingratiate himself with the people, who had assisted in his 
elevation. He kept his court there in this year (1165), and on other occa- 
sions also. 


ceremonies. The pomp of the coronation was aug- 
mented by the presence of Count James of St. Pol, a 
prince of the House of Luxembourg, and the uncle of 
the Duchess of Bedford, who, with his hundred knights 
and their attendants, had been especially appointed and 
sent to England by the Duke of Burgundy.* 

This array had been made purposely to please King 
Edward, and at his request, to show the high descent 
of his Queen, and to impress on the minds of his peers 
and subjects the worthiness of the object of his 
choice. Thus it was shown that the relatives who 
had disdained to notice the Duchess of Bedford, 
because she married a private gentleman, although 
" the handsomest in England," were ready to claim 
kindred again when her daughter was about to ascend 
the throne ; and, proud of their connection, their en- 
mities were all forgotten. The coronation was suc- 
ceeded by splendid tournaments, held at Westminster 
for several days.f 
1465. At this time King Edward kept his court with great 

splendour at the Tower of London. Here it was 
that Edward began his career, by bestowing, with a 
lavish hand, favours, honours, and emoluments on the 
family and relatives of the Queen. 

Her father, Lord Rivers, was made Treasurer and 
Grand Constable ; her brother, Sir Anthony Wood- 
ville, was united to the greatest heiress of the land, 
the only daughter of Lord Scales, and this greatly 
offended the Duke of Clarence, the King's elder 
brother, who thought that the hand of that lady 
should have been bestowed .on himself. Also John, a 
vounger brother of the Queen, was wedded to the 

* At the dinner and jousts which followed the coronation, tho Etrl of 
Warwick and his two brothers were not present. 

f Baker ; Hearne's Fragment ; Fabyan ; Henry ; Ridpath ; W. of Wor- 
cester ; Lingard. 


wealthy Dowager Duchess of Norfolk, who was 
then in her eightieth year, the bridegroom being 
only twenty years of age. The five sisters of the 
Queen were also bestowed in marriage by King 
Edward. Catherine was given to the young Duke 
of Buckingham ; Mary to William Herbert, created 
Earl of Huntingdon ; Anne to the son of Gray, 
Lord Ruthyn, created Earl of Kent ; Margaret to 
Thomas, Lord Maltravers, son and heir of the Earl 
of Arundel ; and Jaquette to John, Lord Strange, of 

The daughter and heiress of the Duke of Exeter, 
who was the niece of King Edward, was affianced to 
Sir Thomas Gray, one of the Queen's sons, and 4,000 
marks were given to the bride, by Elizabeth. This 
match greatly offended Lord Montague, who had 
been treating for a marriage between his son and 
that lady, and he took it as an affront to the whole 
family of the Nevilles ; this afforded another grievance 
also to the Earl of Warwick. Besides this Earl, 
many others of the nobility were dissatisfied and 
jealous at the sudden elevation and favour shown to 
the Queen's relatives, and their promotion to the first 
offices of the kingdom. Lord Montjoy had been dis- 
placed from his office of Treasurer, which was sup- 
plied by Lord Rivers ; and that of High Constable, 
which had belonged to the Earl of Worcester had been 
also given to the same Lord Rivers ; the King, mean- 
while, created the Earl of Worcester Lieutenant of 
Ireland, under the Duke of Clarence. Many nobles 
also, who had formed projects for the advancement of 
their own children, saw themselves superseded. The 
affability of the Earl of Warwick had rendered him 
popular, and the nobility had become accustomed to 
his magnificence and power, but sore complaints were 
raised against the new favourites. Although Warwick 


at this time was not in office, his brothers were per- 
mitted to retain their former position. The Marquis 
of Montague held his post of Governor over the 
northern counties, there being no cause for apprehen- 
sion on the side of Scotland ; and the Archbishop of 
York was still Lord Chancellor.* 

"We may regard the marriage of King Edward with 
one of his subjects as the origin, in a great measure, 
of the rise of the middle-class in this country. The 
landed aristocracy was at this time all powerful, and 
fearing their influence, King Edward sought to coun- 
terbalance it, by making concessions to the lesser 
gentry and rich citizens, looking to them for protection 
and assistance. He continued to displace from office, 
and reduce the authoritv of the ancient nobilitv, who 
had maintained his pretensions, and, indeed, had placed 
him on his throne. By these means society became 
changed, and soon presented a new phasis ; while the 
peculiar characteristics of feudalism gradually disap- 
peared in England, as was also the case in France, 
through the efforts of monarchical power to remove 
vassalage and baronial independence. 

It was the policy of' the English monarch to keep 
on good terms with the foreign princes, that he might 
not create new enemies against himself; since the 
Lancastrians, although subdued, were still very nu- 
merous. The treaty with Scotland had been pro- 
longed by him ; and he had besides entered into a truce 
with Brittany, and also with France. After the affront 
which Edward had put upon the King of France, he 
could only regard him as a secret enemy, who would 
not fail, one day, to revenge himself; however, he 
resolved to keep on good terms with him, fearing he 
might yet be disposed to assist the House of Lancaster, f 

* Baker ; Stow : W. of Worcester ; Eapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard. 
f Rapin. 


Still more did King Edward desire to keep fair with 
Louis at this time, while he hastened the conclusion of 
a marriage between his third sister, Margaret, and the 
Earl of Charolois. Having sprung from the House of 
Lancaster, Charles, Earl of Charolois, had ever faith- 
fully adhered to King Henry ; but policy now insti- 
gated his alliance with Edward, in order that he might 
strengthen himself against the power of France. 

This marriage did not meet the approval of 
Warwick, who avowed himself the enemy of this 
Earl; and it has been said that this was the com- 
mencement of the coolness between King Edward and 
his haughty subject.* However this might be, we w. of Wor- 
find the Earl of Warwick, in 1466, employed, with cester- 
Lord Hastings, [in concluding the league of amity 
between King Edward and Charles of Burgundy, and 
also in conferring about the marriage. He had like- 
wise been, in the same year, negotiating the peace 
with France. The French ambassadors returned 
with the Earl to London, their object being to prevent 
the marriage of King Edward's sister ; but they had 
only a cool reception from the King, who then left the 
capital, appointing an inferior agent to reject their 
proposals, while the Earl of Warwick endeavoured, 
by his attentions to them, to compensate for the 
King's slight. 

Amongst his own friends the Earl spared not his 
menaces, and when the ambassadors had departed, he 
retired to Middleham, much discontented."}" 

Warwick hated most the ingratitude of Kino: Ed- 
ward. Certainly nothing can be more injurious to a 
monarch's reputation than behaviour which exposes 
him to such an imputation. No king ever was more 
indebted to a subject than Edward was to Warwick ; 
and, in like manner, also to his two brothers : 

* Lingard. f Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Ling-ard. 



indeed, to the exertions of these three, all members 
of one family, he owed his crown ; they were noble 
relatives, and superior characters, cast in no common 

Had the King esteemed them as he ought, and 
as sentiments of gratitude would have dictated, 
they might have survived the reign of faction, and, 
like valued gems, have adorned and sustained his 
crown. The King, however, permitting his passions 
to rule him, allowed these distinguished noblemen, 
whose admirable qualities, great fortunes, and digni- 
ties gave them naturally astonishing influence in all 
affairs of state, to be depressed and superseded by the 
rising power of the Woodvilles. 

During the late absence of the Earl of Warwick in 
France, the bastard of Burgundy had come to London, 
under the pretext of performing feats of arms with 
Lord Scales, but also to negotiate the proposed 

The Parliament met, but, under the plea of sickness, 
the Chancellor absented himself, when Edward, who 
had become suspicious of Warwick from his con- 
ferences with King Louis, went, with a great retinue, 
to the house of the prelate, and required him to give 
up the seals, and at the same time took from him two 
manors, which he had previously obtained from the 
crown. The Bishop of Bath and Wells, one of the 
1467. Queen's friends, was then appointed Lord Chancellor.* 

An emissary from Queen Margaret having been 
taken in Wales about this time, gave information 
to King Edward that the Earl of Warwick was 
regarded in the French court as a secret partisan of 
the Lancastrians. Warwick refused to leave Middle- 
ham, and the accuser was brought there and con- 
fronted with him ; but the charge was dismissed as 

* Firmer : Lingard ; Moustrelet ; Rapin. 


groundless. The King*, however, ordered a body- 1467. 
guard of 200 archers to attend upon his person, and ces ter. 
a rupture seemed inevitable ; but it was prevented 
through the interference of their common friends, the 
Archbishop of York and the Earl of Rivers, who met 
at Nottingham, and arranged the terms of a recon- 
ciliation.* The Archbishop conducted his brother to 
Coventry, where King Edward received him graciously, 
and all offences between him and the Lords Herbert, 
Stafford, and Auclley being reciprocally pardoned, the 
Archbishop was rewarded for his services by the 
restoration of his two manors. 

Warwick, after this, appeared at Court, and when 
the marriage of King Edward's sister was finally 
settled, in 1467, and she departed, she rode through 
London behind the Earl of Warwick. The Princess 
Margaret was conveyed to Bruges, being accompanied 
by her two sisters, the Duchess of Exeterf and the 
Duchess of Suffolk, J with a splendid retinue. 

A contemporary writer tells us that the Duke of 
Somerset, who had been staying with the Duke of 
Burgundy, " departed and all his bands, well be seen 
" out of Bruges, a day before that my lady the 
" Duchess Margaret, sister of Edward IV., came 
" hither ; and they say that he is to Queen Margaret 
"that was, and shall no more come here again, nor be 
" holpen by the Duke." 

From this time King Edward took part with his new 
relative, the Earl of Charolois, who, at this time, by 
the death of his father, Philip "the Good," became 
Duke of Burgundy. Edward also united with the 
Duke of Brittanv. It was not for the interest of 

* W. of Worcester ; Lingard. 

f The Duke of Exeter, her husband, was still in France, in great distress. 
$ This lady's husband was the son of Queen Margaret's favourite 


England to permit these Dukes to be subdued, by 
which the French King would gain a great ac- 
cession of power, and become formidable to Edward, 
who neither loved Louis, nor cared to keep well with 
him any longer than policy required. We also find 
that when a conspiracy was discovered in favour of 
King Henry, the Earl of Warwick sat amongst the 
judges upon the trial. 

In spite, however, of all these outward appearances, 
no real confidence existed ; and the people, who per- 
ceived the approaching conflict, pitied their favourite, 
and blamed the ambition of the Queen and her 

The Earl of Warwick still harboured in his breast 
the keenest resentment. He resolved to make known 
that no one could affront him with impunity ; and he 
secretly meditated revenge upon Edward. 

He was the most haughty Earl that England had 
ever seen, and his pride was augmented by the services 
he had rendered to the House of York. The insult which 
the King had offered him, by marrying, while he was 
negotiating another match, could not be forgotten by 
him, and, besides, he had not been consulted by the 
King on the subject of his choice. Had any apology 
been offered by Edward, it is probable that the 
Earl's anger had been mitigated, and the affair over- 
looked ; but the King treated him with contempt and 
silence, and even sought to lessen his credit with the 
people, thus greatly increasing the Earl's indignation. 
Another cause has been assigned, by some authors, 
for this Earl's displeasure, viz., an injury of a private 
nature, which Edward had offered to one of his 
daughters, and which does not seem to be improbable; 
however that may be, the Earl of Warwick only 

* Baker ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin ; Henry : Hume ; 
Paston Letters ; Ling-ard. 


concealed his anger more surely to effect his re- 

It appears uncertain whether King Edward, who 
might wish to get rid of his imperious counsellor, dis- 
missed the Earl of Warwick or not ; but, in the month 
of June, 1467, he was engaged in a negotiation „ 1 ^- 

1 . . . -r Commes ; 

relative to commerce, and visited Louis XL at Rouen. Barante ; 
Some writers assure us that it was by invitation of Henry.' 
this monarch, who sought to gain over a nobleman 
so influential in the kingdom ; and, indeed, it was to 
the interest of Louis to have England on his 
side in his quarrels with Burgundy. To this end he 
sent rich presents to Warwick, and sought to win his 
friendship, especially as he observed his increasing 
discontent with Edward. He sent messengers with 
flattering compliments to him ; nor was the Earl 
insensible to his favours, perceiving how much the 
power of the French would support his credit in 
England, which was then on the decline. He there- 
fore accepted the invitation of Louis, and, quitting 
England, landed at Harfleur. The French King ad- 
vanced to meet the Earl as far as the village of La 
Bouille, on the Seine, four leagues from Rouen, at- 
tended by several of his nobles. At this place 
Warwick arrived on the 7th of June, where a splendid 
repast had been prepared, of which having partaken, 
he paid his respects to the King, and then proceeded 
to Rouen by water, while the French King went 
thither by land. This was the first time that Louis 
had beheld the haughty Earl, whom he so much 
desired to conciliate. 

The magistrates of Rouen, " in their formalities," 
advanced to receive the Earl as he landed at the Quay 
of St. Eloy, and then the priests came in their copes, 
bearing crosses, banners, holy water, and relics of 

* Monf aucon ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin. 


saints, and with great pomp and ceremony con- 
ducted him in procession to the Church of Notre 
Dame, where he made his offerings, and then pro- 
ceeded to an apartment prepared for his reception, 
and magnificently ornamented, at the Jacobins, one 
of the religious houses. 

Soon afterwards the Queen and Princesses came to 
Eouen, and the King remained there during a fortnight, 
(some say twelve days,) with the Earl of Warwick. 
He showed him all the respect due to a sovereign, 
appointed him a residence next his own, and, by a 
private door, he frequently visited him secretly. 

When the Earl took his leave and returned to 
England, he was accompanied by the Admiral of 
France, the Bishops of Laon, St. John de Pompain- 
court, St. Olivier le Poux, and several others, whom 
the King had appointed to attend him. From this 
time the Earl of Warwick became more the servant 
of Louis than of Edward, and daily assumed more 
boldness in manifesting his discontent. 

While at Eouen the Earl of Warwick received from 
Louis XL several fine and costly presents, one being 
a piece of gold plate, and another a large gold cup, 
set with precious stones. The Duke of Bourbon also 
presented him with a rich diamond ring, and other 
handsome gifts. He had, moreover, all his expenses 
and those of his attendants defrayed by the French 
King, from the time of his landing at Harfleur until 
he embarked for England. 

In return for the handsome gifts made to the Earl 
of Warwick and his suite, King Edward afterwards 
sent to France some rich presents of hunting horns, 
bottles of leather, &c, and this seems to make it 
probable that Edward really did employ Warwick 
at the French Court. The potent Earl, if this was 
the case, doubtless seized the opportunity to secure 


the assistance of Louis in accomplishing the object 
nearest his heart, viz., the dethronement of Edward; 
and from this time the Earl maintained a constant 
correspondence, in secret, with the French monarch.* 

After his return to England, the Earl of Warwick 
began to carry his designs into execution. He first 
sought to win over his own brothers, the Archbishop 
of York and the Marquis of Montague. He repre- 
sented to them the great services they had all three 
rendered to King Edward, and how ill he had requited 
them, their rewards being inadequate to their merits. 
He charged the King with ingratitude, and with seeking 
to degrade their family in a manner intolerable to men 
of honour; and especially in the insult offered to himself 
in the affair of the marriage of the King. He concluded, 
by assuring them that he had resolved to let King 
Edward see that the hand which could assist him to 
a throne, was not less powerful in pulling him down ; 
and he desired only their help in his undertaking. 

The Archbishop of York was easily prevailed upon 
to enter into this project ; Montague hesitated, made 
some objection, and adduced arguments, to which 
Warwick replied with eagerness. At length Montague 
conceded ; but it was more out of complacence to his 
brother, than from his desire to participate in this plot.f 
The Earl next proceeded to communicate his project 
to the Duke of Clarence, who, having evinced great 
dissatisfaction at the conduct of the King, for bestowing 
on Lord Scales, the Queen's brother, the hand of the 
richest heiress in the kingdom, the Earl of Warwick 
had reason to think that he would gladly seize the 
opportunity of revenging himself; nor was he mis- 
taken. Clarence heartily entered into his views, and 

* Barante ; Monf aucon ; Philip de Comines ; Monstrelet ; Rymer ; Lin- 
gard ; Sharon Turner ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lussan's Louis XI. 

f Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Baker ; Allen's York ; Rapin. 



the Earl of Warwick, to secure him, proffered him the 
hand of his daughter Isabella, to whom Clarence was 
attached, and he bestowed a considerable fortune as 
her dower, being the half of the lands which Warwick 
held in right of his wife. Thus the King's eldest 
brother became strictly united with his greatest enemy, 
who had even plotted to dethrone him. Surely the 
ties of blood and of affection should have for ever 
deterred him from engaging in this conspiracy. It 
was ambition which stifled the voice of nature ; and 
pride, wounded pride, urged on to the most desperate 
and unlooked-for events. 

Warwick even attempted to prevail on the Duke of 
Gloucester to join this confederacy, but he found him 
so reserved that he dared not close with him.* 

The Duke of Clarence was, at this time, next heir to 
the crown, and King Edward, who was not ignorant 
of Warwick's ambition, anxiously endeavoured to pre- 
vent his brother's marriage ; but in vain. 
w 1 ™ Soon after the interview between the Earl of Wor- 

cester, wick and Clarence, they proceeded together to Calais, 
where the marriage was solemnised in the church of 
St. Nicholas. The ceremony was performed by the 
Archbishop of York, the bride's uncle ; but whether in 
privacy, or with the King's consent, the historians have 
been unable to decide. There is, indeed, much room 
for doubt on some events of this period. 

Some authors assert, that it was only on the morning 
of the day of this marriage that the Earl of Warwick 
made known to Clarence, his project for the restoration 
of King Henry ; and that the Duke, who until that 
time was in ignorance of it, then agreed to it. These 
two noblemen remained at Calais for some time after 
the marriage ; and King Edward felt much secret dis- 

* Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Eapin ; Hume ; Barante ; 



pleasure towards the Earl of Warwick on account of 
this union. 

Others write that the Earl and Clarence returned to 
England, and enjoyed the favour of the King, who, as 
if regretting his former misconduct towards Warwick, 
made him Justiciary of South Wales, and afterwards 
Seneschal of the whole of that country. Edward must 
indeed, if this were true, have been in ignorance of the 
projects formed against him.° 

In the year 1467, a servant of Robert Whittingham, w 1 t 6 i r 
named Cornelius, by trade a shoemaker, was seized cester; 
at Queenborough, and letters being found upon him 
from Queen Margaret, who was then in France, he was 
tortured by fire, in order to make him discover the 
names of such noblemen and gentlemen as corresponded 
with the exiled Queen. | This cruel means of extort- 
ing confession was not uncommon in England at this 
time ; the civil warfare, and the violence of party, being 
a great hindrance to the regular and impartial adminis- 
tration of justice throughout the kingdom. A kind of 
military government prevailed, and the High Constable, 
being invested with authority to inflict punishment, 
even of death, upon the most exalted subjects, without 
so much as having recourse to the proceedings of law, 
he not unfrequently acted on his own private convic- 
tion of their guilt. Persons of rank were sometimes 
put to death without any inquiry after evidence ; and 
occasionally the Constable, in order to obtain a show 
of justice, would s#ek for proof by means of the rack, 
as in this case of Cornelius.^ 

One of the letters found upon Cornelius was from 
his master, Whittingham, addressed to Thomas Dan- 

* Stow ; W. of Worcester; Pol. Vergil; Baker; Lond. Chron. ; Lingard; 
Barante ; Rapin ; Cont. Hist. ; Croyl. ; Villaret. 
+ Henry ; W. of Worcester. 
% Henry. 

Q 2 


vers, which caused the latter to be arrested and com- 
mitted to the Tower. Many confessions were made 
by Cornelius, which occasioned the apprehension of 
several persons ; and amongst them of one John 
Hawkins, on a similar charge, viz., of receiving letters 
from Queen Margaret. Hawkins impeached Sir 
Thomas Cooke, Lord Mayor of London, of treason, and 
he was sent to the Tower. Lord Rivers was appointed 
to his office. Some writers assert that this nobleman 
contrived the removal of Cooke, and was assisted in 
this by his wife, the Duchess of Bedford ; and we 
further learn that thev also obtained the dismissal 
from his office of Chief Justice Markham, for having 
decided that Sir Thomas Cooke was not guilty of 
treason. These circumstances exhibit the his;h autho- 
rity assumed by the new favourites. 

This was the same Thomas Cooke to whom King- 
Edward wrote, in confidence, from Stamford, in 1462, 
calling him " his trusty and well-beloved alderman of 
London," and earnestly beseeching his assistance at 
this time, when he felt in the midst of perplexities and 
alarms respecting the " designs of his great adversary 
" Harry, naming himself King of England, who, 
" through the malicious counsel of Margaret his wife, 
" naming herself Queen of England, had conspired 
" with others, his enemies, against him." Since that 
season of trial and difficulty the King had shown 
favour to Sir Thomas by making him, with others, a 
Knight of the Bath ; this was at the Tower, on the 
15th of May, previous to the coronation of his Queen. 
This distinction was probably to reward his services ; 
but how were the times now changed with this worthy 
mayor, that the power and influence of a party, or 
family, should have so easily displaced him from 
his high position of trust and authority ! The mis- 
fortunes of Sir Thomas Cooke arose, not only from his 


adherence to the Lancastrian interests, but also from 
his great wealth and possessions, at a time when 
he had so powerful an enemy as Lord Rivers, the 

The affair has been thus related. When Hawkins 
came to Sir Thomas Cooke, requesting him to lend a 
thousand marks on good security, he, hearing that 
this sum was designed for the use of Queen Margaret,* 
refused to lend it. Two or three years after, the said 
Hawkins, being imprisoned in the Tower, and being 
brought to the " Brake " (called the Duke of Exeter's 
daughter*)"), he confessed, amongst other things, this 
demand upon Sir Thomas Cooke. Hawkins was put 
to death, and Sir Thomas was sent, first to the Compter, 
in Bread Street, and thence to the King's Bench, in 
South wark, and he was detained from Whitsuntide to 
Michaelmas. His residence in Essex, called Gyddihal, 
was spoiled, and the deer in his park destroyed ; and 
although arraigned upon life and death, and acquitted 
on his trial at Guildhall, he was not set free until he 
had paid to the King £8,000, and to the Queen £800. 
Some writers say his estates were confiscated.^ His 
lady shared in his misfortunes ; for upon his appre- 
hension she was, with her servants, turned out of her 
house, and only regained possession upon the acquittal 
of Sir Thomas, when they found their dwelling in an 
evil plight, the servants of Sir John Fogg§ and Lord 
Rivers having made havoc of whatever they pleased ; 
and this they had done at their town, as well as country 
residence. They seized on their jewels and plate, 
and chief merchandise in cloth of silk, and cloth of 

* This money was intended to pay an army the Queen was raising in 

f So called because she had invented the torture. 

% To this they also add that Cooke's wife was committed to the care of 
the present mayor. 

§ Sir John Fogg was under-treasurer. 



W. of Wor- 


arras, which, being discovered, came into the Treasurer's 

Cooke had, at an earlier period, been befriended by 
the Lady Margaret, the sister of King Edward ; but 
when she had quitted England, all these troubles fell 
heavily upon him.* 

Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, held Denbigh 
Castle, and other places in Wales, in 1459, in behalf of 
King Henry VI., his half-brother ; but in 1460, when 
the Yorkists were victorious, they wrested them from 
him. In the year 1468, this Earl of Pembroke re- 
turned with fifty followers, and but little money ; yet, 
when reinforced by 2,000 Welshmen, they boldly 
marched to the royal palace at Denbigh, which they 
plundered, and set on fire, and burnt the town. Their 
object appeared to be destruction rather than conquest. 
Upon the arrival, however, of Lord Herbert, in North 
Wales, with an army of 10,000 men, Jasper Tudor was 
defeated, and of the prisoners taken, twenty were be- 

The castle of Harlech still held out against Edward. 
Davydd ap Jevan ap Eynion, a British nobleman, who 
sided with the House of Lancaster, was still in posses- 
sion of this fortress. This governor, a man of great 
stature and dauntless courage, was a firm supporter of 
King Henry's cause ; and when Lord Herbert came, 
on the part of Edward, to summon him to surrender 
this castle, he gave a humorous reply, to this effect : 
" That having held out a castle in France, till all the 
" old women in Wales talked of him, he would now 
" defend his Welsh castle, till all the old women in 
" France should hear of it." 

To effect the reduction of this stronghold, King 
Edward had supplied Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, 

* Stow ; Baker ; W. of Worcester ; Maitland's London. 

f Dugdale's Baronage ; W. of Worcester ; Carte ; Rudland's Snowden. 


with a powerful body of men. They had to en- 
counter the greatest difficulties ; their march was truly 
formidable, lying through a rough, alpine territory. 
This rugged line was afterwards called " Le Her- 
bert," or " Herbert's Way," by which the castle was 

The prosecution of the siege was committed by the 
Earl to his brother, Sir Richard Herbert, a knight 
equal in prowess and valour to the commander of the 
castle. After a lengthened siege, beyond the ordinary 
duration, this fortress was found to be impregnable, 
and only to be reduced by famine. Then the general of 
the Yorkists entered into terms of honourable capitula- 
tion with Davydd, promising him safety and protection 
through his intercessions with the King. In this, how- 
ever, he was not successful at first, until he boldly 
offered his own life, and threatened to reinstate the 
Welsh hero in the fortress, informing King Edward of 
the difficulty of gaining possession of it.* 

William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, with his large 
army wasted and desolated the counties of Carnarvon 
and Merionethshire to the utmost, as the Welsh rhyme 
bears witness — 

" Hardleck a Duibeck pob dor 

Yn Cunnev 
" Nanconway yn farvor 
' ' Mil a pkedwarcant nae Jor 
" Athrugain ag wyth rhagor." 

" In Harleck and Duibeck every bouse 

" Was basely set on fire, 

" But poor Nantconwy suffered more, 

' ' For there the flames burnt higher ; 

" 'Twas in the year of our Lord 

' ' Fourteen hundred and sixty-eight, 

' ' That these unhappy towns of Wales 

" Met with such wretched fate." 

* Barry's Itinerary of Archbishop Baldwin through Wales ; Lewis's 
Topographical Dictionary of Wales ; Eudland's Journey to Snowden . 


In the castle of Harlech were taken Richard Tunstall r 
Henry Belingham, and William Stoke, knights, Whit- 
tinghain, and others, to the number of fifty persons. 
They were conveyed to London by Lord Herbert, and 
imprisoned in the Tower. Two of these, named 
Thomas Elwick and Trublote, were beheaded on Tower 
U68. When Queen Margaret learned the news of the im- 

prisonment of King Henry she was much distressed ; 
but, far from desponding, she only redoubled her solici- 
tations for help at the French Court. Rene had already 
given her all the assistance in his power. 

With only a small force, Margaret and her son, Prince 
Edward, passed through Normandy on their way to 
England ; for the Queen had resolved to make an 
attempt to rejoin her husband. Along with Prince 
Edward she visited the Abbey of Bee, situated nine 
leagues from Rouen, and stayed five days in that 
monastery, where they were received by Geofrey 
d'Espagne, surnamed Benedict, who is said to have 
presided over this abbey for twenty-four years, with 
the greatest wisdom and prudence. 

Queen Margaret afterwards pursued the road to 
Montfort, and thence to Honfleur, where she was to 

1 AGO 

w. of Wor- embark for England. This was about the end of 

cester. October, 1468. 

King Edward received intelligence at this time of 
the intention of Queen Margaret to invade England, 
and that with her son and some troops she lay at 
Honfleur, and he immediately sent out the Lords 
Scales and Montjoy with 5,000 men, in two large 
vessels, and with several galleys to guard the seas, and 
to prevent their landing. They were cruising up and 
down continually from the 25th of October until the 

* Sir John Wynne's Hist, of the Gweder Family ; Barry's Itinerary i 
Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Rudland's Snowden. 


end of November, when the rough weather drove them 
into the Isle of Wight, of which Lord Scales was the 

After this, it may be presumed that the Queen gave 
up her project. 

There was an insurrection in Yorkshire in the month gj^ 69 ' 
of October, 1469. This was generally attributed to j&ipath 

Rapin • 

the Marquis of Montague, and his brother, the Arch- Henry'; 
bishop of York; some historians say, it was preconcerted 
by the Earl of Warwick, who was preparing to assist 
in it, with his new son-in-law, the Duke of Clarence. 

This mutiny was raised by some persons who had 
been bribed to do it. They caused a report to be cir- 
culated that the funds, which were raised voluntarily 
to maintain an hospital at York, had been misapplied, 
and were only used to enrich the directors of the hos- 
pital ; that these contributions, which had in course of 
time become a kind of right, were not necessary, the 
hospital being sufficiently endowed. Upon this slight 
pretext, the people assembled to the number of 15,000, 
and, after killing some of the collectors, proceeded to 
York, having at their head Robert Holdern, or Hilyard, 
commonly called Robin of Riddesdale. 

Montague collected a body of citizens, and sallied 
forth to meet the insurgents ; he despatched a great 
many, and seized the chief, whom he ordered to be 
decapitated. This conduct would seem to remove any 
suspicion of the influence of Montague in raising this 
rebellion, but his subsequent behaviour bears a more 
decided character.")' 

Wlien the news of this insurrection reached King 
Edward, he instantly dismissed orders for Sir William 

* History of the Abbey of Bee ; W. of Worcester ; Bently's Excerpta 
Historica ; Female Worthies. 

f Howel ; Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Ridpath ; Allen's 
York ; Barante ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; Henry. 


Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, Governor of Wales, to 
assemble all the forces he could collect, and prepare to 
march. Still the King did not suspect his own brother, 
or the Earl of Warwick, although he could not doubt 
that these commotions were occasioned by some of the 
Lancastrian party. 
1469. The insurgents, not discouraged by their late failure, 

had again recourse to arms, and placed at their head 
Henry, son of Lord Fitzhugh, and Henry Neville, son of 
Lord Latimer ; one of these was a nephew, the other 
a cousin-german of the Earl of Warwick. These young 
commanders were guided by the experience of Sir 
John Conyers, a skilful warrior and a valiant man. 
This party at first proposed to get possession of York, 
but suddenly altered their minds and marched towards 
London. As they advanced they proclaimed " King 
Edward an unjust prince and an usurper." No 
motive could be assigned for the change in their course, 
and the affair of the hospital was altogether a pretext 
to assemble the people.* 

The Earl of Pembroke and his brother set out to 
meet the disaffected, whose numbers were increasing 
in their march to the metropolis. The forces of Pem- 
broke amounted to 10,000 men,*)" mostly Welshmen, 
and were joined by Lord Stafford, with a reinforcement 
of 800 archers. The insurgents first gained a slight 
advantage over a detachment headed by Sir Richard 
Herbert, the brother of Lord Pembroke, who had been 
dismissed to reconnoitre. The King exhorted Pembroke 
not to be disheartened by so inconsiderable a loss, and 
promised that he would join him with a large army. 

The rebels, meanwhile, fearing to meet King Ed- 
ward's army, resolved to withdraw to Warwick, but 

* Howel ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Bidpath. ; Allen's York ; Bapin ; Lingard ; 
Hume ; Henry. 

f Stow says 18,000; Baker 7,000. 


were prevented doing so, by Pembroke, who, to revenge 
himself, marched towards them, and compelled them to' 

The two armies encamped near each other upon 
Danesmoor, near Hedgecote, about four miles from 
Banbury. The battle which ensued has been variously 
called by the name of Hedgecote, Banbury, or Cots- 
wold, and took place on the 26th of July, 1469. 1469. 
Before its commencement, a quarrel arose between the TopKs ; 
Earl of Pembroke and Lord Stafford about quarters, q™*™. 
and the latter deserted during the night with his 800 i^gard 
archers. The rebels, having received news of this 
defection, resolved to take advantage of it, and on the 
following morning, at break of day, they advanced in 
good order to attack the royalists. Henry Neville, one 
of the commanders, eagerly seeking to engage the 
enemy, lest they should endeavour to withdraw, was 
sharply encountered, taken prisoner, and put to death 
in cold blood. Irritated almost to fury by this bar- 
barity, these northern adherents rushed impetuously 
upon their enemies, who seemed on the point of victory, 
when one John Clapham, a servant of the Earl of 
Warwick, joining in with 500 men, set up a cry of a 
Warwick ! a Warwick ! and then displayed the colours 
of this nobleman, with the white bear and the ragged 
staff, which, the Welshmen perceiving, they took to 
flight, believing the Earl had himself come. In spite 
of the heroism of Sir Richard Herbert, whose conduct 
that day has been highly commended, the Yorkists 
were completely routed. The Earl of Pembroke * and 
his brother, while valiantly fighting, were encompassed 
and taken prisoners. They were conveyed to Banbury, 
and, with ten other gentlemen, had their heads struck 
off to avenge the death of Henry Neville. 

Their judges were Sir John Conyers and John 

* Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, had been newly created to this title. 


Clapharo ; but some tell us that they were beheaded by 
command of the Duke of Clarence and the Earl of 

After this signal victory, the insurgents continued 
their march to Warwick, where they were joyfully 
received by the Earl of Warwick.* 

King Edward was justly enraged against Lord 
Stafford for his desertion of Pembroke from a light 
quarrel, and for thus having caused the late defeat. 
He gave orders for his public execution, which took 
place in the town of Bridge water. This Earl bore the 
disgraceful title of " an Earl of three months' standing 
1469 and no more."")" A few days after the battle of 
Bidpath. Banbury, the people of Northamptonshire assembled in 
great numbers, and, joining the rebels, proceeded in a 
tumultuous manner to Grafton House, the seat of the 
Earl of Rivers, the father of the Queen. They seized 
this nobleman and his son, and brought them to North- 
ampton, where they were both beheaded in the most 
summary manner. J 

After these proceedings, it is surprising that King 
Edward did not discover that the Earl of Warwick 
was the real author of these insurrections. He was 
well aware that he was the sworn enemy of the Earl 
of Rivers, and the insurgents had been willingly 
received into the town of "Warwick ; yet the King, 
although acquainted with the Earl's discontent, and 
that of his brother, the Archbishop, did not at this 
time suspect them. 

The citizens of Warwick acted, doubtless, by com- 

* Sandf ord ; Stow ; Baker : Pol. Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ; Toplis : 
Howel ; Ridpatli ; London Chron. ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Hume ; Henry - r 
Paston Letters. 

f Stow : Milles's Catalogue ; Lingard ; Rapin ; Paston Letters ; Hume ; 
Ridpath ; Baker ; Henry. 

J Sandf ord : Stow : Baker ; Ridpatli : Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Barante ; 
Bentley's Excerpta Historica ; Fabyan. 


pulsion in favouring the Earl's party ; but this conduct 
was afterwards severely visited with the displeasure 
of the King, who deprived them of their privileges, 
and made them pay 500 marks to recover them.* 

In proof how little King Edward suspected his 
brother Clarence and the Earl of Warwick, when 
they again re-appeared in England, (supposed to have 
been in the month of February, 1470,) he employed 1470. 
them soon afterwards to levy troops against the rebels. Hume.' 
This commission they executed, but only for their own 
purposes ; and the forces they raised were afterwards 
employed to augment the army of the rebels. 

King Edward, meanwhile, thinking that the design 
of Warwick and Clarence was to fly into Ireland, 
issued a proclamation forbidding the Irish to obey 
the Duke, and commanding them to take him prisoner, 
as well as the Earl of AVarwick, should it be in their 
power. As a reward for this service, he offered an 
annuity of £1,000, or £10,000 in ready money. He 
also conferred the government of Ireland upon the 
Earl of Worcester. 

After this, King Edward proceeded to levy troops 
in all those counties which acknowledged his au- 
thority. In a similar manner, the Earl of Warwick 
and Clarence had been employed, and when they 
received intelligence that the King was upon his 
march, they united their forces with those of the 
rebels, and when Edward reached them he found 
them prepared for battle.")" 

The power of the Nevilles was most formidable in 
the north, for, as Wardens of the Marches, they had 
successively inherited an office which gave great 
influence, first to the Earl of Westmoreland, to his son 

* Pennant ; Hume ; Lingard ; Rapin ; John Fordum ; Scoti Chronicon. 
f Ridpath ; Rapin ; Hume ; Villaret. 


Salisbury, and then to the Earl of Warwick, whose 
brother, John Neville, lastly succeeded, being raised 
to this dignity on the ruins of the Percy family. This 
John Neville was also, at that time, President of York- 
shire, and his brother George being Archbishop of 
York, the three brothers became in effect masters of 
the most warlike part of the kingdom. King Edward 
afterwards adopted the policy of reducing the great 
authority of these noblemen, who, although they had 
been his friends, were powerful enough to act against 
1469. Soon after the rebellion in Yorkshire, the King, 

aiiS? ; *° e ff" ec t this object, received the fealty of Henry 
York. Percy, the son and heir of the Earl of Northumber- 
land, who, fighting for the Lancastrians, had fallen 
in the battle of Towton. From the time of this battle 
Henry Percy had been detained a prisoner in the 
Tower ; but, on his swearing fealty to the King, he 
was immediately liberated, and went to his residence 
at Leckonfield. 

The gentry and people of Northumberland also 
petitioned King Edward to restore Henry Percy to the 
estates and honours of his ancestors, which, being 
effected, he received, in addition to the title of his 
ancestors, the AYardenship of the East and Middle 
Marches, which John Neville resigned, being pro- 
moted to the higher title of Marquis of Montague. 
Of these appointments Montague would never have 
consented to be deprived, merely for an empty title, 
had not other inducements been held out to gratify 
his ambition ; but King Edward, seeking to attach 
him to himself, and alienate him from his brother's 
interests, had previously signified his intention to 
unite his eldest daughter, then apparent heir to the 
crown, to George, the only son of the Marquis of 
Montague, who was male heir of all the three Nevilles, 


and upon whom he conferred the dignity of Duke of 

During the late internal commotions King Edward 
must have felt his crown somewhat insecure, the 
insurgents being numerous in those places where he had 
fixed his quarters. On this account, while he was at 
Fotheringay, being alarmed at their numbers, the 
Wydvilles had withdrawn from the army, and retired 
to their country places. 

At Newark the disaffection was so great that the W6. 
King fled to the castle of Nottingham, from whence Letters, 
he wrote to request Clarence, Warwick, and the Arch- 
bishop to hasten to him there, with their usual at- 
tendants in time of peace. To Warwick his note 
conveyed these significant words : " And we do not 
" believe that ye should be of any such disposition 
"towards us, as the rumour here runneth, considering 
" the trust and affection we bear you. And, cousin, 
" do not think but ye shall be to us welcome. "| 

In obedience to this summons the Earl of Warwick, 
the Duke of Clarence, and the Archbishop repaired to 
King Edward, whom they found at Olney, in great 
distress at the defeat of Pembroke and the murder 
of the Wydvilles, as well as the desertion of his 
adherents. He freely told them his suspicions and 
displeasure ; but, though he was deceived at first by 
their expressions of respect, he quickly perceived his 
imprudence ; finding himself actually in their power, 
he accepted their excuses, which it would not have 
been safe to refuse. The few who had supported him 
dispersed, by permission of Warwick. By his com- 
mand also the insurgents withdrew to their houses, 
laden with booty, and King Edward accompanied the 
two brothers to Warwick as their prisoner. He was 

* Ridpath ; Stow ; Rot. Pari. ; Allen's York ; Paston Letters ; Lingard. 
f Paston Letters ; Lingard. 


soon after removed, for greater security, to Middleharn 
Castle, and entrusted to the care of the Archbishop of 

By some writers, however, we are informed that 
King Edward was surprised by the Earl of Warwick 
in the night, and taken in his bed, at a place called 
Woolney, four miles from Berwick ; but these authors 
all agree that he was conveyed to Middleharn, and 
placed in the custody of the Archbishop. 
i4<39. England exhibited at this period the novel spectacle 

of two rival monarchs, each of them a prisoner, the 
one in the Tower of London, the other in York- 
shire. 5 * 

Thus terminated the war, for the two victorious 
Lords, trusting in their good fortune, disbanded their 
forces. They next turned their attention to affairs of 
government, yet they did not evince any anxiety to 
restore King Henry, and whatever their inten- 
tions might have been, they were unexpectedly de- 

While in the custody of the Archbishop of York, 
King Edward conducted himself in so affable and 
obliging a manner, that he prevailed on that prelate to 
permit him the liberty of occasionally hunting in the 
park, attended by only a few persons. 

Having thus far succeeded in the design he had 
formed, Edward next conveyed, by means of one of 
his keepers, a letter to two of his adherents, who 
dwelt in that neighbourhood, to whom he made known 
a means of aiding him in his release. 

These gentlemen, who were delighted to serve the 
King in this affair, privately assembled their friends, 
and, lying in ambush near the park, seized the oppor- 

* Sandford ; Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Hall ; Stow ; Howel ; Paston 
Letters ; Pol. Vergil ; Allen's York ; Lingard ; Sharon Turner ; Eapin ; 
Barante : Cont. Hist. Croyland. 


tunity while King Edward was out on his diversion, to 
carry him off. 

King Edward having thus regained his freedom, 
proceeded instantly to York. In this city he did not 
long remain, perhaps not confiding in its fidelity, but 
hastened into Lancashire, where he was joined by 
Lord Hastings, his High Chamberlain, with some 
troops. Taking a circuitous route in order to elude 
the Earl of Warwick, Edward went to London, where 
he was readily admitted by the citizens, to the great 
astonishment of the Earl, who, little expecting such 
a circumstance, had not provided for the defence of 
the place.* He could hardly forbear suspecting the 
Archbishop, his brother, of having yielded to bribery, 
so much was he amazed at his want of discretion ; but 
Warwick had no time now to arraign him, being com- 
pelled to reassemble his forces with the utmost expe- 
dition, to meet the King in battle. 

Edward also raised an army with great exertions. 
Meanwhile, some of the most pacific of the Lords at- 
tempted a mediation between the two parties ; but this 
failed, although at first it was acceded to; and when a 
conference was held at Westminster, the King and 
his opponents, Clarence and Warwick, spent the time 
in mutual reproaches, tending to widen the breach 
between them.f 

After this, King Edward allowed the Archbishop to 1470. 
remain at his seat, The Moor, in Hertfordshire, but Letter! 
left some of his own servants with him to watch him. 
He treated the Earl of Oxford in the same manner. 

Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, and his relatives 
about this time landed in Devonshire, and there 
obtained some power. 

* Stow ; Baker ; Hall ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Allen's 
York ; Comines ; Rot. Pari, 
t Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin. 
vol. 11. R 


In the North there were also so many in arms, that 
Percv was unable to resist them, and King Edward 
purposed to assist him. 

Some conferences were held at this time at Barnard's 

Castle, under the mediation of Cecily, Duchess of 

York, the King's mother, and a reconciliation was 

effected between King Edward, the Earl of Warwick 

and his party : but it proved altogether insincere.* 

The Duke of Clarence and the Earl of Warwick 
repaired to Lincoln, where they assembled their forces, 
under the command of Sir Robert Wells, son of Lord 
Wells. This family having great interest in Lincolnshire, 
the people readily collected under their leader, who 
was a man of valour and experience, and as they 
sought to arouse the gentry and people to join their 
standard, they everywhere proclaimed " King Henry ! " 

On being informed that Sir Robert Wells had taken 
up arms against him, King Edward sent an express to 
Lord Wells to appear at Court immediately, intending 
to compel him to use his influence with his son to induce 
him to abandon the rebels. Lord Wells, however, 
having reached London, learnt that the King was greatly 
enraged against his son, and fearing to meet him, took 
sanctuary in Westminster Abbey ; but when King 
Edward sent him a safe conduct he immediately 
appeared before him, and, in compliance with this 
1470. monarch's wishes, he wrote to his son to prevail on 
stow. Yiim to desert the Earl of Warwick and dismiss his 
followers. Youno; Wells refused to obey these com- 
mands, which so much incensed the King that he 
ordered Lord Wells to be beheaded, together with his 
brother-in-law, Sir Thomas Dymock, who had accom- 
panied him.f A summons was then sent to Sir 

* Lingard ; Paston Letters ; Stow. 

t Stow ; Baker ; Howel ; Pol. Vergil ; Lingard ; Henry ; Rapin ; Fabyan ; 


Robert Wells, from whom the King received the 
indignant reply " that he never would trust the per- 
" fidy of the man who had murdered his parent." 

It has been alleged, in excuse for King Edward's 
cruelty, that he suspected these noblemen of con- 
niving at the proceedings of his enemies ; nor was 
he mistaken, for these unfortunate persons acknow- 
ledged, in their last moments, that they had been 
encouraged in their rebellion by Clarence and 

This act of cruelty was, nevertheless, very injurious 
to the reputation of King Edward.* 

Young Wells, when he heard the news of his 
father's death, was inspired with so violent a thirst 
for revenge that it occasioned his ruin, and was of 
great prejudice to the Earl of Warwick. 

Sir Robert Wells was encamped near Stamford, 
whither the King's troops had advanced, with intent 
to come to an engagement before Clarence and War- 
wick could bring him succour. Wells would have 
withdrawn to Stamford, but his impatience to revenge 
his father's death, made him run all hazards rather 
than retreat. He fought with great valour while 
supported by his followers, 30,000 in number, and at 
length, finding himself defeated, he urged his enemies 
to take his life, but this they refused to do, reserving 
him for an ignominious death, a few days after, on 
the scaffold. Lord Willoughby was also beheaded at 
Doncaster, and several knights and gentlemen were 
put to the most barbarous and ignominious death by 
command of Lord Worcester, who was High Constable 
at this time. 

This battle, which took place on the 13th of March, wo. 
1470, was fought at Ernpyngham, in a field called TopS- 
' Home Felde," about five miles north-west of Stam- Howei- 

* Lingard ; Rapin ; Henry. 

r 2 


Hume; ford, near the road to York, and it still retains the 

Liters; name of " Bloody Oaks." Some of the Lancastrians, 

L\nSA wnen Ay m o f rom the field, threw off their coats, that 

they might not be encumbered by their weight in 

their flight ; and this occurred in a field which, from 

this circumstance, has, by tradition, been erroneously 

considered as the place of the engagement, and thence 

this was called the battle of " Loose-coat-field." * The 

victory was decisive for King Edward, and 10,000 of 

his enemies were slain, f 

1470. The King was prevented by want of provisions 

from following after Warwick and Clarence, who, with 

their adherents, had gone to Manchester, to solicit the 

aid of Lord Stanley, who had married the sister of 


A proclamation was now issued by King Edward 
against the rebellious party, enumerating their offences, 
and exhorting them to return to their duty within a 
certain time. 

The King assured them, that, if they would vindicate 
themselves he would admit their justification with 
pleasure ; and if not, he should still remember that 
they were allied to him by blood, and had been once 
numbered amongst his dearest friends. 

The measures of Clarence and Warwick had been 
interrupted by the defeat at Ernpyngham, and they 
were hardly prepared to meet the King, when he 
might be on the road to attack them. They found 
that they had no alternative but to screen themselves 
by flight, and accordingly they proceeded rapidly to 
Exeter, taking with them the Countess of Warwick 

* This field, called " Loosecoat Field," was between Stamford and Little 
Casterton : perhaps they were here closely pursued by the enemy. This 
battle is sometimes called the battle of Stamford. 

f Sandford ; Toplis ; Baker ; Stow ; Howel ; Blore's Rutland ; Pol. 
Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ; London Chron. ; Paston Letters ; Hume ; 
Lingard : Henry ; Rapin. 


and her two daughters. Here they arrived on the 
3rd of April, 1470, but only stayed while shipping 147 °- 
was provided for them, when they embarked at Dart- 
mouth, and sailed to Calais. 

Meanwhile, King Edward, with all speed, had mus- 
tered his forces, consisting of 40,000 men, and fol- 
lowed to the city of Exeter, which he reached on the 
14th of April, but too late to overtake his adversaries. 
He had with him the Bishop of Ely, the Dukes of 
Norfolk and Suffolk, the Earls of Arundell, Wiltshire, 
Worcester, and Shrewsbury, Lord Hastings and others. 
The Mayor and four hundred citizens gave the King 
a most gracious reception ; clad in red gowns (the 
city livery), they assembled at the south gate, await- 
ing his arrival. The Recorder, in a humble oration, 
congratulated his coming ; the Mayor, yielding the 
keys of the gates and mace of his office, with them 
presented a purse of one hundred nobles in gold, which 
was thankfully accepted by Edward, who restored the 
keys and mace. The Mayor then, bare-headed, bore 
the mace through the city, as he conducted his sove- 
reign to his lodging. King Edward on the next day, 
being Palm Sunday, attended divine service in the 
church of St. Peter, and afterwards went in procession, 
according to the custom of the day, round the church- 
yard, " to the great joy and comfort of all the people." 
Three davs after Kino; Edward returned to London. 

The Earl of Warwick's design was to return to 
Calais, where he had left Vaucleir, deputy Lieutenant, 
in his absence. He trusted much in the fidelity of 
this person ; but what was his astonishment when, 
upon his approach to Calais, he was fired upon from 
that town ! 

He sought to move Vaucleir by representing the 
situation of the Duchess of Clarence, who had just 
given birth to a son ; but, in return, Warwick could 


olny procure from liim some wine for the relief of his 
daughter. This was sent by a trusty messenger, who 
informed the Earl, that Vaucleir was still attached to 
his service, but was compelled to act thus, because had 
he permitted the Earl to enter Calais, he would not 
have been safe there ; and he added, also, assurances 
of his future fidelity. 

King Edward, being ignorant of the motives for 
this conduct, was so gratified by it, that he made Vau- 
cleir Governor of Calais, and the Duke of Burgundy 
voluntarily added the annual pension of 1000 crowns. 

Thus repulsed at Calais, the Earl and his party 
landed at Dieppe, and proceeded to Honfleur, in Nor- 
mandy, where they were kindly and hospitably received 
by the French Admiral, the bastard of Bourbon, who 
provided good accommodation for the ladies and their 
attendants at Valongis, and conducted the Earl of 
Warwick, the Duke of Clarence, Jasper Tudor, Earl 
of Pembroke, and John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, to 
the court of Louis, at Amboise, where the French 
King gave them a cordial reception.* 

Louis XL had beheld with a jealous eye the strict 
alliance formed between King Edward and the Duke 
of Burgundy ; he also still harboured the desire of 
revenging the affront he had received in the affair of 
King Edward's marriage, and he now found it would 
be to his interest to oppose both these powers. He 
was likewise offended at the assistance given by the 
English monarch to the Duke of Brittany, and he 
feared that, should the former remain on the throne, 
his protection would be readily procured by the French 
Princes, whom he was anxious to subjugate. These 

* Philip de Comines ; Paston Letters ; Ryrner ; Baker ; Monfaucon • 
Rot. Pari. ; Henry ; Monstrelet ; London Chron. ; Pol. Vergil ; Hume ; 
Holinshed ; Villaret ; Jean de Troye ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Chastellain ; 


various motives induced Louis, not only to treat the 
English nobles with civility, but also to promise them 
his assistance in rekindling the civil war in England. 
It is not improbable that he might even have pre- 
viously concerted measures with Warwick for that 
purpose, especially as he hoped that, by raising fresh 
troubles in England, he might prevent Edward's inter- 
fering in his affairs. 

It was no easy task which the King of France had 
at this time undertaken. His object was to effect a 
reconciliation between two of the most bitter enemies 
that perhaps ever existed, namely, Queen Margaret of 
Anjou, and the Earl of Warwick. 

The Earl regarded Margaret as his mortal foe ; yet 
this Queen had even more just cause for resentment, 
since she might attribute to Warwick her greatest 

Queen Margaret had been residing for some time H ^ 47 °- 
with her father, the King of Sicily, at Angers, having Monstreiet. 
her son with her, when the messenger of Louis XL 
arrived, with orders, to conduct King Rene, his daugh- 
ter, Queen Margaret, and her son, Prince Edward, 
to the court at Amboise.* The summons was readily 
obeyed. The King of France sought to induce Queen 
Margaret to comply with the terms of the Earl of 
Warwick, but great was his astonishment to find she 
objected firmly, even to the very first article. 

Margaret of Anjou was unfortunate, an exile, and 
beheld all her hopes blighted ; yet was she high- 
minded, resolute, and resentful. She had been de- 
throned by the Earl of Warwick, and could not forgive 
him or feel confidence in him, neither could she suffer 
herself to be governed by him. 

Three conditions were required by the Earl. First, 

* Stow ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Jean de Troye ; Sharon Turner ; Lingard : 
Henry; Monfaucon ; Chastellain ; Monstreiet; Baranbe ; Villaret. 


a complete pardon from the Queen and her son ; 
secondly, that Prince Edward should marry his 
younger daughter, Anne ; and thirdly, that she 
should send a strong army to England to support her 

To the first point the Queen made reply to the 
King, in the presence of the Duke of Guienne and 
many others, that she could not, consistently with her 
own and her son's honour, pardon the man who had 
been the chief cause of the downfall of the King, her 
husband, herself, and her son, and that, from her 
heart, she could never forgive him, or be reconciled 
to him. 

She declared that it would be prejudicial to their 
interests to join with the Earl, having many adherents 
who would desert her, should she enter into such a 
treaty, which might cause more hindrance to their 
cause than the union of the Earl and his followers 
might advantage them ; wherefore she entreated the 
King to desist from urging this alliance. 

This refusal, although dictated by resentment, was 
dignified and consistent. Never did Queen Margaret 
upon her throne exhibit the lofty superiority of her 
character so much as she did in rejecting these pro- 
posals of the Earl of Warwick. 

When the Queen's disdainful answers were conveyed 
to the mortified Earl, he acknowledged that he had 
deserved them; but in excuse he said, that King Henry 
and his Queen, influenced by evil counsels, had sought 
his destruction and that of his party, without cause ; 
he urged that, by their ill-treatment of him, they had 
furnished him with sufficient motive to labour for their 
injury ; and finally, he justified his conduct as being 
that of an injured and persecuted nobleman. He 
acknowledged that he had been the means of placing 
King Edward upon the throne, but that his treatment 


of him had been such that he would now, with all his 
might, labour for his dethronement and banishment ; 
and then, beseeching the Queen and Prince to believe 
him and forgive him that which in time past he had 
done against them, he offered himself to be bound to 
be their true and faithful subject in time to come, and 
required of Louis to be his surety;; for the fulfilment 
of this promise. 

To this the King of France readily agreed, and he 
also "prayed the Queen at his request to pardon the 
" Earl of Warwick," representing to her " the great 
" love which he had unto him," and "that he was more 
"bound and beholden to this Earl than to any other 
" man, and therefore would do as much and more for 
" him than for any man living." After the Queen had 
been thus required by the King, many were the treaties 
and interviews which took place with her relatives, and 
the servants of her father, King Rene ; yet Margaret 
continued to resist these importunities. She could not 
forget the wrongs she had experienced from this Earl, 
who now sought her friendship. She could only think 
of him as the Earl of Warwick who had deprived her 
husband of his throne, and exalted his own friend, the 
Yorkist, to the regal power. She dwelt on his personal 
treatment of her beloved lord, the meek King Henry, 
with such insult and .contempt at the time when he 
conducted him to the Tower of London, where he had 
since remained a prisoner. Then, again, the Queen 
remembered that when flying from England with her 
beloved son, she had to endure all the obloquy cast 
upon the birth of this child by the same Earl of War- 
wick, who, from some political motive, chose to declare, 
in the most public manner, that he was not the 
King's son, and thus traduced the character of Margaret 

At length, through the united persuasions of her 


father's friends and others, the Queen yielded a reluct- 
ant consent to the request of Louis ; but this was con- 
ditionally, that Warwick should publicly, before kings 
and princes, declare that he had sworn falsely and 
injuriously of her person, and that he should do the 
same in England and also before all the people, all 
which the Earl of Warwick promised to fulfil. Then 
the Earl came to Queen Margaret, and falling on his 
knees before her, said all that could touch her, and 
prayed humbly for her mercy and pardon. To all this 
the Queen would scarcely reply, although the proud 
Earl knelt to her a quarter of an hour ; but at last she 
pardoned him, as did her son also. After that, they 
pardoned also the Earl of Oxford, who came with 
Warwick ; and the Queen said to him, " that his 
"pardon was easy to purchase, for she well knew how 
"he and his friend had suffered for King Henry's 
"quarrels." Finally, it was agreed that Warwick 
should go to England, taking with him supplies from 

Queen Margaret still continued resolute in refusings 
her consent to the projected marriage, saying that it 
was neither honourable nor profitable, for herself, nor 
for the young prince her son. Again, she would assert 
that she could, if she desired it, find another alliance 
more advantageous, showing the King of France a 
letter she had but just received from England, in which 
" my lady the princess," the daughter of King Edward, 
was offered to her son. Thus, during fifteen days 
King Louis perseveringly supported the Earl of War- 
wick, while the haughty Queen endured a severe con- 
flict. At last, overcome by the importunities of all 
around her, she gave a qualified consent to the marriage, 
but required the throne to be Anne's dower. 

It was finally determined that this lady should be 
placed under the care of Queen Margaret, and that the 


marriage should not be completed until the Earl had 
with a large army invaded England, and had restored 
King Henry to the throne. 

The Earl of Warwick assured the King of France 
that he had letters from England promising him that 
when he landed he would have ready for his service an 
army of 50,000 men. He required only a few troops, 
ships, and money of the French King ; and he proved 
that he was, by his own means, providing 2,000 French 
archers, and provisions for 66,000 men. Astonishing 
as this appears at first, it will seem less surprising and 
improbable, when we consider how much the Earl of 
Warwick had always been the favourite of the people. 
Every popular ballad contained his praises, every 
pageant or public exhibition made allusion to his 
virtues and misfortunes, and his exile had made him 
even more idolized than before ; nay, it was " as if 
" the populace had lost their sun, when he was 
" absent." 

When the Earl of Warwick first resolved to dethrone 
King Edward, it was not his intention to restore his 
rival, but to place the Duke of Clarence on the throne. 
He found this plan, however, to be impracticable, being 
equally opposed to the interests of the Yorkists and of 
the Lancastrians ; he therefore adopted the suggestion 
of Louis XL, and determined to restore King Henry, in 
which project all parties would be disposed to render 
him assistance. The hatred which had rankled in the 
breast of Warwick against King Edward, with the in- 
dignities he had received from him, added to his present 
unfortunate situation, obliterated the remembrance of 
the injuries he had previously experienced from the 
Lancastrians, and especially from Queen Margaret, by 
whose orders his father had been executed. Finding 
therefore the need of a plausible pretext for the de- 
thronement of Edward, no other offered so effective as 


the restoration of Henry ; but in this enterprise the 
Queen's assistance appeared to the Earl to be essen- 
tially requisite, and it became their mutual interest to 
lay aside their animosity. The joy of Louis was great 
in the success of his endeavours to reconcile these two 
mortal foes, and in the prospect of restoring the Lan- 
castrian dynasty. This monarch had also another 
cause for infinite satisfaction in the birth of an heir 
to his throne, which he had earnestly desired. It was 
during the stay of Queen Margaret at Amboise that the 
Queen of France gave birth to a son. This infant was 
1470. born on the 30th of June, 1470, at the castle of Am- 
boise, and received the name of Charles when baptized 
by the Archbishop of Lyons, who was his godfather. 
The other sponsor was Edward, Prince of Wales, 
and the godmother was the Duchess of Bourbon. 
Queen Margaret also was present at this ceremony, 
which was succeeded by public fetes, prolonged to 
commemorate the arrival of the royal infant.* 

After this, the noble company who had been as- 
sembled by the King of France at Amboise to meet 
the Earl of Warwick and others, all repaired to Angers, 
to complete the contract entered into. In this fine 
city, the birthplace of King Rene, the English exiles 
were joyfully welcomed by the inhabitants, who rejoiced 
at the prospect that the daughter of their sovereign 
would be again restored to her kingdom. " They 
" provided them all right willingly," says Bourdigne, 
"the choicest wines, the rarest meats, and every de- 
" lightful pastime; so that the English were well content, 
" and thought no place in the world like Angers." 
Here they seem to have stayed some time ; and while 
they tarried, the Earl of Warwick took oath upon the 
cross, in St. Mary's church in Angers, that he would 
faithfully hold to the party and quarrel of King Henry, 

* Jean de Troye ; Monstrelet ; Monfaucon. 


and as a true and loyal subject serve him, the Queen, 
and the prince. Also, " the King of France and his 
" brother, clothed in canon's robes in the said church 
" of St. Mary, sware that they would help, bear and 
" sustain to their power, the said Earl of Warwick hold- 
" ing the said quarrel of Henry. After this, the said 
" Queen sware, and promised from henceforth to treat 
"the said Earl as true and faithful to King Henry 
" here, and the prince, and for the deeds passed never 
"hereafter to make him reproach." 

Many other points were also at this time spoken of 
relating to the treaty of marriage, and finally all the 
parties agreed to these terms ; viz., that the Earl of 
Warwick and the Duke of Clarence should endeavour 
to their utmost to restore King Henry to the throne ; 
that Queen Margaret should engage by oath to permit 
them to conduct the affairs of government during the 
King's lifetime ; and that the same arrangement should 
continue during the minority of the prince, his son, 
should Henry die before he came of age ; lastly, to 
confirm this, that the Prince of Wales should be married 
to Anne, the younger daughter of the Earl of Warwick. 
This alliance was required by the Earl in the month of 
July, 1470, and at that time refused by Margaret ; 
and it has been doubted by many, that the marriage 
took place before Warwick left France. In the month 
of August, however, the Queen gave her consent to 
this union, as an additional contract only, and not for its 
solemnization ; indeed, there is no contemporary account 
of its celebration at Angers, where most historians 
assert that it actually took place immediately. If this 
were the case, we may infer that the scruples of the 
Queen were at last overcome, and that she deemed the 
marriage to be expedient under her adverse circum- 

There appears to be much presumptive evidence in 


the absence of the records of this marriage to prove, 
that it really was celebrated at Angers. The presence 
in this city of the royal family of France, together with 
the relatives of Queen Margaret, the engagement of 
the Duke of Guienne to aid the Lancastrian cause, and 
his approval of the marriage of Prince Edward to the 
daughter of the Earl, which was signed by the Duke 

1470. on the 30th of July, 1470,* seem to point to this union 
as called for and urgent, because confirming the com- 
pact entered into by all parties. The Earl of Warwick 
did not quit France until the autumn, and on the 6th 
of October released King Henry from his prison and 
replaced him on the throne. Perhaps the Earl tamed 
at Angers to witness the espousals to which the Queen 
still felt so repugnant : it might possibly be that 
Warwick had his private opinion or hope of one day 
seeing his daughter with the prince mount the throne, 
and therefore the marriage must be completed. 

By this union the Duke of Clarence became the 

1470 brother-in-law of Prince Edward, and the Earl of 
c<mt. Hist. Warwick equally allied to the Houses of York and 

Croyland. 1 J . 

Lancaster. We are told by some writers, that " after 
"these nuptials Clarence and Warwick took a solemn 
" oath never to cease from war until King Henry or 
" his son should be established on the throne. In like 
" manner, all the adherents of this party professed, 
" and engaged, speedily and faithfully to observe and 
" execute the compact of their leaders. Then was 
" confidence and satisfaction restored to all, being 
" confirmed to future ages by the marriage of the prince 
" and the Lady Anne." 

In this contract made at Angers, it was resolved 
also that should the young prince die without heirs the 
crown should devolve on the Duke of Clarence. A 
perpetual alliance was likewise made between Eng- 

* This document is still preserved in the British Museum. 


land and France, and a league offensive which should 
last until the subjugation of the House of Burgundy.* 

The new arrangements were not satisfactory to the 
Duke of Clarence, who was secretly discontented ; nor 
was his Duchess better pleased, having the expecta- 
tion of beholding her younger sister advanced to the 
throne, while she would thus remain only a subject. 

King Edward received information of the league 
which had been formed against him, from the Duke of 
Burgundy ; but believing that Warwick had fled for 
want of friends to support him, he did not think that 
he could so suddenly rise into favour, neither did he 
concern himself about the preparations which they 
were making in France. Kelying on the affections of 
his people, and neglecting affairs of importance, he 
resigned himself to effeminate and voluptuous plea- 
sures. He could not, however, help feeling uneasy at 
beholding his brother, the Duke of Clarence, united 
with his enemies, and fearing it might in time produce 
fatal consequences, he endeavoured to wean him back 
to his former allegiance. 

For this purpose he gave instructions to one of the 
women belonging to the Duchess of Clarence, whom 
he bribed to act this part, and giving her a passport, 
dismissed her to her mistress. This woman acted 
with much address, and, fortunately for King Edward, 
she was successful. When she reached her mistress, 
she conveyed to the Duke of Clarence the sentiments 
of the King, his brother, viz., that he would inevitably 
involve himself in ruin by the step he had just taken ; 
that, even should the Earl of Warwick succeed in his 
designs, it could not be expected that the Lancastrians 

* Chastellain ; Cont. Hist. Croyland ; Stow ; Hall ; Baker ; Toplis ; Pol 
Vergil ; Jean de Troye ; Milles's Catalogue ; Comines ; Baudier ; Daniel ; 
Paston Letters ; Rapin ; Monfaucon ; Villaret ; Monstrelet ; Lingard ; 
Hume ; Henry ; Sharon Turner. 


would trust a prince of the House of York, when they 
should perceive that he was no longer useful. That 
his life would not be safe ; that he ought not to relv on 

J CD xi 

the oath of the Queen, which might be only intended 
to ensnare him. That he might expect to be oppressed 
by Warwick, who would wish to despatch him, not 
liking an associate in the government, and expecting 
that he might one day seek to revenge the injuries 
done to his family ; also, that the King had but one 
daughter, who was very young, and in case of her 
death, he would inherit the crown ; but should the 
House of Lancaster be restored, he would lose that 
prospect, as Prince Edward might have many children. 
Other arguments were added, with assurances of affec- 
tion, and of future kindness from King Edward. 
Clarence was won over by this reasoning, and per- 
ceived the folly of his conduct. He bade the woman 
inform his brother that he would declare for him, on 
the first opportunity for doing so with safety, and of 
thereby rendering him any service.* 

Having received this reply, King Edward made 
himself quite easy, believing that the Earl of Warwick 
would attempt nothing without the aid of his son-in- 
law ; but while he thus amused himself in fancied secu- 
rity, Warwick was making very great preparations for 
a descent upon England. To forward this enterprise 
the King of France had supplied him with money and 
troops, and, as an old author expresses it, " Eene also 
" helped the same what he might." 

All the Lancastrian adherents and friends were in- 
formed of the Earl's project, and he could not doubt of 
being joined by a strong party when he should arrive 
upon the English coast. f His attempt was difficult. 

* Baker ; Stow ; Eapin ; Lingard ; Philip de Comines ; Daniel ; Henry ; 

f Pol. Vergil ; Comines ; Eapin ; Morstrelet : Lingard. 


The fleet of the Duke of Burgundy lay at the mouth 
of the Seine, prepared to engage the French whenever 
they set sail. Louis had appointed the Bastard of 
Bourbon to convey the Earl of Warwick with some 
ships of war ; but as these could not encounter a much 
larger force, the Earl repaired to Havre de Grace to 
watch an opportunity for embarking. Shortly after a 
great storm dispersed the Flemish ships, and compelled 
them to seek for shelter in their harbours. Warwick 
and Clarence then set sail, and safely arrived at Dart- 
mouth in Devonshire ; from which place they had 
departed for France, four or five months before. Be- 
sides these two chiefs, there were of this party, the 
Earl of Oxford, Fauconbridge, Jasper Earl of Pem- 
broke, and others, some of whom landed at Plymouth. 

When the Earl of Warwick reached England he 
immediately dismissed a body of his partisans two 
miles up the country to seize an English baron, who 
was peaceably asleep in his bed, and quite unsuspect- 
ing the new invasion. He was brought into the pre- 
sence of Warwick, who commanded that he should be 
instantly decapitated. Such was the summary ven- 
geance of these times.* 

King Edward, far from being alarmed at the arrival 14 '°- 
of his enemies, evinced much satisfaction, not dreaming 
of the Earl's success. He fancied that he had now 
come to put himself into his power ; and under this 
impression requested the Duke of Burgundy to guard 
the seas, that he might not again escape to France. 

Warwick, however, had no sooner landed than he 
beheld himself at the head of an army of 60,000 men. 
From Dartmouth he advanced to Bristol, where he met 
with a favourable reception, for it was at this place, 

* Stow ; Baker ; Howel ; Lond. Chron. ; Hall ; Holinslied ; Paston Letters ; 
Hot. Pari. ; Rymer ; Fabyan ; Pol. Vergil ; Monfaucon ; Monstrelet ; Comines 
Jean'de Troye ; Chastellain ; Buchan ; Hume ; Henry ; Linjrard. 

VOL. II. s 


that he had left his baggage and artillery when he fled 
into Normandy. 

As the Earl proceeded, he caused Henry VI. to 
be proclaimed,* and in his name gave orders for all his 
subjects from sixteen to sixty to arm themselves, to 
expel the usurper Edward. Numbers were ready to 
obey the summons, and the claims of King Henry 
seemed again about to be recognised. 

One Dr. Goddard, a chaplain, had ventured, on the 
Sunday after Michaelmas day, to preach at St. Paul's 
Cross in favour of the Earl of Warwick, and to assert, 
that King Henry VI. was the lawful monarch of 
England, which moved many of his auditors to favour 
the Lancastrians. 

King Edward was, at length, aroused from his dream 
of enjoyment by this very unexpected turn of affairs ; 
and he gave orders for his troops to be assembled, 
appointing their rendezvous at Nottingham. Soon 
afterwards, news was brought to him that the Marquis 
of Montague, who commanded for him in the north, 
had revolted to the Lancastrians, with 6,000 fol- 
lowers. He had advanced almost to Nottingham, 
and then, alleging King Edward's ingratitude to his 
friends, he withdrew and joined in the cry of " King 
Henry ! King Henry ! a Warwick ! a Warwick ! ' 

This defection gave King Edward great uneasiness, 
as he feared that it would be followed by that of 
others ; and scarce knowing who were his real friends 
he sought to retire, and to avoid an engagement. He 
encamped near Lynn, in Lincolnshire, by the sea-shore, 
and lodged himself in the castle. He had with him 
the Duke of Gloucester, Lord Scales, and Lord 
Hastings, his Chamberlain, who had married the 
sister of the Earl of Warwick, yet adhered to King 

Warwick approached within three miles of the" place 


where the King had encamped, making the air resound 
with shouts of "King Henry ! King Henry ! " which, 
being re-echoed by some means in Edward's camp, 
caused that monarch to close the gates of the castle, 
and to hold a council to determine how he should 
proceed ; but before he could resolve, the acclamations 
became louder and louder, and he perceived no 
alternative but to embark in haste, with only four or five 
hundred* men, in three vessels, which had been em- 
ployed to bring his troops provisions. Lord Hastings 
guarded the rear while they embarked, in order to pro- 
vide against any attempt to arrest them in their flight. 
In this melancholy situation. King Edward gave orders 
to sail to Holland, thinking he could best obtain pro- 
tection from the House of Burgundy. King Edward 
and the few Lords who attended him, but seven or 
eight in number, amongst whom were Lords Hastings 
and Say, had all departed in such haste, that they were 
unprovided with provisions, and apparel, except what 
they had on ; and so little money had they, that the 
King could only reward the master of his vessel with 
one of his own garments, a gown lined with martins. 
While crossing the seas, the ships narrowly escaped 
being boarded by pirates, who were only restrained by 
the authority of Lord Gruthyse, Governor of Holland, 
who, by chance, being at Alcmar, waited upon the 
King, and defended him, also showing him all Jhe 
respect due to his rank, he conducted him to the 
Hague. Such was Edward's precipitate flight, who, 
by his presumption and inactivity, lost his crown, with- 
out even hazarding a battle to preserve it.f 

When Edward's Queen, who had remained in the 

* Some say he had 800. 

f Baker ; Hall ; Stow ; Howel ; Pennant ; Sandford ; Cont. Croyland ; 
Comines ; Barante ; Jean de Troye ; Monf aucon ; Holinshed ; Lond. Chron. ; 
Eapin; Paston Letters; Chastellain; Fabyan ; Monstrelet; Lingard; Allen's 
York ] Hume ; Henry ; Villaret. 

s 2 


Tower, with her children and the Duchess of Bedford, 
found that the tide of lovaltv had turned to King 
Henry, she secretly fled by night, taking with her her 
mother and three daughters, to the Sanctuary of West- 
U70 minster. Here also took refuge with their Queen, 
those Yorkists who were in London.* It was under 


these melancholy auspices that Elizabeth gaye birth to 
a son, the heir of King Edward's throne. This child 
of adversity had for his godfathers the Abbot and 
Prior of Westminster, and the Lady Scroop for his 

Some writers affirm that there were 500 Yorkists in 
the Tower, and that all the great and powerful inhabi- 
tants of the metropolis favoured King Edward, but 
when they found this monarch did not come to their 
assistance, they took part with the Earl of Warwick. 
From this time every one assumed the badge of this 
Earl, " the bear and ragged staff," and no one dared 
to appear wearing the rose.")" 

The Earl of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence 

triumphantly pursued their way to London, and in like 

1470. manner entered this city on the 6th J of October, 1470. 

Lingard. They proceeded to the Tower, attended by many lords, 
and also by the Lord Mayor, Sir Richard Lee, with the 
Aldermen, followed by a great concourse of people. 
The Earl of Warwick entered the Tower, and released 

Eapm ; King Henry, who had been detained there a prisoner 
many years, and restored him to his regal dignity. 
^Warwick first showed this monarch to the people, 
then threw himself upon his knees before him, 
confessing his fault, in having offended so good a 

* The Bishop of Ely and other Bishops fled to St. Martin's ; other sanc- 
tuaries were likewise full of Edward's party. 

f Baker : Chastellain : Holinshed j Henry : Stow : Paston Letters ; Sand- 
ford ; Barley's Hist, of the Tower : Fleetwood's Chron. 

% Some date this on the 1st October, others 021 the 23rd : Stow places 
the event in 1467. 



King, and asking pardon of God, and of the English 

The latter, who were still attached to Henry, set up 
a shout of joy. King Henry was then conducted to 
the Bishop's palace, where he remained : and a pompous 
court was held there until the 13th of October, on 
which day he walked in solemn procession to St. 
Paul's, wearing his crown, and appareled in a long 
gown of blue velvet, the Earl of Warwick bearing up 
his train, and the Earl of Oxford carrying the sword 
before him, while the people cried, " God save King- 
Henry ! ' ; In the cathedral the confederate lords took 
their oath of allegiance to their King. Henry VI. 
was then solemnly proclaimed, and King Edward 
denounced as an usurper, and his goods confiscated, 
and his adherents as traitors to God and their King. 

In London great rejoicings were made upon this 
sudden change in the restoration of Henry, and the 
Earl of Warwick sent all the French prisoners home 
free of ransom. The King's friends considered that 
his restoration to the throne was the undoubted inter- 
nosition of heaven.* 

Thus it was that Warwick, who had raised King 
Edward to the throne, and upon a slight quarrel had 
effected his downfall, now replaced King Henry in 
that dignity from which he had before been the means 
of deposing him. From these circumstances the Earl 
of Warwick was called the "King Maker," a title 
which he ever after retained. In all these acts, from 
his manner of doing them, he obtained more and more 
popularity with the people. Amongst foreign nations 
this remarkable revolution of events excited wonder or 
ridicule. To Henry himself it may be doubtful if it 

* Stow's Survey ; Baker ; Cont. Croyland ; Monfaucon ; Holinshed ; 
Sandford ; Female Worthies ; Jean de Troye ; Barante ; Lingard ; Bayley's 
Tower of London ; Maitland's London. 


caused joy or sorrow ; and it is probable that the Earl 
of Warwick rejoiced more than he did. Certain it is, 
that Henry of Lancaster only exchanged the condition 
of a captive to Edward, to become the slave of 

* Stow ; Sandford ; Howel : Baker : Pol. Vergil : John Rous ; Pastcn 
Letters ; S. Turner ; Allen's York ; Chastellain : Barante ; Monf aucon ; 
Comines ; Jean de Troye ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard. 



" And so, proud -hearted Warwick, I defy thee, 
" And to my brother turn my blushing cheeks !" 


{King Edward. ) 

" Yet, Warwick, in despight of all mischance 
" Of thee thyself, and all thy complices, 
" Edward will always bear himself as king : 
" Though fortune's malice overthrow my state, 
" My mind exceeds the compass of her wheels." 


Rejoicing-s in France — Queen Margaret's reception in Paris — Discontent of 
the Duke of Burgundy — He sends for Vauclier — King Edward at the 
Hague — Parliament called by Warwick — King Edward and his party 
attainted — Alderman Cooke restored — Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, be- 
headed — The Grand Prior of St. John's sent to France to fetch over the 
Queen — Warwick waiting at Dover to receive her — Affairs in France — 
The League " du bien public " — Rene's conduct — John of Anjou — His 
wars in Spain — His death — Rene's letters — His genius, paintings, 
writings in prose and verse — His good nature — The love of his people 
and rule over them — Improvements in the arts — His personal appear- 
ance and institutions, la Pelotte, &c. — Duke of Burgundy's policy — 
Affairs in England — King Edward returns to England — He goes to 
York — Is joined by Clarence — Warwick prepares to oppose King Ed- 
ward — Restoration of Edward — His affability — Henry the Sixth is sent 
to the Tower. 

Queen Margaret beheld with extreme delight the 
return of good fortune to her " House" ; her husband 
again restored to liberty and to his throne, and the 
cloud which had overshadowed the destiny of her son, 
suddenly dispersed. The news of the success of her 
party was first conveyed to her by the Earl of War- 



wick, and the assurance of King Henry's freedom by 
letters from himself.* 

So strange and so rapid was this revolution that 
any one might have been called mad, who had asserted 
a fortnight before, that King Edward would be so soon 
expelled his kingdom by the power of Warwick, yet in 
the short period of eleven days, this Earl obtained 
possession of the kingdom. f 

When Louis XL received the intelligence of the 
restoration of Henry from the Earl of Warwick, his 

Monstrelet. . 1 , i i i r 1 

joy was so great that lie commanded leasts and re- 
joicings throughout his kingdom ; also general proces- 
sions of all the principal clergy and laity for three day& 
in Paris, and in all the large towns of France, to rendei 
thanks to God and the Virgin Mary for having restored 
Henry of Lancaster, a prince of the blood of France, 
to the English throne, and for the expulsion of their 
great enemy, King Edward. Amidst these great re- 
joicings and feastings, messages were passing con- 
tinually between Louis and the Earl of Warwick for 
their mutual encouragement. 

The French King had a mortal enmity against the 
Duke of Burgundy, and Warwick was no less his 
enemv, on account of his union with Edward. This 
Earl therefore immediately caused a proclamation of 
war to be made at Calais against Burgundy ; whilst 
Louis XI. at the same time dismissed a splendid 
embassy to London, to compliment the English monarch 
upon his release from prison, and restoration to the 
throne ; likewise to conclude a treaty of peace for 
fifteen years between the two kingdoms. This peace 
was proclaimed throughout France, and also war 
declared against King Edward and all his adherent s.J 

* Baudier ; Hays's Biography, 
f Philip de Comines ; Jean de Trove ; Baudier. 

\ Chastellain ; Monstrelet ; Henry ; Lingard ; Sharon Turner ; Philip 
de Comines ; Jean de Troye. 


The exiled Queen Margaret, who had for several 
years been living in retirement, neglected and almost 
forgotten, was now conducted to Paris, with her 
son, his wife, the daughter of the Earl of Warwick, 
the Countess of Warwick, her mother, Lady Wilt- 
shire and several other English ladies. They were 
attended by the Counts d'Eu, de Vendosme, de 
Dunois, Mosieur de Chastillon, and other noblemen 
and persons of distinction. By the King's command 
the Bishop, University, Court of Parliament, the 
Mayor and Aldermen of the city of Paris, in their 
robes and formalities, and also numerous bodies of the 
principal inhabitants, handsomely dressed, advanced 
to meet the royal cavalcade, and in the name of their 
sovereign they complimented Queen Margaret. The 
same distinctions were conferred upon the Queen also, 
when welcomed in Paris, as were usually bestowed on 
a Queen of France ; and amidst the most splendid and 
expensive rejoicings which could be exhibited, she was 
finally conveyed to the palace, where apartments, 
handsomely decorated, had been prepared for her recep- 
tion.* How flattering this entree into the capital of 
France must have been to the pride of the once 
portionless daughter of Pene ! 

Some write that the Queen remained in Paris clur- im 
ing the winter, and early in the spring set out for 
England, but was detained by contrary winds.f 
Others again tell us that immediately Queen Margaret 
learnt from King Henry of the success of the Lan- 
castrian party in England, she, with the Prince her 
son and all her train, entered their ships to proceed to 
England, but the sharp winter and stormy weather 
drove them back to land, and obliged her to defer this 

* Jean de Troye ; Henry ; Philip de Comines ; Lingard ; Female 
Worthies ; Villaret. 

f Miss Lawrence ; Holinshed. 


Whilst Louis XL and the people of France were 
indulging the utmost joy upon the sudden revolution in 
the affairs of England, considerable uneasiness was 
manifested in the court of Burgundy. Duke Charles 
was full of consternation ; having engaged in war with 
France, he was now apprehending an attack on the side 
of England. To prevent this, he despatched Philip de 
Gomines to the Governor of Calais, whom he believed 
to be on his side ; but before the arrival of this mes- 
senger, Vauclier had hoisted the ensigns of the Earl of 
Warwick, and had protested against Burgundy. This 
change was so sudden that within a quarter of an hour 
after the express had arrived from England, with the 
news of King Edward's flight, the whole town had 
adopted the new livery. Many compliments were paid 
by Vauclier to his guest, and some excuses for his 
master, the Earl of Warwick, who, he said, had shown 
him numerous favours and civilities. The only advan- 
tage which the Duke of Burgundy obtained through this 
embassy, was the prevention of an immediate rupture. 
King Edward, meanwhile, was remaining at the 
Hague in a somewhat unhappy position, until his 
brother-in-law should be made acquainted with his 
distress. It was not to be expected that this news 
could have given the Duke any great satisfaction; 
indeed, it threw him into much perplexity, and an eye- 
witness even assures us that he would have been less 
disturbed, had he heard of Edward's death.* 
1470 . Henry the Sixth, although restored to the throne 

Rapin. through the exertions of the Earl of Warwick and 
the Lancastrian party, did not obtain that authority 
in the kingdom which he had formerly enjoyed. 

In pursuance of the agreement entered into between 
Queen Margaret, the Earl of Warwick, and the Duke 

* Lingard ; Philip de Comines ; Hume ; Henry, 


of Clarence, these noblemen were declared governors 
of the kingdom. A parliament was convened by them 
in the name of King Henry, to meet on the 12th of 
November, at Westminster, in which the new form of 
government was confirmed, and King Edward declared 
an usurper and a traitor, and his estates confiscated. 
All his adherents were also declared traitors, and their 
property likewise confiscated. The Duke of Clarence 
was adjudged heir of the Duke of York, whose duchy 
was settled on him and his descendants, setting aside 
the right of his elder brother. All the statutes made 
in King Edward's reign were annulled, and the crown 
confirmed to Henry and his heirs ; but, in the event of 
this monarch dying without any heir, the Duke of 
Clarence was appointed to succeed him, to the exclusion 
of Edward, his brother, on account of his rebellion. 

The Lords who had suffered for the Lancastrian 
cause were restored to their titles and property. 
These were Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, and 
John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who had been attainted 
in the reign of Edward. The Marquis of Montague 
came also to this Parliament, pleading, in excuse for 
his siding with King Edward, that he had done so 
through the fear of death. His excuse was accepted, 
and he was restored to the government of the northern 
counties, an office of which he had been deprived by 
Edward, who had bestowed it on the Duke of 
Gloucester. The Duke of Clarence was made Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, and received also other grants. 
Warwick re-assumed his office of Chamberlain of 
England and Captain of Calais, to which was added 
that of Lord High Admiral. His brother, the Arch- 
bishop, was once more entrusted with the seals, and, 
having obtained Warwick's forgiveness for allowing 
the escape of King Edward, he obtained a grant of 
Woodstock Park and of many other manors, as well 


as the confiscated estates of some persons condemned 
for the late rebellion. 

Warwick and Clarence were made Governors of the 
King, as well as of the kingdom. 

The members of this Parliament did not hesitate, 
out of complacence to the Earl of Warwick, to establish 
a kind of Salic law in England, for, by the arrange- 
ment now entered into, the female line of the House 
of Lancaster was totally excluded from the succession 
to the throne. 

The restoration of Henry VI. brought again into 
favour the ill-treated Alderman Cooke, who was ap- 
pointed locum tenens to the Lord Mayor, John Stock- 
ton, who, being a zealous partisan of King Edward, 
found it dangerous to make known his sentiments, and 
being unwilling to join in the rejoicings for King- 
Henry, feigned illness, and the Earl of Warwick called 
upon Sir Thomas Cooke to fill his office. The estates 
of Cooke were at this time restored to him. 

It may be said to the praise of the Lancastrians, 
that, while as conquerors they were amply providing 
for themselves, they did not stain their conquests with 
blood, for the only person put to death on the resto- 
ration of Henry VI. was John Tiptoft, Earl of Wor- 
cester, made Governor of Ireland by King Edward, 
and High Constable of England, and whose cruelties 
in this last office had procured him from the populace, 
the title of "the butcher." He was taken in Wey- 
bridge forest, Huntingdonshire, attempting to conceal 
himself in a tree, having absconded on the departure 
of his master, King Edward. 

When brought to London he was attainted on a 

charge of cruelty, and having been beheaded on Tower 

1470 Hill the 18th October, 1470, was afterwards buried 

Paston a j- Blackfriars. Such was the general detestation in 

Letters. t , ° 

which the High Constable was held that, it is added, 


he laid one night in the Flete, lest the people should 
tear him in pieces. 

The Earl of Warwick was now occupied in the 
regulation of the affairs of the kingdom. He signed 
the treaty with Louis XL, and dismissed the Grand 
Prior of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem to France, 
on the 16th February, to fetch over Queen Margaret, 
the Prince, her son, and others, and to urge their 
speedy return to England. This messenger employed 
by the Earl was Sir John Longstrother, bailiff of the 
Eagle, and seneschal of the Reverend the High Master 
of Rhodes. He had been elected Prior of the Hospital 
of St. John of Jerusalem in England, in the previous 
year, 14G9, and had sworn fealty to King Edward on 
the 18th of November. 

Again he took this oath, to King Henry after his 
restoration, on the 20th of October, 1470, and was 
the same day made Treasurer of the Exchequer. He 
was a devoted Lancastrian, and when appointed to 
conduct the Queen and Prince from France into 
England, he had a grant from King Henry of 200 
marks " of his gifte " and " by way of rewarde for his 
" costs and expences in that behalve."* The Prior, 
however, although he was first and chief Baron of this 
land, was not able to procure the speedy re-appearance 
of King Henry's consort, to aid the potent Earl of 
Warwick, who, finding delay in the arrival of 
Margaret, became impatient, and rode to Dover to 
receive her ; but he tarried there a long time in vain, 
and then returned with vexation, at a circumstance 
which appeared so unaccountable, f 

* On the 28th of the same month he was, conjunctly with John Delves, 
Esq., appointed warden of the Mint. 

+ Baker ; Stow ; London Chron. ; Sharon Turner ; Lingard ; Holinshed ; 
Barante ; Paston Letters ; Monstrelet ; Jean de Troye ; Baudier ; Villaret ; 
Rapin ; Hume ; Henry ; Fabyan ; Rymer ; Patent Rolls ; Howel's Med. 
Hist. Anglicanae ; Phillips's Shrewsbury ; Blore's Rutland ; Maitland's 


Rene had taken the side of royalty in the league 
called " du bien public," for although he perceived in 
Louis XL an ambitious spirit, he also could discern 
that the results of his conduct were profitable to his 
country. At the head of this league were the Dukes 
of Berri, Bourbon, Brittany, and Nevers, the Count of 
Charolois, and John of Anjou. 

In vain did Rene seek to dissuade his son, who 
had really to complain of his cousin, the King of 
France ; but Rene himself remained faithful to his 
sovereign. His example was followed by the people 
of Angers, and thither, in 1464, did Louis XL repair 
to encourage their loyalty. 

The rendezvous of the league was at Etampes. To 
get there, the Duke of Brittany had to pass the river 
at Bouchemaine. The Ano;evins formed the design 
of closing up his passage, but Rene opposed this 
courageous project, for he hoped that a reconciliation 
would be effected by pacific means. Louis XL was, 
however, much displeased with Rene for this, but ever 
after held the Angevins in higher estimation on this 

This affair probably had some influence in the treat- 
ment which Louis afterwards showed to his aged 
relative, in the seizure of Angers and other places, and 
the province of Anjou, which had been restored to 
King Rene upon the marriage of his daughter Mar- 
garet to Henry VI. j" 

John of Anjou perceived at length that the con- 
federates sought only to gratify their own ambitious 
views, and he desired to put an end to the war. He 
was one of the chief authors of the treaties of Con- 
flans and of St. Maceriles-Fosses. Peace was finally 
established, and Louis promised to remit to John of 
Anjou a considerable sum, with a large body of troops, 

* Bourdigne ; Gcdard Faultrier. + Bodin ; Monstrelet. 


to enable him to sustain the rights of his family to the 
crown of Naples. This Duke, however, despaired of 
any further good fortune in Italy, and prayed the King 
to grant him these supplies for another object, viz., 
to prosecute his claims to the throne of Arragon. 

The King of France from this time, instead of 
acceding to his request, vowed hatred to John of 
Anjou, and as he regarded it as a crime in all those who 
had embraced the cause called " le bien public," he 
did not scruple to violate all his sacred promises to 
this Prince. To this conduct of Louis has been at- 
tributed the subsequent ill-success of the Duke of 
Calabria in his campaign in Catalonia. 

By the unanimous voice of the nation, the crown of 
this country had been offered, in 1468, to Rene of Anjou. 
Could he have accepted it, he would have had an 
opportunity, which he ardently desired, of avenging- 
the affronts he had received in the kingdom of Naples 
from the Arragonese ; and, besides, he had un- 
doubted claims to the succession, in right of his 
mother Yolancl ; but Rene was now too aged to 
engage in so perilous an expedition, and he was 
obliged to refuse this mark of esteem, resigning 
his rights to his son John, Duke of Calabria, whom 
he dismissed to take possession of the principality of 

This Prince set out with a formidable army, and in 
his first attack was very successful, but afterwards 
was less fortunate. Barcelona opened her gates to 
him with rejoicings, and the inhabitants were ardent 
in his cause. He next turned his arms against Lam- 
pourdon, which the King of Arragon, who was both 
old and blind, came to succour, but his troops were 
beaten in a tumultuous combat. This French army 
next marched to Gironne, where the people came out 
to oppose them, and on both sides they fought with 


ardour, but greater loss was sustained by the besiegers, 
and when Prince Ferdinand arrived with fresh suc- 
cours, the siege was raised. 

Soon after, Ferdinand made a sally from the town, 
and was utterly defeated near Villademare, and was 
forced to fly. The Duke of Calabria most of all de- 
sired to take Gironne, thinking that he should thereby 
facilitate the execution of all his projects. He there- 
fore passed into France to raise new troops, and to 
make preparations to prosecute the war with vigour. 
He soon returned with a new army of 15,000 men 
from Roussillon and Sardinia, which, united to his old 
troops, made his forces superior to those of the Arra- 
gonese. He then renewed his attacks, and Gironne, 
after being twice besieged, was at last taken. This 
war was carried on during three years, by the Duke 
of Calabria, with alternate good and bad success. In 
1470, he routed the* army of John, King of Arragon, 
and besieged the town of Peralto, upon which he 
returned to Barcelona, intending to pass the winter 
there, when he was seized with a fever, which caused 
1470. liis death, on the 16th of December, 1470, at the age 

Daniel : . . . 

Eodin. of forty-five. This Prince was on the eve of obtaining 
possession of Arragon when his career was thus ter- 
minated. He was interred without pomp, as a private 
individual, in the cathedral of Barcelona, 

This Duke of Calabria left two sons, who survived 
him but a short time. He was much regretted, being 
a virtuous and wise Prince. He was also distin- 
guished for his bravery, and was so great a general 
that it has been said, " he wanted only fortune to be 
" one of the most illustrious men of the times." 
Philip de Comines says of him that he was " as great 
" a commander as any one in the army, upon which 
" account a mutual friendship arose between him and 
" the Count of Charolois." 


He also adds that " upon occasions of alarm that 
" Duke was the first to mount his horse and sally 
" forth amongst the soldiers, to direct them or give his 
" commands, which were as readily obeyed as those 
" of the Count himself; and, to say the truth, he 
" deserved it." * 

The loss of their chief did not put an end to the 
civil discord amongst the Catalonians ; the rebels kept 
up their courage, and called to their aid Gaston, who 
would not, they knew, despise the prospect of their 
principality being added to Sardinia and Roussillon. 
They also prohibited any governor being placed in the 
towns and fortresses, which had none, until Eene of 
Anjou, or a son of John, the late Duke, should arrive. 
These young Princes had already assumed the titles 
of Prince of Arragon and Duke of Calabria ; yet they 
were but vain titles, adding nothing to their revenues. 
The age also of these Princes would not admit of 
either of them enduring the fatigues of war, and the 
Catalonians finally sought more efficient help from 
another quarter ; but in the end, they all submitted to 
the King of Arragon. f 

Rene of Anjou had been, during the military expe- 
ditions of his son John, inhabiting by turns the castles 
of Angers, Saumur, Pont de Ce, Beaufort, and Bauge, 
devoting himself entirely to the pursuits of private life. 
During the years 1468, 1469, and 1470 he employed 
himself in writing a collection of letters, 290 in num- 
ber, relative to the Roman Chancellorship. 

This Prince was versed in mathematics and theo- 
logy ; especially was he acquainted with the scriptures. 
His love of letters united him with the most remark- 

* Some writers say that he died on the 7th or 9th of July, and others 
date this event in 1471. 

f Godard Faultrier ; Daniel ; Bodin ; Mariana ; Mezerai ; Monfaucon ; 
IMoreri ; Chastellaine ; Dom Calmet ; Monstrelet. 

VOL. II. t 


able of the learned men of France and Italy ; amongst 
the latter was the Doge of Genoa, Thomas de Carnpo- 
fregosa, a man no less distinguished by his situation, 
than by his knowledge. 

Few monarchs have been gifted with so much 
genius as Rene ; for instance, his fine illustrated 
book on the laws of chivalry, in the King's library, 
at Paris. Several of his works he dedicated to 
Louis XI. He wrote upon the functions of the Pour- 
suivantes d'armes.* He cultivated literature and the 
arts in general. Boru with talents for war and politics, 
he only gave himself up with more ardour to peaceful 
occupations, forgetting, in the calm of a private life, 
those tumultuous cares which had for so long a time 
agitated his soul. He became, indeed, persuaded that 
" to be happy he ought to forget that he was a king." 
In his leisure hours he composed verses, as well as 
wrote in prose. He composed several moral treatises, 
rondos, and ballads, and formed devices, inscriptions, 
and tableaux. His poems place him in the rank of 
the troubadours of his age, and some very pleasing^ 
Provencal songs, which he composed, he also orna- 
mented with beautiful vignettes by his own hand."}" 

King Rene was, according to some historians, one 
of the most excellent painters of his age. Brantome 
says this, and it was the general opinion of his times. 
The portrait of Rene, painted by himself, has been 
preserved, and is called by Monfaucon a masterpiece. 
This picture was painted by Rene when he was grey- 
headed. It was placed in the chapel of the Carme- 
lites at Aix.J 

Speaking of Rene as an artist, Bodin says, " this 
<c modest qualification was Rene's first title to glory/ 5 

* Hist. General de Provence. 

f Bodin ; Moreri ; Hist. Ge'neral de Provence. 

J Monfaucon ; Horace Walpole ; Bodin. 


and, "the fine arts have woven him a crown." To 
these, indeed, he was a protector and a friend. His 
works contributed greatly to the progress of painting 
in France, and his painting in the cathedral of Aix 
has been considered, on account of the manner in 
which it was executed, as one of the most precious 
monuments of the arts in France. At this time the 
arts were but in their infancy in Italy, and it was the 
residence of the Popes at Avignon, which gave rise to 
their cultivation in Provence. Coloured miniatures 
were much in vogue, in which less taste than finish is 
exhibited. Rene was very successful in that line, 
and he also made several oil paintings in the style of 
the Flemish artists. 

The principal paintings which are known of Rene's 
are, the skeleton which decorated his tomb in the 
church of St. Maurice, at Angers, and the " Burning 
" Bush," which is in the cathedral of Aix. Eene ex- 
celled in painting figures on glass, and some of these 
figures are still to be seen.* 

Notwithstanding the magnificence of the court of 
the Duke of Burgundy, who loved to gratify his 
vanity, by drawing a numerous concourse of knights 
to his fetes, the French barons preferred the less 
ostentatious court of the King of Sicily, where the 
simplicity of the manners of Rene, and his affable 
reception had more attractions for them. In his 
private, as well as in his public life, King. Rene was 
admirable for good nature. To great benevolence he 
united a gay and lively disposition. He was very 
witty. Ever fertile in sallies, he one day exclaimed, 
Cl Truly you will see, that in the end, he will ask of me 
" my county of Provence," speaking of a gentleman, 
who did not think his services were sufficiently re- 
compensed, and became importunate in his demands, 

* Bodin ; Moreri ; Hist. General de Provence. 



and as he spoke, Eene cast a look at another person 
similarly situated. 

This Prince was very sober. "We are assured that 
he drank no wine. One day, some Neapolitan lords, 
asked him his reason for this. "It is," he replied, 
" in order to give the lie to Livy, who pretended 
" that, the Gauls only passed the Alps to drink the 
" wines." * 

Eene held his court alternately in Anjou and Pro- 
vence, and encouraged in both these provinces a taste 
for the belles letires and the arts. This was doubtless 
the occasion of the remark of a modern author, that 
a there exists a great similarity between the Angevins 
" and the Provencals in their customs, profane and 
" religious ; in their manners, both public and private ; 
" their patriotism, language, attachment to their sove- 
" reign, and their love of letters ; which all prove," 
says he, " that these two charming countries have 
" been governed by the same masters." By his rela- 
tions with Italy, as well as by his benevolent character, 
Eene softened the manners of the Angevins. Litera- 
ture, the arts, the theatre, all flourished under his 

He loved his people sincerely, and thus became 
popular ; for although his talents were great and his 
judgment good, the kindness of his heart was still 
more observable than these. f 

The ambition of enlarging his domains did not in- 
fluence this monarch, who had long experienced the 
inconstancy, and perfidy of men, and conceived a 
sort of contempt for all that flatters the pride of 

The reign of this Prince was daily marked by new 

* Moreri ; Bodin ; Hist. General de Provence ; Villeneuve Barge- 

t Bodin ; Moreri ; Gcdard Faultrier ; Hist. General de Provence. 


benefits. His life was that of a philosopher and a 
good Christian, and his meditations and religious 
exercises made him forget the adversities and troubles 
of his stormy life. He had all the qualities of a great 
man. Rene's love of justice has been much boasted 
of, and indeed he had been sometimes seen returning 
from battle to listen to the complaints of individuals, 
or to sign despatches, before he had laid aside his 
armour. The letters which he signed with the greatest 
pleasure were letters of pardon, or those, by which he 
recompensed services. This occasioned him to say, 
that "the pen of princes ought never to be idle." 
He also said, when speaking of the attention with 
which prompt justice ought to be rendered, that long 
expeditions caused the loss of the good will, and affec- 
tion of the people ; and these opinions became the rule 
of his conduct. 

The misfortunes of his reign, and of those of his 
predecessors, had occasioned the loss of the custom of 
the Grand Seneschal's going throughout the province 
in order to watch over the administration of justice. 
Rene, himself a skilful administrator, restored this im- 
portant function of their office with vigour, in the year 
1443 ; and commanded them to punish severely those 
who would have oppressed the people by their injustice. 
In 1448 he adjudged the criminal proceedings, prescrib- 
ing a more simple form of law-suit ; regulated the 
salaries of attorneys, and sheltered the litigious from 
cunning and trickery. He also prevented by a wise 
law, the misdemeanors of guardians and trustees, and 
restrained impiety, blasphemy, and gambling. He 
diminished taxation, and favoured the sessions of the 
states, at which he habitually presided. 

At Marseilles he reorganized the jurisdiction of the 
"prud' hommes pecheurs ; " and by the establishment 
of the ordinance companies, in concert with King 


Charles VII. lie contributed to substitute, in lieu of the 
feudal system, a regular standing army.* 

King Rene's institution for the honest fishermen of 
Marseilles, withstood all the storms of the Revolution. 
This tribunal may be traced back to the tenth century, 
and it received, in 1471, from King Rene its definitive 
organization. The four judges who composed it, and 
their assistants, were elected annually on the day of 
Pentecost. At their sittings they wore judges' gowns, 
and were informed in all the points of contention 
relative to fishing ; each one pleaded his own cause, 
and gave for costs two sous. The jury decided always 
justly, and the president expressed it, by saying to him 
whose complaint was "without foundation, " La loi 
" vous condanme." Against this sentence, returned by 
the peers, there was no appeal. 

Rene loved much the fishermen, doubtless from pious 
motives, for his simple faith tended to a regard for all 
that recalled to him the Apostles. He permitted the 
fishermen to carry to the Fete Dieu a large wax taper, 
or torch, preceded by three minstrels. This custom 
still exists, the same as the fete of the Charibande, in 
imitation of the beacons of St. John. The Syndic of 
the. fishery of Reculee was called "The King of the 
" Roach," and in this quality presided at the Chari- 
bande. | 

King Rene has by some been called the " Merry 
" Monarch," whilst others have regarded him with 
contempt, and doubtless there were instances of his 
peculiar genius and taste, which led to such remarks, 
and perhaps the following may serve as an instance : — 
Some lords being at variance in a matter of interest, 
Rene went from Anjou into Brittany to conciliate 
them. He came to Carbai, a small parish in the 

* Bodin ; Moreri ; G-odard Faultrier ; Hist. General de Provence. 
f Moreri ; Bodin ; Godard Faultrier. 


Canton of Pouance, which in time of war furnished a 
dozen men to the garrison of his castle of Angers, and 
paid annually twelve poulets and an hundred bushels 
of oats. The King was touched at perceiving the 
extreme poverty of the inhabitants of this village. He 
released them from the tribute of provision, but on the 
following condition : He commanded that each year, 
the d£,y after Easter, the people should assemble and 
appoint by a majority of votes a king, whom they 
should choose from amongst his vassals, born in their 
parish, and unmarried ; that they should place a crown 
on his head of the bark of the willow, surrounded by 
the ears of hares. This King, being naked, was to 
jump into the pond, near to the town of Carbai, and 
after tiis feat, the parish should obtain a quittance of 
this impost. The same day the King of Carbai, accom- 
panied by all the vassals of the parish, assisted at high 
mass, with the crown on his head and a white wand 
in his hand. After mass he made several declarations 
in his name. The prior, who was the lord temporal 
and spiritual of Carbai, gave to this King, during the 
day of his royalty, lodging, fire, and fifteen pounds of 
butter, and a frying-pan. The rector offered up prayers 
for Mm, and every householder gave two eggs, and in 
default of payment all their poulets were confiscated 
for his profit. Each individual married within the 
twelvemonths owed him a tribute of four farthings, and 
in default of payment he was taken to the pond.* 

King Rene has been reproached by some historians, 
who say he possessed all the qualities valuable to a 
private individual, but none of those required by 
kings, and which made him forget in the pursuit of 
studies and amusements his duties as a sovereign. 

Rene encouraged industry amongst his people as 
much as it was possible to do so, at a time when the 

* Bodin. 


means of encouraging and extending it were not yet 
known. He made a treaty with the King of Bone, in 
Africa, in order to establish the safety of navigation 
between their respective subjects. He afterwards 
found that liberty only could give activity to commerce, 
and he granted freedom to all vessels that might enter 
the port of Marseilles, of whatever nation they night 
be, but, with the ignorance partaking of the spirit of 
that age, he restricted them to one year. 

Kins: Rene contributed much to the establishment 
of the first manufactory for glass ever known, at 
Goult, about two leagues from the town of Apt, in 
Provence. He declares by an edict that the gentle- 
men of Provence shall, without derogation, be able to 
employ themselves in this kind of industry. H3 also 
favoured the works in the mines, by grants almost 

Rene was the first to restrain the cupidity of gold- 
smiths, which he effected by commanding that the ser- 
vices of gold and silver newly made, should be marked 
with the arms of the city of Aix, by persons appointed 
to examine if the title were not altered. 

In agriculture Rene confined himself to the culture 
of flowers and trees, and the still imperfect an of 
embellishing gardens. The northern provinces of the 
kingdom were indebted to him for their carnations, 
roses of Provence, the musk rose, and muscadine 
grapes. He likewise favoured the plantations of mul- 
berry trees, which had become of importance since 
luxury had rendered the use of silk more general. 

Rene also bestowed his care and affection on the 
most rare and various species of birds. In his manu- 
script life we read that he was the first who introduced 
into France white, black, and red peacocks. Also he 
brought into notice the large red partridge, and several 
species of rabbits. He forbade the hunting of hares 


and partridges in the vineyards of Aries, Tarascon, and 
Marseilles, perhaps to reserve them for himself alone, 
for there appears no other reason that he could have 
had, for allowing the increase of these two kinds of 
game in Lower Provence. 

Rene was tall and well made. He was of an agree- 
able countenance, and very gallant. Some writers, 
have even reproached him with too great love for the 
female sex, and say, that his regard for them amounted 
to a weakness, to which he became the slave in his old 
age. Traces of this passion are found in several of his 
acts and writings ; for instance, one of the articles of 
the statutes of the " Order of the Crescent," which 
was founded by Rene, expressly prohibits the knights 
from slandering women, of whatever rank they might 
be. The Courts of Love in Provence, which had been 
so conducive to chivalric gallantry throughout Europe, 
no longer existed in the time of this Prince, who, find- 
ing he could not re-establish them, instituted a " Prince 
" of Love," to whom he gave annual officers, similar 
to those of the " Parliament of Love." These officers, 
accompanied their " Prince of Love " to the grand 
procession of the Fete Dieu, at Aix, and for them he 
established a right, vulgarly called "pelotte," which 
widows and widowers had to pay when they married 
again, as if to punish them for their inconstancy ; and 
this was also exacted from such persons as married 
foreigners. This singular law the Parliament of Aix 
confirmed by several decrees, and it was preserved 
until the year 1789.* 

The Duke of Burgundy had formed his alliance with 
King Edward not from affection, but from state policy. 
His mother was a princess of the Lancastrian line, and 
had been brought up in an habitual hatred of the 
" House of York ; ' but even this the Duke had sacri- 

* Hist. General de Provence ; Bodin. 


ficed to his interests in his marriage with Edward's 

He now saw himself reduced to the alternative of 
abandoning his brother-in-law, who had thrown himself 
on his protection, or of becoming involved in a war 
with the allied powers of France and of England.* 
The Dukes of Exeter and Somerset who had been 
well received at this court, and who had become more 
distinguished since the revolution in England, urged 
the Duke to abandon the fugitive prince. 

The Earl of Warwick had dismissed a body of troops 
to Calais, to await his orders for an invasion of the Low 
Countries ; and Vaucleir, the governor of Calais, took 
this opportunity of showing his fidelity to the Earl, by 
his reception of these forces, and by other means. 

It was of so much importance to the interests of the 
Duke of Burgundy to preserve peace with England, 
that he dared not to exasperate the Earl of Warwick ; 
he therefore pretended, that it was with reluctance he 
had received the unfortunate Edward into his dominions, 
and that he was not at all disposed to give him any 
succours. He manoeuvred, however, to assure Edward 
privately, that he would give him all the assistance he 
required, when an opportunity should offer of doing so, 
without incurring hazard. King Edward was but ill 
pleased, desiring earnestly that the Duke would declare 
for him openly, hoping it would be a means of keeping 
his party alive in England. Finding the Duke was 
resolved, and that the Duchess his sister failed to per- 
suade him, Edward sought to gain a private audience. 
He was admitted, for the Duke knew not how to refuse 
him, when Edward represented to him that while he 
delayed to declare for him, the Earl of Warwick was 
strengthening his party in England, and that nothing 
but speedy succour could retrieve his fallen fortunes. 

* Philip de Comines ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry ; Villaret ; Hume. 


He then informed him of the promise of Clarence, and 
urged the necessity of instant measures, lest he should 
again change his mind, or Warwick impede the execu- 
tion of his design, which should he discover he could 
prevent by removing him from public affairs. King 
Edward next reminded the Duke of their mutual oaths 
of friendship and assistance in adversity, and added, 
that by relieving him at this moment he would be pro- 
moting the good of his family, who might one day 
require a similar assistance, and he would besides enjoy 
the honour of restoring a king to his throne. Finally, 
he engaged to enter into a firm alliance with him, to 
assist him in his war with France as soon as he should 
have recovered his authority in England, and that thus 
there w T oulcl be a greater chance of success. He con- 
cluded by saying, that the Duke's attempt to dissemble 
with the Earl and the King of France would be ineffec- 
tual, and would not prevent their uniting to effect his 
ruin.* These arguments had great weight with the 
Duke of Burgundy, especially that which related to his 
war with Louis XL, whom he could not expect to re- 
pulse without the help of England, and which could 
only be procured by the restoration of Edward. He 
was, however, unable to render this monarch much 
assistance in the present posture of affairs ; and should 
the attempt fail, it would inevitably draw upon him the 
indignation of Warwick, who only wanted an excuse 
to attack him. A thought now struck him, of a means 
by which to save his credit with both parties. He gave 
orders for four vessels to be fitted up at Vere, a port in 
Holland, under the names of some persons, to whom he 
remitted the necessary sums ; he also hired fourteen 
ships of the Easterlings to convey King Edward, and 
to guard the English coast for fifteen days, that in the 
event of his failure he might re-embark. 

* Philip de Comines ; Lingard ; Hume ; Henry ; Rapin. 



The Duke of Burgundy next bestowed on the English 
monarch a large sum of money, viz., 50,000 florins of 
gold, with which he left him in Holland, while he re- 
turned himself into Flanders. 

When the preparations were completed, King Ed- 
ward sailed ; upon which, notice of his disappearance 
was carried to the Duke, who instantly proclaimed that 
no one should, on pain of death, give him any aid. 
This manoeuvre would not have imposed upon the Earl 
of Warwick, had not Edward's project been crowned 
with success.* 

We are informed that the Duke of Somerset and 
other nobles, who had been banished the kingdom, 
were already preparing to embark with Queen Margaret 
and her son, when another revolution, no less sudden 
and extraordinary than the last, took place in England. 

In the month of January, 1471, the Earl of Warwick 

Eapm; received some intimations of the proceedings of the 

Yorkists ; and in consequence issued orders for the 

Marquis of Montague to levy an army in the north. 

The Duke of Clarence also, received a commission to 

assemble troops to oppose King Edward, should he 

attempt to land in England.*)* 

i47i. This enterprise was soon after undertaken by Ed- 

tSSSI war d> wno m March of this year, 1471, sailed from the 

Hume; p 0r t f Vere, taking with him 2,000 men. When in 

AlJen s x . • »-r 

York. sight of Cromer, m Norfolk, he sent on shore Sir 
Robert Chamberlaine, Sir Gilbert Debenham, and 
others to see how the country stood affected towards 
him ; but, through the vigilance of the Earl of Oxford, 
such great preparations had been made on the part of 
Henry to oppose him, that Edward found it would be un- 
safe to stay there, and they steered northwards. They, at 

* Philip de Comines ; Monfaucon ; Baker ; Chastellain ; Eapin ; Eume ; 
Lingard ; Henry ; Villaret. 
t Rapin ; Henry. 


length, succeeded in landing at Ravenspur, in Yorkshire, 
and Edward expected to be received here with every 
demonstration of joy, but in this he was mistaken. 
Many of the inhabitants of these parts were well 
affected towards King Henry, while others feared to 
run the risk of espousing the cause of Edward. 

It is worthy of remark, that it was at Ravenspur 
that Henry IV. landed to dethrone Richard II. King 
Edward was induced to imitate that monarch in his 
dissimulation and perjury. He showed a safe conduct 
from the Earl of Northumberland, and pretended that 
he did not come to claim the crown, but his father's 

No opposition being offered, Edward proceeded 
cautiously, making it appear that he came only as Duke 
of York to recover his property which had been confis- 
cated. His motive for this line of conduct was, that he 
believed the people were attached to him, although the 
magistrates were against him. This might have been 
owing to the foresight of the Earl of Warwick, who, 
upon the restoration of Henry VI. , had filled up these 
offices with persons attached to his service, and to these 
he had just sent orders not to admit Edward as Duke 
of York. 

By coming thus only to claim his inheritance, Edward 
gave the people an opportunity of declaring for him, 
while the magistrates had not so good a pretext for the 
exercise of their authority as they might have had if he 
had advanced his pretensions to the crown. To con- 
vince the people of his sincerity, he even took an oath 
to the effect, and received the sacrament upon it, that 
he came, not to disturb King Henry, but only to recover 
his inheritance. He wore the ostrich feather, the 
ensign of Prince Edward, and ordered his followers to 
cry " King Henry ! " in every town and village through 
which they passed. Styling himself Duke of York, he 


thus made his way to the city of York, much displeased, 
however, at the indifference shown him by the people.* 
Hume"!' Warwick and Clarence were levying forces with the 

Eapin ; greatest activity, from the time they were informed of 
York. King Edward's arrival. They issued orders for the 
magistrates of the different towns to close their gates 
against the Yorkists, and Montague, who had an army 
at Pontefract, was commanded to march against Ed- 
ward, and prevent his gaining admission into York ; 
but, for some reason which has never been explained, 
the Marquis remained where he was, and did not oppose 
the invader's progress. This conduct has been attri- 
buted to various causes : the most probable is, that 
Montague, thinking that Edward might be successful, 
adopted this course, in order to be afterwards reconciled 
to him, and believing he could make his peace with 
Warwick, should he gam the day. 

At the city of York, King Edward was met by two 
of the aldermen of that city, who, as representatives of 
the magistrates, entreated him to march another way, 
as they could not possibly receive one, who came to 
wrest the crown from their lawful sovereign. Edward 
mildly replied that such was not his purpose ; but, 
since the nation had again acknowledged Henry for 
their King, he also had received him, and intended no 
harm towards him. He came but to require him to 
restore his estates, having; but a few followers with 
him ; he looked to Parliament to decide his cause, and 
he wished but to end his days in peace in that alle- 
giance which became a faithful subject. That, as for 
the rest, he ought not to be denied admittance into 
York, since not only his title, but his lands being in 
their county, made him especially a countryman of 

* Sandford ; Baker ; Daniel ; Stow ; Lond. Chron. ; Paston Letters ; 
Allen's York ; Monstrelet ; Comines ; Xonfaucon ; Eapin ; Lingard ; 
Hume ; Henry ; Villaret. 


theirs. In short, he reminded them of the favours they 
had received from his family. 

The magistrates were but ill pleased with this reply, 
yet they could not appease the clamours raised by the 
Duke's friends, who were numerous in that city. These 
represented that the Duke ought to be admitted, as he 
acknowledged the authority of King Henry, and was 
willing to submit to the decisions of Parliament; 
finally, that they should not refuse one, who came only 
to claim his own inheritance. 

At length some deputies were sent by the magis- 
trates to Edward to make terms with him, and prevent 
the plunder of the city. Their proposals were at once 
agreed to by Edward, who assured them that he had 
no intention of injuring the city, and that he was sin- 
cere in his obedience to King Henry. These declara- 
tions procured him a ready admission into the city, 
where he proceeded to the cathedral, and confirmed 
his engagements by a sacred oath. This obtained him 
the good will of the citizens, so that they lent him 
money to defray his expenses, and he was thus enabled 
to proceed to London. His army was much augmented 
while at York, and he had great expectations of still 
more increasing it on his route ; moreover, he relied 
on the promise of Clarence to come over to him. 

At Nottingham, Edward was joined by Lord Stanley, 
Sir Thomas Parr, Sir James Harrington, Sir Thomas 
Montgomery, and several others, who brought him re- 
inforcements. Finding himself now at the head of an 
army of 4,000 men, or more, he threw off the mask, 
and, in violation of the oath he had just taken in the 
cathedral of York, he assumed the name of King.* 

During these transactions Warwick and Clarence H7i 
had been employed in raising two separate armies, Henry.' 

* Baker ; Stow ; Rapin ; Allen's York ; Henry ; Lingard. 


which they intended to unite, and to place the young 
Prince Edward at their head, as chief commander, but, 
this Prince had not yet returned from France ; when 
"Warwick, who had not doubted that Montague would 
have been powerful enough to repel King Edward, 
heard to his great amazement, that the Marquis had 
permitted him to pass on without opposition, and that 
Edward's army was increasing continually in numbers 
as it advanced towards the metropolis. 

The Earl of Warwick was much puzzled to know 
the motives of Montague's conduct, yet he resolved to 
act with caution. He first despatched express orders 
for the Marquis to come and join him ; and at the 
same time, desiring the Duke of Clarence to advance 
with haste, he came to the resolution of encamping 
near Coventry. At this place he intended to await 
the approach of King Edward, and seek to amuse him 
until these two bodies of troops should be able to join 
him. These set out in obedience to the Earl's com- 
mands, but, before they could reach him, Edward 
approached very near the camp of Warwick, who, 
rinding himself too weak to encounter him, sent several 
despatches to hasten the assistance of Clarence ; the 
latter excused his delay, when, just as the two armies 
were on the point of engaging, the Duke of Gloucester 
rode off to the camp of his brother, with a few followers, 
and without having asked a safe conduct. He was 
affectionately received by Clarence, and, after a short 
conference, King Edward was proclaimed throughout 
the army, all the officers being prepared for this event, 
and having previously been persuaded to espouse his 

It was thus that this monarch, but a short time 
before a fugitive and suppliant to a foreign prince, 
beheld himself once more, at the head of a powerful 
army, and acknowledged King by the chief nobility of 


England, being the same day joined by Clarence and 
all his forces. 

Warwick, notwithstanding this very unexpected 
blow, would not listen to any accommodation, although 
the Duke of Clarence, who felt some compunction for 
his own conduct, sent to offer his mediation between 
his brother and the Earl. 

The latter replied with indignation, " Tell your 
41 master," said he, " that Warwick, true to his word, 
" is a better man than the false and perjured Clarence. 
" The sword he had appealed to, was the only arbiter 
" he would admit between him and his enemies." 

The Earl of Warwick had hoped that the Londoners 
would refuse to admit Edward, should he appear be- 
fore the capital, and resolved, in this case, to follow 
him thither, as soon as he should be joined by the 
Marquis of Montague, and either compel him to retire, 
or fight him before the gates, at a great disadvantage.* 

The Earl, when rejoined by Montague and others, 
sent to his brother, the Archbishop of York, to endea- 
vour to keep possession of the capital. For this pur- 
pose the latter sought to arouse the loyalty of the 
citizens towards the Lancastrian King. He caused 
this monarch to ride from St. Paul's, through the 
Cheap, down Walbroke ; yet this expedient had but 
little effect, so many of the Londoners being favourable 
to King Edward. Finding his efforts so unsuccessful, 
the Archbishop secretly sent to obtain the pardon of 
Edward, which was granted him, upon his assurances 
of future fidelity. 

As it had been expected, King Edward marched 
directly to London. He had many friends there, and 
he flattered himself that, when they beheld him ap- 
proach with so powerful an army, they would use their 

* Cont. Hist. Croy. ; Speed ; Stow ; Baker ; Comines ; Ling-ard ; Howel ; 
Paston Letters ; Monf aucon ; Rapin ; Hume ; Henry. 



influence with the people to procure him admission. 
Nothing could be more advantageous to him than to 
gain over this city to his interests ; and the army of 
Warwick being at a distance favoured his design. 
Many of the citizens also owed him large sums of 
money, of which he stood in need ; and he could not 
calculate upon entire success in his restoration, unless 
he had command of the capital. It was also of great 
consequence to him that he should obtain possession of 
King Henry's person. He had therefore resolved to 
run all hazards, which he knew would be great, should 
the citizens refuse to receive him. 

In London great consternation had prevailed when 
the news arrived of the Duke of Clarence having 
joined his brother's standard. Despair of Warwick's 
success spread universally, and inspired a kind of 
terror into the minds of- the people, which Edward's 
friends artfully sought to augment, by reminding them 
of the clanger to which they were exposed from this 
King's resentment, should they not adopt some speedy 
means of submission. All those who had taken refuge 
in the Sanctuaries, no less than 2,000 in number, came 
forward now to advance the interests of their King, 
whilst his enemies drew back in dismay, lest they 
should involve themselves in some new trouble. In 
vain did the Duke of Somerset and the Archbishop of 
York seek to oppose the tide of popularity towards 
Edward ; they were not listened to, and their assur- 
ances that, within three days, Warwick would be at 
their gates to relieve them, were equally unavailing ; 
the sight of Edward's army made them disbelieve all 
they said. In short, the Lancastrians were compelled 
to withdraw from the city, while the people hailed 
King Edward's return, and went out in crowds to meet 
him, sending forth the loudest acclamations of joy. 
Amidst these contending interests, no one so much as 


thought of aiding the escape of the unfortunate King 

In a triumphal manner King Edward entered the jJ n 4 R 0U . 
city of London on the 11th of April, 1471. He rode Topiis; 
first to St. Paul's, and thence to the Bishop's Palace, Rapin. 
where the Archbishop of York presented himself, lead- 
ing King Henry by the hand, whom he delivered up 
to Edward. The Lancastrian monarch was, after a 
reign of only six months, since his release, again com- 
mitted to the Tower. 

King Edward then proceeded to Westminster, and 
there returned thanks to God for his safe return. He 
also expressed, in lively terms, his gratitude to the 
people, for their demonstration of attachment to him, 
promising to bear it in remembrance ; and he per- 
formed several acts of clemency, which served to 
heighten his popularity. He then immediately re- 
assumed the government of the kingdom.* 

* Sandf ord ; Stow ; Baker ; Howel ; Hume ; Daniel : Monf aucon j 
Lingard ; Rapin ; Henry ; John Rous ; Topiis ; Paston Letters. 

u 2 


{ Warwick. ) 

11 My blood, my want of strength, my sick heart shows, 
1 ' That I must yield my body to the earth, 
" And by my fall, the conquest to my foe." 


{King Henry. ) 

" Ah ! kill me with thy weapon, not with words ! 
" My breast can better brook thy dagger's point, 
" Than can my ears that tragic history. 
" But wherefore dost thou come ? is't for my life ?" 


The Earl of Warwick resolves to fight — Battle of Barnet — King Edward 
enters London in triumph — Queen Margaret lands at Weymouth — She 
goes to Beaulieu — Her alarm for her son's safety — She goes to Bath — 
The lords assemble the Lancastrian forces — King Edward collects his 
army — The battle of Tewkesbury — Queen Margaret taken prisoner — 
The Duke of Somerset and the Grand Prior of St. John's taken, and 
executed — Prince Edward murdered — Sir] John Fortescue taken" prisoner, 
and liberated by King Edward — Queen Margaret led in triumph to 
London, and imprisoned in the Tower — Henry VI. murdered- — His 
character, &c. 

The Earl of Warwick advanced with great speed 
towards London. He had entertained hopes that the 
citizens would detain King Edward at least a few 
days, in the expectation of his succours ; but, rinding 
himself disappointed, he had no resource left but to 
give his enemies battle, however uncertain he might 
feel of the result. Of his success in this engagement 
he could not but be doubtful, his army being less 
numerous than that of the King, and the uncertain 
conduct of his brother, the Marquis of Montague, 
having given him great cause for mistrust. 

The Marquis had joined in his plot with evident 


reluctance, and he had since twice neglected to assist 
him, under circumstances which ought to have called 
forth the greatest exertions. He could not dismiss 
him, without discouragement to his army ; still, after 
beholding the conduct of Clarence, he feared much 
that his own brother might have been corrupted. At 
length Warwick resolved to risk his fortunes on the 
event of a battle, and, should he lose it, to perish. 
He arranged it so, however, that his brother Mon- 
tague should be placed in as much peril as himself, 
since his conduct, upon this occasion, would alone 
prove his fidelity. 

The army of AVarwick was encamped in a large 
plain called Gladsmore Heath, near Barnet, ten miles 
north of London, and here these forces were met 
by King Edward. A terrible engagement followed, 
which decided the quarrel of the two parties. It was 
fought on the 14th of April, being Easter Day, in the 
year 1471.* 

The unfortunate Henry the Sixth was brought to 1471 « 
the field by his rival, King Edward, who did not think Topiis; 
it safe to trust any one with the care of him. Happily Letters ; 
for that monarch, amidst the various changes of ^^ t; 
fortune to which he was subject, his natural weakness Hem "y ; 
of mind caused him to view with less anxiety, the Lmgard, 
difficulties and dangers which another of more energy 
and spirit would, doubtless, have regarded with the 
utmost alarm, j" 

The Earl of Warwick, upon this eventful day, wore 
an ostrich feather, to show his sincerity, as his cog- 
nizance — the badge of the young Prince Edward. He 
appointed to the command of the right wing of his 
army, which consisted of horse, the Marquis of Mon- 

* An obelisk was erected to commemorate this battle by Sir Jeremy 
Sambroke, of Gobion, in the year 1740, near Barnet. 

f Sandf ord ; Stow; Speed; Topiis; Pennant ;• Rapin; Henry; Lingard; 
Cont. Hist. Croyland ; Philip de Comines. 


tague, and the Earl of Oxford, and the left, consisting 
also of horse, he led on himself, with the Duke of 
Exeter, while the main body, consisting of bills and 
bows, was conducted by the Duke of Somerset. 

On the King's side the Duke of Gloucester led the 
vanguard, King Edward the main body, and Lord 
Hastings brought up the rear. The fight commenced 
at an early hour in the morning, some say four o'clock, 
and continued until noon.* Both sides fought with 
great obstinacy and various success. Never, perhaps, 
was more undaunted courage displayed, than upon this 

As no one could expect any favour from his 
adversary, each exerted himself to the utmost, 
fighting with deadly hatred, knowing that certain 
destruction followed, if defeated. The Earl of War- 
wick's followers especially strove with desperation, 
and at first had reason to expect the victory ; indeed, 
it appeared to them so certain, that a few from the 
squadrons of the Earl, rode off with the news to 
London of the defeat of the Yorkists. 

King Edward, however, bringing up a body of 
reserve, fell upon the flank of the Earl of Warwick's 
army, and put it into great confusion. The Earl's 
forces were too small to admit of his making a detach- 
ment to prevent this accident, and a movement of the 
Earl of Oxford assisted in turning the fortunes of the 
clay against the Earl of Warwick. Oxford had been 
successful against King Edward, but, thinking that he 
had left his line too much exposed, he wheeled back 
again. Unfortunately his badge, a staff* with streams, 
too much resembling the King's, which was a sun, it 

* Others say the fight was over at ten o'clock. 

f Speed tells us that Oxford's men had his star or mullet embroidered 
on their coats, and King Edward's soldiers the sun ; but it was a little white 
rose, with the rays of the sunbeams pointing round about it. — Lotvers's 


was mistaken, and a fine mist arising, the Lancastrians 
were unable to distinguish between them. Thus, when 
Oxford returned to his post, his squadrons were taken for 
those of the enemy, and this Earl's prudent precaution 
eventually became his ruin, for his followers were 
routed before he could convince them of their error. 
Great disorder then prevailed ; some thinking that 
they were betrayed, being attacked by their own 
forces, cried "Treason! treason!" and went over to 
the enemy ; while others, seeing them fly, believed 
that they were attacked in the rear, and were dread- 
fully alarmed, and at a loss how to act. Finally, King 
Edward, taking advantage of the mistake, despatched 
all wio fled towards him, and Warwick's efforts were 
quite ineffectual towards restoring order. He exerted 
himself to the utmost, striving by his own example 
to encourage his army. He rushed on foot into the 
thickest of the fight, and ere long met his death, being 
covered with wounds. His brother Montague, seeking 
tc rescue him, shared the same fate. The Lancastrian 
anny was entirely routed. No less than 10,000 were 
slain ; for King Edward, who had on former occasions, 
commanded that the soldiers should be spared, but no 
quarter given to the generals, had, upon this day, 
issued orders for an indiscriminate slaughter. Twenty- 
three knights were slain on the side of the Lancastrians, 
amongst whom was Sir William Tyrell. 

The Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Oxford fled 
into Wales to the Earl of Pembroke, who was at this 
ime levying troops there for the Earl of Warwick. 

The Duke of Exeter had fought with much bravery 
in this battle, and was left for dead on the field ; but 
he recovered, and, crawling to the nearest house, 
prevailed upon some friends to convey him to the 
Sanctuary of Westminster. 

On the side of King Edward were slain Humphrey 


Bouchier, Lord Cromwell, Lord Barnes, and Sir 
John Lisle, Lords Say, Mountjoy, and others. Most of 
those who were killed in this battle were buried upon 
the plain where they had fought, and a chapel was 
afterwards built there by King Edward, who appointed 
a priest to say mass for the souls of the departed.* 

Such was the termination of this bloody engage- 
ment, and the tragic end of Warwick, the most power- 
ful and conspicuous subject England ever beheld, 
having obtained such great influence that he was able 
to raise to the throne, or to remove from it, kings at 
his own will; thence was he styled " the king-maker." 
The death of this Earl was more important to King 
Edward than any victory could have been ; fa the 
continued success of this nobleman had so gained on the 
superstitious minds of the people, as to cause the belief 
that the party he supported must eventually triumph."} 

The bodies of the Earl of Warwick and his brother 
Montague were exposed to view for three or four da^s 
in St. Paul's, that all might know of then death, aid 
no more pretend the contrary, and cause sediticn, 
and then they were interred in the monastery at 
Bisham, in Berkshire, which had been founded by tie 
Montacutes, their maternal ancestors. The remains 
of Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury, who had been 
beheaded at York, in 1460, for his adherence to the 
Lancastrian cause, had been also buried there.J 

Some writers affirm that Montague deserted to 

* Sir John Paston, who fought in this battle for the Lancastrians, wr<)te- 
to his mother four days after, that the loss of life, on both sides, amounted 
to more than a thousand men : other writers say 4,000. Fabyan and TopLis 
tell us 1,500 fell on the side of the victors ; Hall, 10,000 at the least ; aJBo 
Howel, 10,000. 

f Stow ; Sandford ; Howel ; Toplis : Baker ; Hall ; Fabyan ; Paston 
Letters; Lond. Chron. ; Pennant; Leland Coll. : Monstrelet; Allen's York: 
Monfaucon : Daniel ; Biographic Universelle ; Bapin : Barante ; Lingard : 
Henry ; Hume ; Lysons' Magna Britannia. 

J Stow ; Paston Letters ; Hardyng's Chron. : Magna Britannia ; Bridges'; 
Xc rthamptonshire : Lingard : Baker's Northamptonshire. 


Edward, and thus caused the defeat of Warwick, and 
that when the Earl of Warwick's followers discovered 
that he had changed his livery, they slew him imme- 
diately. Also that Warwick, seeing his brother slain, 
Oxford fled, and the fortune of the clay turned against 
him, leaped upon a horse, in hopes of escaping, but, 
coming to an impassable wood, was there killed.* 

It is possible that the Earl of Warwick might have 
been more fortunate had he awaited the arrival of 
Queen Margaret, whose presence, at least, would have 
drawn to his standard, all the most zealous friends of 
the House of Lancaster ; but the pride of the Earl 
would not permit this delay, as he did not choose to 
share the honours of his triumph with his Queen } . 
desiring that they should be exclusively his own. No 
doubt his hatred to Queen Margaret had some influ- 
ence, and also his fear of the Duke of Somerset, 
whose father and brother he had put to death.")" 

Warwick, also, might have relied much on his own 
popularity, which speedily drew a numerous party 
around his standard, everyone being proud of bearing 
his cognizance, " the bear and ragged staff," in his 
cap ; some of gold enamelled, others of silver, and 
those who could not afford the precious metals, cut 
them out of white silk or cloth. 

No one was better fitted to obtain partizans than this 
noble Earl, for besides his wealth, valour, and warlike 
skill, his manners were authoritative and persuasive, 
and he well knew how to inspire affection in those 
whom he would unite in his cause.;): 

Once again king, Edward entered London tri- 
umphantly (bringing his prisoner, King Henry the 
Sixth with him), and having, to all appearance, by this 

* Pennant ; Monstrelet ; Baker. 

+ Barante ; Philip de Comines ; Hume ; Baudier. 

% Barante ; Pol. Vergil. 


victory, secured his crown. He was welcomed anew 
with joy by the citizens, who had feared AYarwick's 
return, even if successful. 

After returning thanks to God in St. Paul's, King 
Edward remanded the unfortunate Henry to his former 
prison in the Tower. A pardon was also issued by 
the King for the Archbishop of York, whom, through 
mistrust, he had before committed to prison ; probably 
not wishing to offend the clergy, and also desirous of 
showing his gratitude to the Archbishop for having, 
whether purposely, or inadvertently, permitted his 
escape from Middleham Castle.* 

There were others who sought for King Edward's 
favour, but were less fortunate. Henry Holland, Duke 
of Exeter, from the Sanctuary of Westminster, where 
he had taken refuge, addressed his prayer to the 
King to spare his life, and he had hopes that, through 
the intercession of his wife, the sister of Edward, he 
should obtain his pardon. This lady, however, far 
from commiserating the unhappy position to which 
the adverse fortunes of her husband had brought him, 
not only neglected him, but in the following year 
sued for and obtained a divorce (November 12th, 
1472), and then married Sir Thomas St. Leger. 

The Duke of Exeter, meanwhile, had been cast 
into prison, where he received only the weekly allow- 
ance of half a mark. He afterwards escaped and went 
abroad, where he lived in great distress and poverty. 
Finally, in 147-1, his dead body was found on the 
sea-shore, on the coast of Kent ; but we have no 
account of the means of his escape from prison, or of 
the authors of his death. | 

* Stow ; Fabyan ; Hardyng's Clxron. ; Allen's York ; Toplis ; Pastoii 
Letters : Baker ; Rapin ; Lingarcl. 

f To this Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter, Henry VI. was godfather. — 
Sandford ; Jlilh-s's Catalogue; Stow; PJdlij) de Comines ; Paston Letters; 
Lingard ; Lela/nd Coll.; Monstrelet. 


Another of the Lancastrians, John de Vere, Earl 
Oxford, became a fugitive after the unfortunate issue 
of the battle of Barnet. Some authors write that he 
fled to Scotland, where, discovering a plot to betray 
him, he escaped into Wales, to join the Earl of Pem- 
broke. Others say, that after the encounter at Barnet p* 471 * 
he went into Wales and France ; but all agree that he Letters, 
preferred a life of activity, and collected a few troops,* 
and, with his squadron of twelve sail, he swept the 
seas, carrying off rich prizes, and making inroads in 
the maritime counties. He surprised the strong for- 1472. 
tress of St. Michael, in Cornwall. Coming to Mont itlXaiy. 
St. Michael, with his followers disguised as pilgrims, 
to pay their devotions, as customary, at the church, 
they were admitted to the castle. 

They soon overpowered the small garrison, and re- 
pulsed the assaults of Sir John Arundell, who was sent 
to recover this castle, and who lost his life in the 
attempt. From this strong position Lord Oxford 
made depredations in the neighbouring counties, when 
he was assisted by the friends of the House of Lan- 
caster, in his endeavours to wreak his vengeance on the 
Yorkists. Sir Henry Brodrugan, Esq., next besieged 
the Mount, but, his fidelity being suspected, he was 
superseded by Sir John Fortescue. This commander 
had been received into the favour of King Edward ; 
we are not told, if he reluctantly entered on this office, 
but he exhibited his skill and judgment, in using per- 
suasions and promises rather than arms. He was at 
first unsuccessful, but, after a long siege, the Earl of 
Oxford, becoming fearful of the treachery of his fol- pj^ 3 " 
lowers, surrendered, conditionally that their lives, as Letters - 
well as his own, should be spared. f The mercy of 
King Edward, however, only extended to the life of 

* Some writers say lie had 400 men. 

f A free pardon was granted to the accomplices of the Earl in this rebellion. 


this nobleman, who was imprisoned for eleven years, 
in the castle of Ardennes, in Picardy. After the sur- 
render of the Earl of Oxford at St. Michael's Mount, 
his estates were confiscated. His countess was left 
destitute, and during the period of her husband's im- 
prisonment, supported herself by needlework — a strange 
reverse of fortune for one who was the daughter 
of the great Earl of Salisbury, and the sister of the 
potent "king-maker"! Yet such vicissitudes often 
mark the times of civil rebellion.* 
i47i Nor was the Countess of Oxford the only distin- 

guished female who suffered in these perilous times. 
After the death of the Earl of Warwick, his lady, 
Anne, was also deprived of her possessions, by the 
authority of Parliament, which were settled on her 
two daughters, Isabella and Anne. The former had 
been married to the Duke of Clarence ; the latter to 
the young Prince Edward, son of Henry VI. By this 
arrangement it was made to appear as though their 
mother was naturally dead. 

This Countess of Warwick took sanctuary at Beau- 
lieu, in Hampshire, where she continued a long time 
in a mean condition. She afterwards, privately, went 
into the north, where she also experienced great diffi- 
culties. Some years later, after the death of her 
daughters, when Henry VII. desired himself to possess 
Barnard Castle (which belonged to her inheritance), 
he annulled the former act, and restored her posses- 

During this succession of events Queen Margaret 
had been detained at Harfleur. She had arrived on 
the coast with the Prince, her son, in the month of 

* Paston Letters ; Milles's Catalogue ; Stow ; Eot. Pari. ; Lysons' Mag. 
Brit. ; Lingard ; Leland Collection ; Seyer's Bristol. 

*j* It was not until the year 1488 that this countess recovered her lands. — 
Hutchinson's Durham. 


November, and had remained there all the winter. 14 ?i. 
When at last she embarked, on the 4th of March, she Magna 
was tossed about by winds and waves, which, as if in BapST* ' 
forgetfulness of their natural inconstancy, had been g"™ e; 
uniformly adverse to her voyage during five entire 
months, thus preventing her landing in England in 
time to prevent the misfortunes which had just befallen 
her party. This unfortunate heroine was, at last, 
destined to land at Weymouth,* after being detained 
three weeks in the channel, in total ignorance of all 
that had happened. It was the 14th of April, 
1471,f on the evening of the very day upon which 
the battle of Barnet, so fatal to her hopes, had taken 
place. X 

Having at length attained the shore, after so many 
vicissitudes, with a few French troops, she might well, 
in the impulse of feeling, have exclaimed — 

" I weep for joy 
' c To stand upon my country once again. 
" Dear earth, I do salute thee ! " 

Fortune had often been the cruel enemy, and again 
befriended Queen Margaret. Upon this occasion she 
seemed to have driven her to the brink of despair at a 
time when she had been allowed to indulge the most 
brilliant hopes of prosperity and of happiness. It was 
but a short time since the Earl of Warwick, his brother, 
and the Duke of Clarence had all united their interests 
with hers. Clarence had now proved traitor. War- 
wick, who had months before impatiently awaited on 
the shore a long time for her arrival, but in vain, — alas ! 
he was no more. Montague had also fallen, and all the 

* Lingard says she landed at Plymouth ; Monstrelet, in Devonshire. 

t Some tell us the Queen landed the week before Easter. 

X Sandford ; Stow ; Baker ; Baudier ; Fabyan ; Shakespeare ; London 
Chron. ; Paston Letters ; Hume ; Biographie Universelle ; Daniel ; Ellis's 
Hist, of Weymouth ; Henry ; Mag-. Britannia ; Lingard ; Leland's Itin. 


noble army of the Lancastrians was now entirely dis- 
persed. The beloved husband and pacific King Henry 
had been again consigned to a prison. What chances 
were these? Queen Margaret could but look upon 
herself as destitute and helpless, and again thrown 
upon her own resources ; and all these changes had 
happened at a moment when she had fondly imagined 
that nothing but the contrary winds had impeded her 
restoration to authority, to honour, to her husband, and 
to her throne. Nay, her imagination, ever lively, 
might have even pictured her triumphal entrance into 
the capital, amidst the acclamations of the people ; — 
but what a reverse was here ! 

The transition from joy to sorrow, from the most 
buoyant hopes to the most heartfelt despondency, was 
too much — too much even for the heroic mind of 
Margaret of Anjou. She no sooner understood the 
extent of her losses and misfortunes than she sank 
down senseless on the floor, and could with great 
difficulty be recovered to life, and never, we are told, 
again was restored to the renewal of that hope which 
had animated her to her greatest exertions. She no 
longer perceived the possibility of her restoration to 
the throne, and all her wishes, all her thoughts, became 
concentrated in the protection of her son. That admir- 
able firmness of mind which had so long distinguished 
her, now entirely forsook her, and, perceiving no 
remedy in her misfortunes, she abandoned herself to 
grief. She fled with her son for refuge, first to an 
abbey called Cearne, close by, and thence to the 
monastery of Beaulieu, in Hampshire.* 

* At this period all churches and churchyards were sanctuaries, which 
afforded protection to traitors and delinquents of every kind for forty days. 
The most eminent of these sanctuaries in England were St. John's of Be- 
verly, St. 3Iartin's-le-Grand in London, Eipon in Yorkshire, St. Barsen's 
in Cornwall, and Westminster. — Pasion Letters. 

Baiter; Henry ; Handier ; Villaret; Rapin; Llngard; Hardyng's Citron.: 
Pol. Vergil; Hume; WraxalVs Tour ; Hay's B log. ; Warner's Hampshire. 


The Queen had with her the Grand Prior of St. 1471. 
John's, then called the Treasurer of England, who 
had been dismissed from England to fetch her, Lord 
Wenlock, and several knights and esquires. The 
intention of Margaret was to remain with these, her 
friends, in the Abbey of Beaulieu until she could safely 
return with them to France.* While Queen Margaret 
continued in this state of despondency, she was re- 
joined by Edmond, Duke of Somerset, and his brother 
John Beaufort, the Earls of Pembroke and Devonshire, 
and some others. f These noblemen sought to console 
the despairing Queen by representing to her that she 
still had reason for hope ; for although King Edward 
had been victorious in the last battle, he might yet be 
vanquished ; that the friends of her husband were still 
numerous in the kingdom, and that it would not be so 
difficult as she imagined to raise a new army to arrest 
the usurper's progress ; that, as one battle gained had 
restored to him the crown, so there was a chance that 
another lost might hurl him from it. They reminded her 
of the various changes which had occurred since the 
commencement of the quarrel between the two 
Houses, and thence bade her infer that there was still 
reasonable hope of success, provided she did not, by 
yielding herself up to unwarrantable fears, resign the 
interests of her family. That when she had herself 
acted as general, her armies had frequently been 
successful, and that it was still probable, that she might 
be victorious. Finally, that as her son, the Prince of 
Wales, was regarded as the true heir to the crown, his 
appearance at the head of her troops might be pro- 
ductive of a change in her favour. All these argu- 
ments, however, although set forth in the most per- 
suasive manner, could not restore Queen Margaret to 

* Baker ; Rapin ; Villaret ; Henry ; Blore's Rutland ; Fleetwood's MS. 
| Lingard ; Hardyng's Chron. ; Rapin ; Henry ; Villaret. 


lier wonted energy. She either despaired of success 
after so many accumulated disasters, which had befallen 
her in such rapid succession, or else the hasty glance 
and anticipation of the future which great minds are 
ever disposed to take, and of which the past experience 
she had had enabled her to judge, prevailed to convince 
Margaret that her husband's restoration to the throne 
for so brief a period, was but as the flash of expiring 
light, previous to the extinction of the Lancastrian 
dynasty. When again she beheld her son, she longed 
to restore him to his rights, but was restrained by her 
maternal anxiety. She was evidently reluctant to 
expose herself once more to the changes of fortune ; 
but it was not that she feared for her personal safety, 
it was her affection for her son that made her appre- 
hensive of the unhappy consequences of an unsuccess- 
ful enterprise. She perceived, that she could not 
attempt the recovery of the crown, without the imminent 
hazard of her son's life, and this reflection had so much 
weight with her, that it prevented her taking any 
decided step. She even proposed sending the young 
Prince back to France to await the event of their 
present undertaking ; but in this she was opposed by 
the Duke of Somerset, who relied upon the presence 
of Prince Edward, to attract many to his standard, and 
to inspire his followers with an ardent desire to fight 
in his cause. At last, when the Queen perceived that 
the lords were earnest to have her son present in battle, 
she violently opposed it, urging his youth, inexperience, 
and the great risk he would run, and adding that if he 
perished, every hope would be extinguished. She 
urged, that by sending him to France he would be in 
safety, and he might in the event of the failure of this 
enterprise remain in that country, and when advanced 
in years and strength would be able to return and 
assert his rights. Maternal feelings, however, at last 


yielded, but it was only after a severe conflict between 
the dread of losing her son, and the desire of placing 
him on the throne, which was his lawful right, that 
this unfortunate Queen adopted the advice of her 
friends. She had risked much ; she now resolved to 
hazard all in one last, desperate effort, to defend her 

This resolution being once taken, Queen Margaret 
no longer displayed the same despondency, but con- 
sidered the measures most politic in her present 
desperate circumstances. It was proposed that the 
Queen should retire with the Prince and Princess of 
Wales to Bath, and thither they hastened with a few 
attendants, while the Duke of Somerset and the noble- 
men and others, separated, to collect their adherents. 
These were to be united to the remains of the Earl 
of Warwick's army. Many, in a short time joined 
them at Exeter from Cornwall and Devonshire, through 
the influence of Sir Hugh Courtney, and Sir John 

The Earl of Pembroke set off to levy troops, in 
Wales, where his interest was greatest, having requested 
of the Duke of Somerset, who was Commander-in- 
chief under Prince Edward, not to engage in any con- 
test, until he should rejoin him with his followers. 
With almost incredible speed this new army was 
assembled. On the 27th of April, thirteen days after 
the battle of Barnet, these forces of the Lancastrians li71 
were drawn together, amounting to 40,000 men. With Hui ? e ; 
this army it was the intention of the commanders to Carew; 
march into Wales, and there join the Earl of Pembroke, eniy " 
and from thence to proceed into Cheshire, where they 
expected to strengthen their army with a body of 
archers, which would have made them very formid- 

* Habing-ton • Baker ; Lingard ; Rapin ; Viilaret ; Henry ; Hume. 

VOL. II. x 


able.* At Bath the Dukes of Somerset and Devon- 
shire had many friends, and the name of Prince Ed- 
ward attracted multitudes to their party. The Queen, 
however, did not yet feel sufficient confidence in her 
forces to risk a battle. Therefore she awaited the rein- 
forcements which the Earl of Pembroke was expected 
to bring from Wales. 

King Edward, meanwhile, receiving news of the 
Queen's intentions, reassembled his troops lately dis- 
banded after the battle of Barnet, and with great expe- 
dition marched forwards, in order to prevent the union 
of Queen Margaret's forces with those of the Earl of 
Pembroke. He issued a proclamation declaring his 
right to the crown was unquestionable, being founded 
on justice and equity, confirmed by several parliaments, 
and established by his repeated victories. That, not- 
withstanding all this, many persons had risen up against 
him, and he now thought proper to add a list of the 
disaffected whom he proscribed. These were, Margaret, 
calling herself Queen of England, Edward her son, the 
Duke of Somerset, and Iris brother, John Beaufort, the 
Duke of Exeter, John, Earl of Oxford, John Courtney, 
Earl of Devonshire, William, Viscount de Beaumont, 
Hugh Courtney, and eleven others, j" 

The Queen was anxious to avoid an engagement in 
which she would labour under some disadvantages, and 
determined to retire into Wales, a country the situa- 
tion of which was very favourable to her object, of 
putting off any fighting until the forces of Pembroke 
should join her army, and enable her to give battle to 
her enemies 4 

King Edward encamped at Marlborough, fifteen 

* Biondi ; Habington ; Baker ; Magna Britannia ; Carew's Cornwall ; 
Henry ; Lingard ; Daniel ; Bapin : Leland/s Itinerary. . 
f Habington ; Bapin. 
J Bicndi : Baker ; Bapin. 


miles from Bath ; and by the interposition of his army, 
prevented any succours reaching the Queen. Upon 
this near approach, Queen Margaret was alarmed, and, 
thinking herself unsafe, left Bath : she withdrew to 
Bristol. Her next object was to pass the Severn at 
Gloucester ; but she was refused the passage of the 
river at that place by Lord Beauchamp, the governor 
of that city and castle. The Queen was much provoked 
at this, but, in her present circumstances, she dared 
not revenge herself; and, passing by Gloucester, she 
proceeded to Berkley, in her way to Tewkesbury. The 
Queen also lost some of her artillery by the enemy, 
owing to the negligence of her own soldiers. 

Now. did King Edward hasten on, at the head of his 
troops, intent on charging the Lancastrians before they 
could obtain assistance from Wales. He had the ad- 
vantage both in arms and ammunition, and succeeded 
in pursuing the Queen's forces so closely that he 
arrived in sight of them, before they could reach 

Again the Queen became alarmed, so much so, that 
in a fit of desperation she began to consider the means 
of escape. Once again, the Duke of Somerset over- 
came her fears, and she gave up her intention of con- 
sulting her safety by flying into Wales, where a large 
army raised by the Earl of Pembroke was prepared to 
defend her, and resolved to remain where she was and 
run all hazards.* A council was called by her generals 
to deliberate on the propriety of passing the river, with 
the risk of beholding their rear-guard put to the route, 
or whether they should entrench themselves in the park 
adjoining the town, until they could procure assistance 
from Pembroke. Being quite engrossed by the con- 
sideration of her son's safety, Margaret advised the 

* Baker ; Habington ; Biondi ; Rapin ; Holinshed ; Fosbroke ; Leland's 


passage of the river, and many, from complacence to 
their Queen, supported this opinion. Somerset, how- 
ever, opposed it, alleging that before the army could 
have time to pass, the enemy would be near enough to 
attack them ; and that all those who should be so 
unfortunate as to be left behind would be cut to pieces ; 
that this disaster, which would be unavoidable, would 
nevertheless be fatal to their cause, since it would be the 
means of discouraging those who were faithful to their 
interests. In short, he judged, that the deficiences in 
their numbers might be made up by entrenching in the 
park, and by drawing lines which could counterbalance 
the enemy's superior numbers. This opinion was 
adopted, after some deliberation. The Duke of Somer- 
set has been charged by historians with imprudence 
and rashness ; but perhaps they were ignorant of the 
difficulty of passing such a river as the Severn with the 
enemy in their rear. It had been well had this general 
committed no other faults, the Queen's affairs might 
then have been more prosperous ; but his advice obliged 
the Queen to fight the enemy upon unequal terms.* 

The Lancastrians having taken the resolution to 
wait the approach of King Edward without moving, 
laboured all night in forming entrenchments around 
the park, which they accomplished before daybreak, 
so anxious were they to be prepared against a sudden 

When the forces of the King approached within 
sight of this encampment, it was resolved by him to 
begin the attack immediately, without allowing them 
time to establish themselves more firmly. 

King Edward drew up his army in two lines, giving 
the command of the first to the Duke of Gloucester, 
and conducting the second himself, with the Duke of 

" Stow ; Biondi ; Habington ; Eapin. 


The Queen's army was divided into three bodies. 
The first, commanded by Somerset, was prepared to 
sustain the first attack, the second was led on by Prince 
Edward, who was regarded as Commander-in-Chief, 
having Lord Wenlock and the Lord Prior of St. John's 
under him, and the third was conducted by the Earl of 
Devonshire. From the opinion which King Edward 
had formed of the valour and self-conceit of the Duke 
of Somerset, he had made his own arrangements, hoping 
to entrap him. It was the belief of the King, that the 
Duke expected to repel the first attack, and that he 
intended to sally forth and improve the opportunity, 
should any disorder arise amongst the Yorkists ; con- 
sequently, it was ordered that Gloucester, who was to 
commence the fight, should fall back suddenly if vigo- 
rously resisted, and that, when the enemy should 
pursue him, he should turn round, and attack them 
with renewed energy, and he was promised that the 
rest of the army should support him. 

When Queen Margaret perceived the hour of battle 
could no longer be delayed, and that nothing but the 
utmost valour and intrepidity could compensate for the 
deficiency of her numbers, she resolved to harangue 
her troops, and endeavour to animate their courage. 
Taking the Prince her son with her, she rode through 
their ranks, her countenance exhibiting the utmost 
firmness and resolution, while her words inspired con- 
fidence of success. As the old writer hath it, " so 
" skilfully did she conceal the wound which despair 
" had given her, that it only bled inwardly. 

" The Queen reminded them, that upon their valour 
11 that day depended the restoration of their imprisoned 
" monarch to his throne, and to the enjoyment of his 
" freedom ; while for themselves would be secured, not 
" only safety, but honour and recompense. 

" That the wealth of the cities of their enemies would 


" be their spoil, the kingdom their inheritance, which 

" would be divided amongst them, and the titles, in 

" which their enemies now gloried, would become their 

" reward. If alarmed at the inequality of numbers, she 

" assured them that the disparity was not so great, but 

" that by their courage, animated by the justice of their 

" cause, it might be overcome. She then bade them 

" behold their Prince, whose presence, she thought (for 

" as a fond mother she spoke) would make them ena- 

" moored of danger, and who, she said, would fight 

" amongst them, share their danger, and when possessed 

" of his throne would remember those to whom he was 

"indebted for it."* 

1471. Then commenced the famed battle of Tewkesbury, 

Topiis; which was fought on the 4th of May, 1471. 

Letted ■ The a ^tack upon the entrenchments was vigorously 

Howei; besrun by the Duke of Gloucester. The Lancastrians 

Baker: ° J 

Muies's bore the assault with great intrepidity, and, being pre- 
Eapin; " pared for the attack, they maintained their ground, 
Hume/ whereupon the Duke of Gloucester retreated so hastily 
towards the second line, that Somerset believed that 
they were totally dismayed, and, yielding to the impetu- 
osity of his disposition, and thinking to improve the dis- 
advantage of the moment, he sallied from his entrench- 
ments to attack the enemy, whom he expected to find 
in confusion ; he also despatched orders to "Wenlock to 
come immediately to his assistance. The Duke of 
Gloucester, who had by this time, according to the 
orders he had previously received, drawn up his men 
at a distance from the entrenchments, perceiving the 
advance of Somerset, came forth to meet him with 
great fury. This unexpected and vigorous attack, so 
much astonished the Lancastrians, that, perceiving no 
relief, they betook themselves, in confusion, to their 
camp. The Duke of Somerset was much enraged at 

* Habington. 


not being seconded by Wenlock, upon whose assistance 
he had depended in this attack upon Gloucester, and 
he now beheld him idle within the entrenchments. He 
had already doubted his fidelity, and being at this 
moment unable to restrain his fury, he rushed upon 
him, and with his battle-axe clove his head in pieces.* 
The young Prince, deprived, by this summary act of 
vengeance, of the assistance of Wenlock, knew not what 
to do, and Somerset was too much transported with 
passion either to issue proper orders or to enforce 

The Duke of Gloucester, meanwhile, invading their 
camp caused an immense slaughter, and created the 
utmost confusion throughout the army. King Edward 
followed, and his presence threw the Lancastrians into 
such disorder, that they thought no longer of resist- 
ance, but all endeavoured to save themselves by flight. 
Thus was the army of the Queen entirely routed. The 
loss on her side has been estimated at 3,000f men, 
the two last lines having run away without fighting. 
The Earl of Devonshire and Sir John Beaufort, the 
brother of the Duke of Somerset, were slain, 
also Sir John Delves, Sir Edward Hampden, Sir 
Robert Whittingham, Sir John Leukner, and 300 

The Prince of Wales was taken prisoner. The 
Duke of Somerset and about twenty other persons of 
distinction took refuge in the Abbey. 

Thither King Edward repaired immediately after 
his victory, in order to return thanks to God for his 
success, and finding there a great many Lancastrians, 
he gave them all a free pardon. Some add that this 

* Lord Wenlock had shown great fickleness in these civil wars. He 
fought bravely for the Lancastrians in the first battle of St. Alban's, but 
afterwards deserted to Edward (in 1459), who conferred many favours on 
him, and created him a baron. 

f Some write that only 300 were slain. 


favour was obtained through the intercessions of a 
priest. These promises, however, on the part of the 
conqueror, were as insincere, and as little to be relied 
on, as the former oaths of this Yorkist King. These 
sacred engagements and the rights of the sanctuary 
were inviolate only so long as his political position re- 
quired it. The Lancastrians, on the contrary, had ever 
respected the sanctuary, to which even King Edward 
had, but just before been indebted, for the safety of his 
Queen and her children. On this occasion all was 
forgotten ; and upon the third day after the battle a 
band of armed men rushed into the sanctuary, and, in 
violation of the King's promises and of the sanctity of 
the spot, they dragged out their unhappy victims and 
brought them into the presence of the Duke of 
Gloucester, sitting that day as Constable, and the 
Duke of Norfolk, as Marshal. Before these were 
arraigned and condemned to die, the Duke of Somerset, 
John Longstrother, Prior of St. John's, Sir Thomas 
Tresham, Sir Gervase Clifton, and several others, 
knights and esquires. Upon May 7th they were 
beheaded, along with twelve other knights, upon a 
scaffold set up in the middle of the town ; but they 
were not dismembered, and the victors afterwards 
permitted their interment.* This engagement! took 
place eighteen days after the battle of Barnet. It was 
the twelfth battle since the beginning of the quarrel 
of the Roses. 

The Earl of AVarwick had subdued England in 
eleven days, and in twenty days King Edward re- 

* Baker ; Howel ; Stow ; Bicmdi ; Milles's Catalogue ; Henry ; Blore's 
Rutland ; Habington ; Paston Letters ; Holinshed ; Toplis ; Pennant ; 
Leland's Collect. ; Sandford ; Lond. Chron. ; Rapin ; Daniel ; Barante ; 
Hume ; Lingard ; Collinson's Somersetsh. ; Biographie Universelle ; Fabyan ; 
Monstrelet ; Philip de Comines. 

t The scene of this battle, which destroyed the hopes of the Lancastrians, 
has received the name of " Bloody Meadow." — Warner's Tour. 


covered it, but not until he bad fought two desperate 
battles to effect his object.* 

Most extraordinary it appears that, in England, 
within the short period of half a year, there was held 
one Parliament in which King Edward was proclaimed 
an usurper, and King Henry a lawful monarch ; and 
another proclaiming King Edward a lawful monarch, 
and King Henry an usurper, to show us, adds the 
chronicler, that in human affairs there is nothing 
certain but uncertainty, nothing stable but instability.f 

The Queen was discovered in a chariot half dead 
with grief, upon beholding this unfortunate turn in 
her affairs, and still being ignorant of the fate of her 
son. She was conducted to King Edward. Another 
account informs us, that it was not until two days after 
the battle, that she was found in a nunnery, where she 
had sought refuge, and was brought into the presence 
of the triumphant monarch, then at Worcester. £ 

When Prince Edward appeared in the presence of 
the King he preserved an undaunted air, and would 
not be persuaded to make any submission derogatory 
to his birth. The King, surprised at his fearless 
countenance, inquired " how he dared to appear in 
" arms against him ;" to which the Prince replied, 
" that he had come to recover his own inheritance, 
" which had been unjustly taken from him." His 
boldness excited the King's indignation, and, striking 
him on the mouth with his gauntlet, he turned away 
from him. This was the signal for the death of this 
unfortunate Prince, for, no sooner had the King with- 
drawn, than the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the 
Earl of Dorset, and Lord Hastings, falling upon him, 

* Baker ; Kapin ; Philip de Comines ; Henry. 

f Baker. 

+ Holinshed ; Sandf ord ; Toplis ; Stow ; Paston Letters ; Howel ; Daniel ; 
Baker ; Femmes Celebres ; Eapin ; Lingard ; Hume ; Henry ; Fabyan : 
Bayley's History of the Tower. 


despatched him with their daggers. It has been sup- 
posed that King Edward had previously given orders 
for this cruel execution. There is some difference of 
opinion as to the death of this Prince, yet there is little 
doubt that, if he did not receive it from these noble- 
men, the act was done in their presence. 

Some historians tell us that Prince Edward, having 
escaped from the battle, a reward of £500 sterling was 
offered by the King for his apprehension, dead or alive, 
engaging that should he be alive, he would not put 
him to death. Upon this promise Sir Richard Crofts 
brought him to King Edward, who, however, did not 
find this monarch disposed to keep his word. Prince 
Edward was but eighteen years of age when he was 
thus cruelly put to death.* He was buried without 
solemnity, with some persons of mean condition, in the 
church of Blackfriars, in Tewkesbury. In the same 
church were also interred those Lancastrians who had 
been beheaded after the late engagement.! Some of 
the monuments erected to their memory may still be 
seen. An altar tomb in the north wall of the nave 
has been ascribed to Lord Wenlock,^ and a similar 
one at the upper end of the south aisle near the choir, 
under an arch, is that of the Duke of Somerset. In 
the middle, under the great tower, at the entrance of 
the choir, a large grey marble slab, with brass plates 
affixed (but which have been since removed), marked 
the spot where the remains of Prince Edward were 
thought to have been deposited. § This Prince 

* Tradition has preserved the memory of the spot where Prince Edward 
was murdered in a house on the north side of the Tolsey. — Warner's Tour. 

f Sandford ; Toplis ; Stow ; Howel ; Baker ; Holinshed ; Lingard ; Or- 
merod's Cheshire ; Milles's Catalogue ; Paston Letters ; London Chron. ; 
Caradoc of Lhancarvan ; Daniel ; Barante ; Philip de Comines : Monstrelet ; 
Sharon Turner ; Willis's Abbeys ; Henry ; Hume ; Bapin : Jean de Troye ; 
Fabyan ; Villaret. 

% The effigy of Lord Wenlock in full proportion is lying thereon. 

§ Some state that Prince Edward's remains were thrown into one com- 
mon srrave with others who had fallen in this battle. 


deserved a better fate ; he had excellent qualities of 
mind and heart, which caused him to be much re- 
gretted. It has been remarked that every one who 
had participated in this murder came to an untimely 

To the monastery and convent of Tewkesbury 
Henry VII. afterwards granted the parochial church 
of Towton, to pray for the souls of this Duke of 
Somerset, his brother John, and others, who lost 
their lives in the quarrel of the Roses. 

It may be well to remark that, in these turbulent 
times, the remains of the dead seldom found their 
resting-place in the vaults of their ancestors, and often 
those who in life were nearest allied, were by death 
widely separated. Thus was it with Sir John Wen- 
lock, who, in 1461, when he was created Baron 
Wenlock, had erected a chapel in the parish church 
of Luton, in Bedfordshire, where there was an in- 
scription and a portrait of Sir John, with the arms of 
the family. In this place it is probable that Lady 
Wenlock was buried, and that Lord Wenlock intended 
it for his own place of sepulture.* 

The renowned Chancellor, Sir John Fortescue, was 
taken prisoner in the battle of Tewkesbury. He had 
accompanied Queen Margaret and her son throughout 
their last unfortunate expedition. The life of this 
venerable sage was spared by King Edward, who 
afterwards restored him to freedom. He also granted 
him his estates, and admitted him to his favour. 
While in Scotland with King Henry, during the time 
of his exile, he had written a treatise in proof of the 
claims of the House of Lancaster. With the same 
ability he now composed for the rival monarch, a 
second treatise in support of the title of the House 

* Willis's Abbeys ; Sandford ; Toplis ; Fox's Monks and Monast. ; Eccles. 
Hist. ; Magna Britannia ; Pennant. 


of York, and tins, we are assured, was the price of his 

King Edward entered London on the 21st of May, 
and, in order to make his triumph resemble those of 
the Eomans, he brought with him his chief captive, 
the afflicted Queen Margaret. She had lost every 
hope of re-ascending the throne, and by the death of 
her son was deprived of her greatest consolation. A 
new cause for grief awaited her when she reached the 
Tower, whither she was conducted, she was not permitted 
to see King Henry ; and there she remained a prisoner 
several years. Thus left to her own reflections, it had 
been well for Margaret could she have been able, like 
her noble sire, to seek the consolations of religion, of 
literature, and of the arts ; but her life had been a 
scene of activity, even from her childhood, and her 
tastes were rather those inspired by busy life. AYith 
her son she had now lost the spring for action, and 
even her mind became captive to her situation. She 
sunk into despondency. f 

King Edward had been indebted to the Archbishop 
of York for many services, yet he was not at ease on 
his throne while Neville enjoyed his liberty. This pre- 
late had hunted at Windsor with the King, who had 
promised him, in return, to hunt with him at the Moor, 
in Hertfordshire. Preparations were made on a grand 
scale for the royal visitor. All the plate which the 
Archbishop had concealed since the time of his brother's 
death, had been collected for this occasion, and all the 
chief nobility of the neighbourhood had been invited 
to partake of the banquet. The King, however, com- 
manded this prelate to come to Windsor, and he was 

* Rot. Pari. ; Henry ; Ling-ard. 

f Habington ; Holinshed ; Baudier ; Female Worthies ; Hume ; Rapin ; 
Henry ; Baker ; Daniel ; Fabyan : Villaret : Bayley's History of the Tower 
of London. 


then arrested on a charge of having lent money to the 
Earl of Oxford. The revenue of his bishopric was 
seized, and his valuable plate confiscated : his mitre 
was converted into a crown, and his jewels appropriated 
by the King and the Prince of Wales. The Arch- 
bishop lingered for three years in prison, partly in 
England, and partly at Guisnes. He recovered his 
freedom only a few weeks before his death, in 1476. 
This is a marked instance of ingratitude in the cha- 
racter of Edward IV.* 

Thomas Neville, called the Bastard of Falconbridge,! 1*71. 
who was a faithful adherent of the House of Lancaster, 
had been Vice-Admiral of the Channel during the 
time of King Henry's restoration, but lost this office 
on the change of the dynasty. He then turned pirate ; 
but having lands, and some influence in the county of 
Kent, he collected a considerable army and attempted 
to surprise London, with a view to rescue King Henry 
from the Tower. He was repulsed, and withdrew with 
his troops into Kent. Lord Scales, with the assistance 
of Nicholas Faunte, Mayor of Canterbury, contrived 
means with fair words only, to prevail on Falconbridge 
to return to Blackheath. From them, however, he 
stole away in the night with 600 horsemen to Rochester, 
and after to Sandwich, where he awaited the King's 
coming. He submitted to King Edward, and was not 
only pardoned, but also knighted, and again appointed 
Vice-Admiral, in this year, 1471. From this time his 
career was short, for between the 13th and 29th of the 
following September he was beheaded, but for what 
offence is unknown. His head, and the heads of nine 
others, placed on spears, were exhibited on London 

* Leland Collect. ; Stow ; Rymer : Bayley's Tower of London ; Lingard. 

f He was a natural son of William, Lord Falconbridge. One account 
of his death is, that he was beheaded by the Duke of Gloucester in 


bridge, exposed to the birds and elements, until the 
bones only were left. It is probable that those who 
shared his fate were some of his own men from Kent, 
thirty of whom we are told, joined him in his enter- 

The King granted to William Waynfleet, Bishop of 
Winchester, who had been a staunch friend of the 
Lancastrians, a complete pardon. He did not exhibit 
the same generosity towards his rival, Henry the Sixth. 
After having twice spared the life of this monarch, 
doubtless on account of his innocence and simplicity of 
character, King Edward began to fear that he should 
not enjoy any confirmed peace whilst Henry was alive. 
He would perhaps have suffered him to die a natural 
death, had not the repeated attempts to re-enthrone 
him pointed out to him his own insecurity. He there- 
fore resolved to despatch him, and Queen Margaret's 
last attempt to recover the crown, hastened the ca- 

There is little doubt that, had Queen Margaret won 
the last battle, and taken King Edward prisoner, she 
would have put him to death ; but the good fortune of 
this monarch, caused the same fate to fall upon her 
husband and her son, and she was herself only indebted 
to her sex, for her preservation. 
1471. It was on the night of the 21st of May, 1471, of 

that same day upon which the King had entered Lon- 
don triumphantly, and his royal captive, the Lancas- 
trian Queen, had been consigned to the Tower, but 
a few days after the battle of Tewkesbury, that the 
good and meek King Henry the Sixth, while engaged 
in his devotions, in his prisou in the Tower, was put to 
death. It was generallv believed that he was stabbed 
with a dagger, by the hand of the Duke of Gloucester, 

* Paston Letters ; Lingard ; Bentley's Exceipta, Hist. ; Miss Lawrence ; 

Mackay's Thames. 


who has been almost unanimously called a cruel, and a 
bloodthirsty prince.* 

The great hall in the Wakefield tower has been 
said, by tradition, to have been the scene of Henry's 

To appease the public, it was reported that King- 
Henry had died of grief. His body was brought to 
St. Paul's a few days after, with guards and torches, 
in an open coffin, barefaced, where it rested a day 
uncovered, and here the body bled afresh ; it was 
thence conveyed to the church of Blackfriars, where it 
again bled ; it was then taken in a boat to Chertsey 
Abbey, f and without ceremony, " there being neither 
" priest nor clerk,, torch nor taper, saying or singing, 
11 he was there interred," within the cloisters. 

King Henry's corpse was afterwards removed by 
King Edward's order to Windsor, and buried in St. 
George's Chapel, in the south aisle, between the choir 
and the altar, under the arch on the south side, but no 
monument placed over it. 

The remains of King Edward were afterwards in- 
terred in the same chapel, which he had himself 

Thus did the rival monarchs at last repose in death 
under the same roof.;J; This circumstance was sug- 
gestive of the following lines from the poet's pen : — 

" Let softest strains ill-fated Henry mourn, 
" And palms eternal flourish round his urn. 
" Here, o'er the martyr King, the marble weeps, 
' ' And fast beside him once f ear'd Edward sleeps ; 

* This character of Gloucester has been given by his enemies, historians 
who favoured the House of Lancaster. 

f Chertsey Abbey was founded for Benedictine monks, in 666, and was 
dissolved by Henry VIII. in 1538. 

J Sandford ; Stow; Howel; Toplis; Baker; Grafton; Milles's Catalogue; 
Fabyan ; Rapin ; Hume ; Pennant's London ; Henry ; Lingard ; Monfau- 
con ; Londiniana ; Philip de Comines ; Rous of Warwick ; Mag. Britannia 
Ashmole's Berkshire. 


" Whom not th' extended Albion could contain, 
" From old Belerium to the northern main. 
" The grave unites ; where e'en the great find rest, 
" And blended lie th' oppressor and th' opprest !"* 

The reputed sanctity of Henry VI. , and the desire 
of Henry VII. to establish his right to the crown upon 
the Lancastrian descent, caused this monarch to apply 
to the Papal See for his canonization. It was his 
intention to found a chapel at Windsor to the memory 
of Henry VI., and to place in it a stately monument 
over his remains (which were said to have wrought 
miracles) ; but the abbot and convent of Westminster 
at this time sent a petition to the King, claiming to 
have King Henry's body removed to their church, that 
being the place chosen by this monarch himself during 
his lifetime. 

The aged workmen of the abbey well remembered 
the visits of King Henry for the purpose of fixing the 
place for his sepulture. It was during that unhappy 
period, between the battles of St. Alban's and that of 
Wakefield, that the King frequented the abbey at all 
hours of day or night to decide on the spot where he 
should be interred. He came at one time between 
seven and eight o'clock in the evening from his palace, 
accompanied by his Confessor, Thomas Manning, who 
was afterwards Dean of Windsor. He was received 
by the abbot by torchlight at the postern, and they 
went together round the Confessor's Chapel. It was 
proposed to move the tomb of Eleanor, when the 
King replied "that he could in no wise do it," and 
when this was pressed upon him, he fell into one of 
his fits of silence, and gave no reply. He then pro- 
ceeded to the Lady Chapel, where he beheld his 
mother's coffin in its neglected state. It was proposed 
that it should be " more honourably apparelled," and 

* Pope. 


that he should be laid between it and the altar in the 
same chapel, but Henry gave no answer. 

The remains of Queen Catherine had been placed in 
a rude coffin in " this chapel, in a ' badly apparelled 
1 state, the body open to view ; and there she remained 
1 many years.' When this chapel was destroyed by 
her grandson, it was placed on the right side of her 
husband, and so it continued to be seen, the bones 
being firmly united, and thinly clothed with flesh-like 
scrapings of fine leather. This strange neglect was 
probably the result of the disfavour into which her 
memory had fallen from her ill-assorted marriage, 
but the legends of the abbey tell us, that it was by 
her own appointment in regard of her disobedience 
to her husband, for being delivered of her son, 
Henry VI., at Windsor, the place which he for- 

On another day, he visited the Confessor's Chapel, 
with Flete, the prior of the abbey. Henry inquired of 
him the names of the kings whose tombs were around 
him, till he came to the grave of his father, where he 
prayed. He then entered the chantry, and surveyed 
the whole chapel for one hour. He was asked if the 
tomb of Henry V. should be pushed a little on one side, 
and his own placed beside it ; when, with more than 
his customary regal spirit, he exclaimed, " Nay, let him 
u alone ; he lieth like a noble prince — I would not 
" trouble him." The abbot proposed at last that the 
great reliquary should be moved from its position at 
that time, close beside the shrine, so as thus, to leave a 
vacant space for another tomb. 

The King anxiously inquired, whether any other 
spot could be found where the relics might be deposited, 
and being informed that they might be placed at the 
back side of the altar, he then marked with his foot 

* Dean Stanley's Westminster Abbey. 


seven feet, and turning to the nobles who were with 
him, " Lend me your staff," he said to Lord Cromwell ; 
" is it not fitting I should have a place here, where my 
"father and my ancestors lie, near St. Edward?" 
Then, pointing with the staff to the spot, he said, 
" Here methinketh is a convenient place ; " and again 
more emphatically, and with the peculiar asseveration, 
which, in his pious lips, took the place of the savage 
oaths of the Plantagenets, " Forsooth, forsooth, here 
" will we lie ! Here is a good place for us." 

The master mason of the abbey, named Thirsk, then 
traced with an iron instrument the circuit of the grave. 
The relics were removed three days after, and the tomb 
was ordered. The "marbler" (or statuary) and the 
coppersmith were paid forty groats for their instalment, 
and one groat was given to the workmen, who long 
remembered their master's conversation by this token. 
The religious establishments of Chertsey and of Wind- 
sor disputed the claim of Westminster, and an exami- 
nation of the parties took place in the King's presence 
in council. A decision was given on the third hearing 
unanimously, in favour of Westminster, and not long 
after, the license was obtained from Pope Julius II. 
for the removal of King Henry's remains to the abbey ; 
but the intention of canonisation was given up, the 
King being unwilling to yield to the exorbitant de- 
mands of the Court of Rome. 

In the will of Henry VIII. there was mention made 
of his design to repair the tombs of his predecessors, 
Henry VI. and Edward IV. The former being still in 
St. George's Chapel, we may affirm that this monarch's 
remains were never taken away from Windsor. 

During the civil wars, the tomb of King Henry VI., 
as well as that of his rival, Edward IV., were despoiled 
of their ornaments, and nothing now remains to mark 

* Londiniana ; Baker ; Dean Stanley's Westminster Abbey. 


the place of sepulture of the meek monarch than the 
royal arms beneath an arch.* No monument, indeed, 
was needed for this pious king, although by some 
regarded with contempt, beholding in him but a weak 
and imbecile sovereign. Yet did he become distin- 
guished by good acts and patient endurance, as a 
Christian and a saint. To the memory of this holy king 
no monument was ever raised ; and in allusion to this, 
Walpole has written the following lines : — 

" But say, what shrine ? My eyes in vain require 
" Th' engraven brass, and monumental spire ; 
" Henry knows none of these. Above, around ! 
" Behold where'er this pensile quarry 's found, 
" Or swelling into vaulted roofs its weight, 
" Or shooting columns into Gothic state, — 
" Where'er this fane extends its lofty frame, 
" Behold the monument to Henry's name ! " 

The noble works of art of his day were themselves 
monuments of lasting praise, if such were needed, to 
the memory of this good king.")" 

Henry VI. died in the fiftieth year of his age, 
having reigned thirty-eight years before he was de- 
throned, and seven months after his restoration. He 
was twice crowned, and twice buried.J 

This monarch was revered as a martyr, and it was 
whispered that miracles were wrought at his tomb. In 
St. Leonard's church, Norwich, was an image of 
Henry VI., which was visited by pilgrims from all 
parts, who, being afflicted with various diseases, re- 
paired thither in the hope of their cure. Thus this 
image became famous, and the church in which it was 
placed. § 

The virtues of King Henry, and the endowments of 
his mind, were indeed enough to make him a saint. 
He was so devout as to think nothing adversity which 

* Londiniana. f Walpole. + Toplis ; Rapin. 

§ Parkin's Norwich. 

y 2 


was not a hindrance to devotion. His confessor said 
of him that, " in ten years' confession he never found 
" that he had done, or said anvthino; for which he 
11 might justly be enjoined penance ; }> and on this 
account Henry VII. would have had him canonized for 
a saint.* 

Upon one occasion King Henry is said to have 
foretold the exaltation of the Earl of Richmond, who 
being brought to him by Jasper, Earl of Pembroke 
when scarcely ten years of age, this monarch, after 
regarding him for some time, said to the lords about 
him, "Lo! this is he to whom both we and our ad- 
" versaries, having the possession of all things, shall 
" hereafter give place " — a prophecy so many years 
after fulfilled, that it was the more remarkable. 

Henry has been described as tall, slight, and hand- 
some in person, and of a beautiful countenance. His 
hair was of a moderate length ; he had no beard, 
or whiskers, and wore broad shoes. He usually had 
on a cap, or hood of red velvet, which was preserved 
a long time afterwards upon his tomb, and it was by 
the superstitious thought to cure the headache of all 
those who put it on.f 

This meek and gentle monarch of a turbulent 
and rebellious people, whom during a long life he 
was unable to rule, was yet of so virtuous and 
estimable a character that he deserved the universal 
admiration of posterity. He has been described as 
a man of pure simplicity of mind ; truthful almost 
to a fault. He never made a promise he did not 
keep, and never knowingly did an injury to any- 
one. Rectitude and justice ruled his conduct in all 
public affairs. Devout himself, he sought to cherish a 
love for religion in others. He would exhort his 

* Baker. 

f Milles's Catalogme ; Stow ; Baker ; Strntt ; Peck's Desiderata Curiosa. 


" visitors, particularly the young, to pursue virtue and 
" eschew evil. He considered sports and pleasures 
" of the world as frivolous, and devoted his leisure to 
" reading the Scriptures and the old chronicles. 

11 Most decorous himself when attending public 
" worship, he obliged his courtiers to enter the sacred 
" edifice without swords, or spears, and to refrain from 
" interrupting the devotion of others by conversing 
" within its precincts. He exhorted his clergy in 
" frequent letters, and charged them to consider their 
" trust as emanating from the authority of the Most 
" High. 

" He delighted in female society, and blamed the 
" immodest dress which left exposed the maternal 
" parts of the neck." When he observed this on one 
occasion, at a masque proposed for his entertainment, 
he exclaimed, " Fie, fie ! forsooth you are much to 
" blame ; " and he hastened from the apartment. " Fond 
" of encouraging youth in the path of virtue, he would 
" frequently converse familiarly with the scholars from 
" his college of Eton, when they visited his servants 
" at Windsor Castle. He generally concluded with 
a this touching address, adding a present of money : 
u c Be good lads, meek and docile, and attend to your 
" c religion.' 

" He was liberal to the poor, and lived among his 
" dependents as a father among his children. He 
" readily forgave those who had offended him. When 
" one of his servants had been robbed, he sent him 
" a present of twenty nobles, desiring him to be more 
" careful of his property in future, and requesting him 
" to forgive the thief. Passing one day from St. 
" Alban's to Cripplegate, he saw a quarter of a man 
" impaled there for treason. Greatly shocked, he 
" exclaimed, ' Take it away, take it away. I will 
" ' have no man so cruelly treated on my account.' 


" Hearing that four men of noble birth were about 
" to suffer for treason to him, he sent them his par- 
" don with all expedition to the place of execution. 

" In his dress he. was plain, and would not wear 
" the shoes with the upturned points, then so much 
" in fashion and considered the distinguishing mark 
" of a man of quality. 

" He was careful to select proper persons in the 
" distribution of church preferment, and, anxious to 
" promote the real happiness of his two half-brothers, 
" the Earls of Richmond and Pembroke, he had them 
" carefully brought up under the most upright and 
" virtuous ecclesiastics. 

M Such a King in more peaceable times would have 
" been a blessing to his country ; but in those tur- 
" bulent days, when personal prowess was considered 
" the first of virtues, it is not to be wondered, that he 
11 should have been looked upon almost in the light 
" of an idiot."* 

No monarch could be less fitted to wield a sceptre 
than Henry VI. ; for, being made King at nine months 
old, his knowledge and skill in affairs of state did 
not " grow with his growth," neither did he in 
maturer years evince the least capacity for the regu- 
lation of a people, who, being attached to him as their 
lawful ' sovereign, yet had become discontented, and 

His mind was so weak that all counsels appeared to 
him equally good, being unable to perceive the conse- 
quences of any advice given to him.f This natural 
weakness totally unfitting him to govern, Henry 
yielded himself up to the guidance of others, some- 

* This extract is from one who had well studied the King's cha- 
racter from personal observation. — J. Blachman ; Hearne ; Otterhourne ; 

f Habington ; Rapin ; Hume. 


times to that of Queen Margaret, at other times, to that 
of the most ambitious of his subjects, without making 
any resistance, or the least effort to assert his own 
power.* The great deficiencies in King Henry for the 
exercise of regal sway were, however, supplied by all 
the virtues of the man. He was chaste, temperate, 
meek, and holy, and so good and amiable, that he was 
beloved by his people, and even by his enemies. His 
disposition was so forgiving, and benevolent, and such 
was his love of peace, that he sought on all occasions 
to conciliate the contending parties ; and would always 
try pacific measures before he consented to engage in 
warfare. It is even said of him that he did himself a 
violence when he had recourse to arms. When the 
weakness of his understanding made him at times 
appear contemptible in the eyes of those who ought to 
have reverenced his authority, the purity and innocence 
of his life preserved their affection to him. Thus, the 
victorious Yorkists, when wreaking their vengeance on 
their most deadly enemies, were seen to fall on their 
knees before their humbled and unfortunate monarch, 
who was their prisoner, and the greatest object of their 
pity ; then did they conduct him respectfully, and with 
all the dignity due to his rank, to the metropolis. They 
even preserved, at a time when they grasped at absolute 
power, that show of decorum and propriety due to 
majesty, which nothing but their sympathy in his mis- 
fortunes, and affection for his person could have 
extorted. His integrity, modesty, and patience were 
wonderful, taking and suffering all losses, chances, dis- 
pleasures, and such worldly torments in good part, and 
with a patient manner, as though they had chanced by 
his own fault, or negligent oversight. 

King Henry abhorred cruelty and injustice, and he 
desired neither riches, nor honour. He studied only 

* Malcolm's Manners and Customs ; Hume ; Lingard ; Rapin. 


for the health of his soul, the saving whereof he 
esteemed the greatest wisdom, and the loss thereof the 
greatest folly that could be. He might have been 
called unhappy, had he not been endued with such piety 
as raised him above his fortune, and united him to his 
God. By some he was regarded as a saint, and his 
virtues were extolled in order to render more odious 
the King who had robbed him of his crown and life. 
His manners were simple and inoffensive, and it was a 
peculiarity in his character that he did not swear in 
common conversation, and reproved the practice in all 
those who approached his person. 

The conduct of King Henry when deprived of his 
crown was exemplary, and when reduced to the level 
of his subjects, he bore lnVmisfortunes with such meek- 
ness and patience, as totally disarmed his successor of 
any desire to take away his life. 

The indignity with which this monarch was treated 
by the Earl of Warwick, and others, reflects but little 
credit on the manners and feelings of the age. Many 
great offences Henry willingly forgave ; and one day, 
having received a blow from a wicked person, who 
sought to take his life, he only said, " Forsooth, ye do 
" wrong yourself, more than me, so to smite the Lord's 
" anointed." He had many injuries offered him, yet 
he never sought to revenge himself, but gave thanks to 
God, that he did send them to punish his sins in this 
life, that he might escape punishment in the life to 

King Henry had a singular devotion to Saint Ed- 
mond, and we are told, that, " he nowhere enjoyed so 
" much comfort, peace, and joy, as in his retreats in the 
" monastery of St. Edmondsbury." 

This monarch is universally described as amiable, 
and although of a weak understanding, as possessing 
uncommon goodness of heart. As a private individual 


he might have shone conspicuous, but as a king his 
virtues were lost sight of, in the evident deficiency of 
the sterner requisites for regal power.* 

* Biondi ; Habington ; Hall ; Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Howel ; Lin- 
gard ; Henry ; Hume ; Rapin ; Malcolm ; Camden's Remains ; Butler's 
Lives ; Gent.'s Magazine. 


" To be a queen in bondage is more vile 

" Than is a slave in base servility ; 

" For princes should be free." — Shakespeare. 

" Now Margaret 
' ' Must strike her sail, and learn awhile to serve 
" Where kings command. I was, I must confess, 
1 ' Great Albion's queen in former golden days ; 
11 But now mischance hath trod my title down, 
' ' And with dishonour laid me on the ground ; 
1 ( Where I must take like seat unto my fortune, 
" And to my humble seat conform myself." 


Queen Margaret imprisoned in the Tower, also at Windsor and at Walling- 
ford — Rene — His age and misfortunes — The death of Charles of 
Anjou, also that of Ferri de Yaudemont, and of Nicolas, of Anjou — 
Louis XI. seizes on Anjou — Rene retires to Provence — Rene's pursuits, 
tastes, and disposition — Rene's letter to Queen Margaret — Louis XI. 
meets Rene at Lyons — He appoints Charles of Maine his heir — 
Manoeuvre of Louis — The cession of the rights of Rene — His condi- 
tions — Louis enters into a treaty with Edward IT. — Queen Margaret 
is ransomed — She departs from England — Having renounced her claims 
on England, she yields to Louis her rights in Anjou and Provence — 
Queen Margaret's melancholy — Rene at G-ardane — He instructs his 
granddaughter — The defeat and death of Charles the Bold by the Duke 
of Lorraine — Rene's last illness and death — The will of Rene — The 
Provencaux oppose the removal of his corpse— His body is carried to 
Angers — His monument and epitaph, statues, coat of arms — The .in- 
stitutions of Rene — His character — Charles of Anjou his successor — 
The death of Charles of Anjou — Louis XI. his heir. 

The vanquished Queen Margaret, consigned to the 
solitude of a prison, was overcome by melancholy, and 
during five years endured a comfortless captivity. Her 
heroic spirit, which had braved every danger, and sus- 
tained such great trials, no longer bore up under the 


pressure of misfortune. She had not even a ray of 
hope to cheer the future, being now deprived of her 
husband, her son, her friends, and of her kingdom, and 
no" other prospect before her than of an endless im- 
prisonment. At first she was confined in the Tower of 
London, where she was treated with the utmost harsh- 
ness, until by the kind intercession of Elizabeth Wood- 
ville, who probably retained a lively recollection of the 
benefits which her royal mistress had bestowed upon 
her, while in attendance on her formerly at court, she 
obtained through her compassion some mitigation of 
her cruel treatment. The widowed Queen was next 1472. 
imprisoned at Windsor, in 1472, and afterwards re- 
moved to Wallingford Castle, where she was placed 
under the charge of Alice Chaucer, Duchess Dowager 
of Suffolk, one of her early friends, whose residence 
was at Ewelin, in Oxfordshire, not far from Walling- 
ford. Doubtless it must have been consoling to the 
unhappy Queen to receive the sympathy of her former 
companion and friend, who in the joyous hours of her 
maidenhood had, with her ill-fated husband, conducted 
her to the shores of England, and whose bereavement 
Margaret had so deeply felt.* 

Five marks weekly was all the allowance granted to 
her from King Edward for her support, and that of her 
servants. This seems an inconsiderable sum compared 
to that allowed to the Duke of Orleans, which was 
400 marks annually for his maintenance. This shows 
that she was no longer treated as a Queen. 

Thus this unfortunate heroine passed the time of 
her widowhood, a season always sorrowful and desolate, 
but to her it must have been truly unhappy, having 
not the slightest hope of regaining her freedom, f 

The " good King Rene," her father, was now stricken 

* Paston Letters ; Ridpath ; Lingard ; Toplis. 
+ Toplis ; Lingard ; Ridpath ; Paston Letters. 





Bodin ; 
Letters ; 

in years, and worn out with a series of misfortunes, 
yet, he was tenderly attached to his daughter Margaret, 
and much distressed at her imprisonment. He found 
himself, however, unable to effect her liberation, or to 
assist her as he anxiously desired. 

He was not in a condition to pay such a ransom, as 
would probably be demanded for her liberty. He had 
throughout his life been very necessitous, and was now 
in greater distress than ever ; for, although he had been 
of great service to the French in the conquest of Nor- 
mandy, and in then endeavours to expel the English 
from France, Louis XL had treated him with great 

Rene had mourned the death of his son John, Duke 
of Calabria. This loss had occurred at the same epoch 
as the disasters of Queen Margaret, and the sensible 
heart of Rene was greatly afflicted. Soon after this, 
his brother, Charles of Anjou, followed to the grave ; 
and next Ferri de Vaudemont, Duke of Lorraine. 
Nicholas, son of John of Anjou, also died ; his death 
happened on the 24th of May,* 1473 ; he was but 
twenty-five years of age.f He had been for some time 
before, in treaty with the Duke of Burgundy, for the 
hand of his daughter Mary, his only child, and the pre- 
sumptive heir to his dominions. It appears, that 
Louis XI. had offered his eldest daughter in marriage to 
Duke Nicholas, who had broken his faith, preferring the 
daughter of Burgundy, the King s vassal. Thus the 
marriage became obnoxious to Louis, and the young 
man's sudden death, just at the time when there seemed 
no longer any obstacle to this union, gave occasion to 
the report, that he died by poison, administered by the 
same hand that had taken off the Duke of Berri. 

Monstrelet tells us, however, that this Duke Nicholas 

* Monstrelet says he died in July. 

+ Bodin; Monstrelet; Habington: Female Worthies : Paston Letters. 


died of the plague, in his duchy of Lorraine, and adds 
that, by his death the male line of Rene of Anjou became 
extinct; and the inheritance of Lorraine passed to 
Yoland, the eldest daughter of Rene, whose husband 
had lately died. 

Rene II., Count of Vaudemont, became Duke of 
Lorraine ; but some write, that this crown was offered 
to Rene, who rejected it in favour of his grandson. 

The Duke of Burgundy, probably disappointed at 
the failure of his project, for uniting the duchies of Bur- 
gundy and Lorraine by the marriage of his daughter, 
very unjustly imprisoned Rene II., but was soon obliged 
to liberate him.* 

King Rene at this time of sorrow and regret with- 
drew to his castle of Bauge, where he sought the most 
perfect quiet, and the sweetest recollections. Here he 
thought he might mourn in peace. He wandered by 
its river, then traversed the rooms of his castle, then 
repaired to seek peace in its chapel, alternately he 
prayed, and wept, and then silently meditating, appeared 
to seek " another and a better country." His features 
seemed to be changed by grief; but, alas ! the good 
King Rene s time for sorrowing was not yet over. He 
had still renewed troubles, and even his cherished soli- 
tude was about to be ravished from him, and while 
this aged monarch was seeking strength to sustain his 
afflictions, his nephew, Louis XL, meditated the seizure 
of Anjou, under the most unjust pretexts. This artful 
king, abusing the kindness of his relative, had de- 
nounced Rene to the parliament of Paris as a conspi- 
rator, ordaining that he should be criminally sued, and 
expecting that he might thus obtain a pretext for con- 
fiscating his estates to his own advantage. The par- 
liament, however, being acquainted with the prudence 

* Paston Letters ; Godard Faultrier ; Bodin ; Monstrelet ; Jean de Troye ; 
Hi^t. General de Provence. 


and good conduct of the Duke of Anjou, would not 
follow up this unjust accusation. 
Bodit'- 1 " ^he King of France then, without any form of pro- 

Godard cedure, seized upon Anjou, and established a strong 
garrison in the castle of Angers, giving the command 
of it to William of Cerazai, who became first mayor of 
Angers. Louis was at this time, marching at the head 
of 50,000 men against Francis II., Duke of Brittany, 
and he made it his pretext, that King Rene was in 
alliance with the Bretons. He even feigned great rage 
at this. Bene, meanwhile, although only seven leagues 
distant, at his castle of Bauge, was so far from suspect- 
ing it, that hearing the King was at Angers, he ordered 
his horse, intending to go there to congratulate him. 
His servants, knowing his love for his country of Anjou, 
dared not at first to tell him the truth ; but, finding he 
determined on going to Angers, one of his familiar 
friends declared to him the facts. This good prince, 
accustomed to control his affections, which of late had 
been much tried by his misfortunes, bore this shock 
with fortitude, and he even finished the painting upon 
which he was engaged at the time. Afterwards his 
affliction overcame him for a brief space, and he was 
shocked at this new, and unexpected instance of his 
relative's unkindness. His piety, however, made him 
seek the strength he needed. " The will of God be 
" done," said he, " who hath given me all, and can 
" take all away from me at his pleasure. The King 
" shall have no war with me, for my age is no longer 
" suitable to arms. I have determined to live the rest 
" of my time in this world in peace and repose of spirit, 
"and shall do so if possible."* 

Bene has been reproached by several historians be- 
cause when the news of his loss of Anjou was brought 
to him, being engaged in painting a bartarelle, a kind 

* Baudier ; Habinglon ; Aiiquetil ; Bodin. 


of partridge of which he was very fond, he did not 
discontinue his work, and showed no other regret, than 
that, of being obliged to leave for ever a country to 
which he was sincerely attached. These writers say, 
that in the pursuit of the pleasing arts this prince had 
forgotten the duties of the sovereign, whose first care 
should be the preservation of his state. 

Again they say, that Rene possessed all the quali- 
ties valuable to a private individual, but scarcely any 
of those which are indispensable to kings. The in- 
justice of these opinions will be apparent, when we come 
to speak of the great talents of King Rene, and espe- 
cially of the numerous, and essential benefits he conferred 
on the states over which he ruled, and of the love his 
subjects bore him. He showed, indeed, great com- 
mand of his passions and resignation of soul on many 

When so abruptly driven from the cradle of his fore- 
fathers, Rene wisely resolved to sustain this outrage 
with stoical firmness, and not long after, he retired to 
Aix, in Provence, carrying with him the regrets and 
benedictions of all ranks of the Angevins, by whom 
he was cherished as the best of princes, or rather as a 

The affectionate reception he had so frequently ex- 
perienced from the Provengaux, determined Rene upon 
fixing his abode amongst them. He devoted himself 
to a country life, and, as in the days of Saturn and 
Rhea, he was sometimes seen, crook in hand, guarding 
his sheep, along with his Queen, Jeanne de Laval. 
He likewise amused himself in the cultivation of poetry, 
painting, and gardening, and in this manner the good 
King passed beneath the clear sky of Provence the 
remaining years of his life. 

The treatment of Louis was, however, more deeply 
felt by him, as it was altogether unexpected from one. 


whom he believed to be his friend; but, perceiving no 
remedy, Rene resolved to submit with patience.* 

The tastes of Rene, which had been formed in the 
school of adversity, differed much from those which 
usually characterise princes. 

In his country house at Gardane, where he passed 
the summer, he lived without pomp, everything around 
him wearing such an air of antiquity that, upon glanc- 
ing over the inventory of the furniture of his dwelling, 
one cannot help thinking of Fabricius or Socrates. 
The same simplicity distinguished him at Marseilles, 
where he sometimes withdrew during the winter season. 
He was often seen walking quite alone on the port, or 
conversing familiarly with any one he might chance to 
meet, and this, at the time, when the sun, so fine in 
that climate, shed that gentle heat, which in the Basse 
Provence reanimates nature, even when dormant else- 
where. Thus, arose the saying amongst his subjects, 
of " se chauffer a la cheminee du roi Rene," to warm 
oneself by King Rene's chimney, when any one sought 
the warmth of the sun's rays.f His palace neither 
exhibited splendour nor magnificence. His annual ex- 
penditure only amounted to 15,000 florins, or 144,000 
livres, and the strictest accounts were rendered.^ 

In his travels, Rene would not always lodge at the 
house of a lord, or a bishop ; he sometimes preferred the 
humble roof of a private individual whom he loved ; and 
when he wished to enhance the favour, he would do so 
by sketching his portrait as an honourable monument on 
the door, or the wall of the chamber, with this verse 
under it — 

" Sicelidum Regis effigies est ista Renati." 
" This is the portrait of Rene, King of Sicily." 

* Bodin ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Baudier. 

t " Or when seeking shelter from the sun in King Rene's walk." 

X Hist. General de Provence ; Bodin. 


Rene took great pleasure in being in the country, 
not for the enjoyment of sporting, but for the sake of 
promoting agriculture, and of comforting his people, by 
the advancement of works of utility.* 

Amidst his various occupations nothing disturbed 
the peace of mind of Rene, but the recollection of the 
miserable situation of his daughter Margaret, whom 
he was unable to release from her prison, and with 
whose sorrow he could so well sympathise, having 
himself suffered a severe captivity. 

It was at the time that Rene inhabited his modest 
castle of Gardane, in Provence, that he addressed the 
following letter to his unfortunate daughter, Queen 
Margaret, and which would seem to have been dic- 
tated by the most profound melancholy. 

"My daughter! may God assist you in your 
" counsels ; for we should rarely expect the help of 
" man under the reverses of fortune ! When you 
" desire to alleviate your misfortunes, think of mine. 
"They are great, my child, and yet I offer you con- 

Rene could not expect, after the treatment he 
had received from the French King, to obtain from 
him anything on the score of friendship or generosity. 
He therefore endeavoured to purchase the favour of 
Louis by giving up the succession of Provence, upon 
the death of his nephew, as the price of his daughter's 
freedom. The conditions on which he made this 3475. 
cession were, that Louis should pay to the Queen of p^jj 1 ' 
Sicily, Rene's second wife, in case she should survive Letters; 
him, "a reasonable and sufficient dower;" that he 
should procure the liberation of his daughter Margaret, 
Queen of England ; and that he should assign to her 
an annual pension in France, to enable her to live in a 
manner suitable to her rank and dignity. 

* Bodin ; Hist. General de Provence. t Villeneuve Bargemont. 

VOL. 11. z 



Biondi ; 

Toplis ; 
Henry ; 


Carte ; 

According to this arrangement, Louis entered into 
a treaty with King Edward IV., at Amiens, for the 
ransom of Queen Margaret, which was finally con- 
cluded on the 13th of November, in the same year, 
1475. It was then stipulated that the King of France 
should pay the sum of 50,000 crowns of gold to 
Edward, and that Queen Margaret of Anjou should 
renounce all claim to any portion, jewels, or other 
things to which she might have, or pretend to have a 
right, through her marriage with King Henry the Sixth. 
King Edward resigned all power over his captive, and 
Louis bound himself never to make any demand in her 

Thus this unfortunate Queen was released from her 
imprisonment, and on the 29th of January, 1476, was 
delivered up by King Edward's ambassador, Sir 
Thomas de Montgomery, to John d'Hangest sieur de 
Jenlis, and John Raguenet, Receiver-General of Nor- 
mandy, who was appointed by the King of France to 
receive her at Rouen. 

Queen Margaret readily made the renunciation re- 
quired of her, giving up all her claims upon England. 
She also ceded to Louis XL, at this time, viz., on the 
1st of March after her liberation in 1476, all her rights 
to the property and pretensions of her father. Full 
of gratitude to her deliverer for having advanced so 
much money for her ransom, as well as in consideration 
of the essential services he had before rendered to her 
and her son, by the loan of both money and ships in 
her last expedition to recover her crown, Queen Mar- 
garet by this act yielded up to the French King 
all the rights she then held, or might hold, in the 

* Biondi ; Toplis ; Baker ; Howel ; Jean de Troye ; Anquetil ; Paston 
Letters ; Carte ; Habington ; Ridpath ; Rapin ; Baudier ; Monstrelet ; 
Bodin ; Hume ; Lingard ; Female Worthies ; Henry ; Russi's Contes de Pro- 
vence ; Toplis ; Bayley's Tov;er of London. 


duchies of Anjou, Lorraine, and Bar, and in the comity 
of Provence.* 

The ambitious and once powerful Queen Margaret 
thus became divested of all her worldly grandeur, and 
deprived of every hope of regaining her former pos- 
sessions. She beheld herself at once despoiled of all 
accorded by established law to her in England, and of 
every privilege she could have enjoyed from her birth, 
and from the succession of the House of Anjou, of 
which she was the sole heiress. Her life had been a 
scene of constant change and vicissitude, and she had 
not only lost her crown, but had endured the severest 

From this period either her spirit was entirely 
broken, or she considered it useless to endeavour to 
raise herself above her misfortunes. Overcome with 
grief and melancholy she withdrew to the town of Aix, 
where she sought retirement and tranquillity for the 
remainder of her existence, which had hitherto been so 
much disturbed by calamity. 

It may be well imagined that while in this state of 
dejection, Queen Margaret could be but little disposed 
to share in and sympathise with the rural delights of 
her aged father; yet she continued at Aix, where 
Bene was residing, and so long as he lived she dwelt 
there, " in absolute seclusion from every kind of 
" business." One historian tells us that the regret of 
this Queen was not occasioned by the loss of her 
kingdom, or even of her husband, but by the death 
of her son, of that beloved son, the recollection of 
whom accompanied her to the grave. The last six 
or seven years of her life were the most tranquil since 
her marriage. Her adversities had made her feel the 
sweetness of repose, which, otherwise, was not agree- 

* Carte ; Hume : Baudier ; Daniel; Habingtc-n ; Toplis ; Paston Letters ; 
Jean de Troye ; Monfaucon ; Bodin ; Henry : Biondi. 

Z 2 


able to the disposition of Margaret, who was ever 
after melancholy and unhappy.* She might have 
exclaimed with the poet — 

" No, no ; our joys away like shadows slide, 
11 But sorrows firm in memory abide." 

The similarity in the fortunes of Rene and his 
daughter, and the joy of again beholding his beloved 
child released from prison, must have awakened in 
him all the tenderness of parental affection ; and who 
could better sympathise with the fallen Queen, than 
one who had himself so often been, as it were, the 
plaything of fickle fortune, tossed from the heights 
of prosperity and joy to the depths of misfortune and 
despair? Who better than such a parent could point 
out the greatest consolation under calamity, or solace 
the grief of the desponding Margaret ? but, alas ! how 
are we struck at the contrast in the character of this 
Princess with that of her venerable sire ! The his- 
torian is silent, and the philosopher would descant on 
the weakness of her sex ; but it is for all true 
Christians to witness and lament in this admirable 
woman the want of "that peace which the world 
" cannot give." Only peace of heart can ensure 
tranquillity in life, and when its close approaches that 
countenance only is cheerful, which is lighted by the 
blessed hope of another, and a better world. That ray 
of heavenly hope which had sustained Queen Margaret 
in her troubles, it would seem had been lost amidst 
the strife and tumults of party animosities, and in the 
struggle for worldly power and an earthly coronet, 
awful indeed was the peril in which she stood of losing 
her heavenly crown. 

Had Queen Margaret possessed that inward peace 
which her aged father so evidently enjoyed, she might 

* Habington ; Baudier ; Baker ; Hume ; Bo-din ; Daniel ; Biondi. 


like him have found a solace in each object presented 
in nature for her observation and reflection. Even 
the daisy, chosen by this Queen as her device in her 
joyful maidenhood, might have brought to her mind 
a lesson of content, and conveyed the sentiments, if 
not the language of the poet, who exclaims — 

" Bright flower, whose home is everywhere ! 

1 ' A pilgrim bold in nature's care ! 

" And oft, the long year through, the heir 

" Of joy or sorrow. 
" Methinks that there abides in thee 
" Some concord with humanity, 
" Given to no other flower, I see, 

' ' The forest through. 
' ' And wherefore ? Man is soon deprest : 
' ' A thoughtless thing ! who, once emblest, 
" Does little on his memory rest, 

" Or, on his reason. 
' ' But thou wouldst teach him how to find 
' ' A shelter under every wind ; 
" A hope for times that are unkind, 

" And every season." * 

During the tranquil hours which Rene enjoyed at 
his residence at Aix, one of his most agreeable relax- 
ations was the occupation of giving instruction to his 
grand-daughter, Margaret of Lorraine, the daughter 
of Yoland of Anjou and of Ferri of Vaudemont. 

This Princess afterwards espoused Rene of Valois, 
Duke of Alengon. 

Thus did King Rene, who had outlived his dearest 
relatives, make his happiness consist in paternal cares, 
and his sweetest enjoyment, in witnessing the graces 
and amiability of his beloved pupil. 

His greatest satisfaction was in having his grand- 
daughter in his chamber, where he taught her himself 
to pray to God ; and nothing delighted him so much 
as to see the gradual development of the mind of this 
little creature, who was then but twelve or thirteen 

* Wordsworth. 


years of age. Nor were these pious instructions for- 
gotten by this Princess, as her subsequent life gave 

The Duke of Burgundy conquered Lorraine in 1475. 
He then attacked the Swiss, and took the town of 
Granson, and a body of troops coming to the relief of 
this place, the Duke went out to meet them as they 
were hastening down the narrow passes of the moun- 
tains, but his army was seized with a panic, and fled, 
leaving his baggage to the enemy. He renewed his 
attack, but was finally routed. 

Rene II., Duke of Lorraine, had been solicited by 
the King of France and the Emperor to make war 
upon Charles of Burgundy. In this warfare he had 
lost his duchy, but subsequently, having received con- 
siderable succours, he again assailed his enemy, who 
was then besieging Xanci. He obtained a complete 
victory over him, and Charles, called " the Bold," was 
dismounted, and slain. This happened on the 3rd of 
January, 1477. 
li7 - The death of this Prince was looked upon by all the 

Bodin ; politicians of that day, as an event of great importance 
Wraxaii. to all Europe. Charles, Duke of Burgundy, was very 
ambitious, and fond of state and magnificence. He was 
but forty-five years of age when he was killed. 

The Duke of Lorraine caused the body of Charles 
the Bold to be transported to Xanci, and laid on a bed 
of state, in an apartment hung with black velvet. He 
afterwards paid him all the customary funeral honours, 
which were of a very peculiar kind. AYe are told that 
Piene II. adorned himself with a irreat beard of 
threads of gold, reaching to his middle, after the 
manner of the ancient brave knights, and assisted at 
the funeral. Previous to his sprinkling holy water on 

* Villeneuve Bargemont. 

f By some this Duke's death, is dated January 5, 1470. 


the corpse, he advanced up to the deceased Prince, 
and taking his hand, thus addressed him, " God rest 
' thy soul, thou hast given us much trouble and 
" grief! " 

Thus did the aged Rene of Anjou behold before he 
died, the fulfilment of the prediction made at the 
coronation of King Charles VI. ; when Philippe " le 
J Hardi," Duke of Burgundy, so presumptuously 
placed himself at table above the Duke of Anjou, and 
it was foretold by an astrologer present that " the race 
" of Anjou should exterminate that of Burgundy before 
u a century should elapse."* 

Rene obtained from his subjects the title of " the 
" Good," which he truly deserved. He suffered the 
loss of all his dominions, yet he was one of the very 
few princes who did not merit to lose them. Good- 
ness formed the essence of his character, of which 
much might be said that was truly admirable. In his 
actions, private as well as public, he evinced a simplicity 
amounting to true greatness, when accompanied, as it 
was in Rene, by intrepid courage, a lively beneficence, 
and uncommon talents for war and politics. This Prince, 
if he had not sufficient genius and moral power, as 
events seemed to show, to maintain himself on a con- 
tested throne, and to become a great King, had, how- 
ever, all those qualifications necessary for a good 
King and an honest man. He was generous, compas- 
sionate, and the protector of the oppressed, and rendered 
justice, with impartiality, to all his subjects. To these 
virtues he owed his honourable surname, and the 
glory of being called to wear the crown of Arragon.f 

" Rene united to inexhaustible charity, active piety, 
il and exquisite sensibility, lively and original wit, and 

* Paston Letters ; Monfaucon ; Moreri ; Bodin ; Roujoux's Dues de 
Eretagne ; WraxalPs France. 

f Hist. General de Provence ; Walpole. 




" a mild philosophy, which neither the injustice nor 
u the misfortunes he suffered could alter. His kind- 
" ness would indeed sometimes degenerate into weak- 
" ness, and his generosity into prodigality ; but he had 
" the glory of having encouraged, and caused to be 
" appreciated, the sciences, letters, and arts, all of 
" which he cultivated himself in a remarkable manner. 
" These tastes, which surround as with a charm the 
11 memory of the princes who have encouraged them, 
" would stamp Rene as the precursor of Leo X. and 
" Francis I."* 

By the will which Rene made at Marseilles, 22nd 
of July, 1473, he left to his two daughters, Yoland, 
Duchess of Lorraine, and Margaret, Queen of England, 
each the sum of a thousand golden crowns, or 13,060 
livres.f Besides this sum, bequeathed to his second 
daughter for her right of institution, Rene also 
gave, for her use as long as she should remain a 
widow, 2,000 livres de rentes, on the revenues of 

The next year Rene declared Charles of Maine, son 
of Charles of Anjou, his heir, and he hoped that hence- 
forth nothing would trouble his repose, but Louis XL 
being informed that the good old King, justly incensed 
at his conduct in the seizure of Angers, proposed 
to make the Duke of Burgundy his heir, speedily 
altered his behaviour towards him. He went to 
Lyons and invited Rene to come to him there from 
Aix, where he was then residing : he reluctantly 
accepted the invitation, although well aware that he 
had everything to fear from his perfidious nephew. 
When they met, the deceitful King used all sorts of 
means to make his uncle forget the injuries he had 

* Hist. General de Provence. 

f Paston Letters ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Hist. General de Provence. 

$ Villeneuve Bargemont. 


done him, and at this conjuncture did not fail to receive 
him with all the honours due to his rank. 

Jean Cossa, Seneschal of Provence, on this occasion, 
accompanied his master, and at the first conference 
between the two Kings took upon himself to address 
the French monarch in these terms, " Sire, be not sur- 
prised if the King, my master, your uncle, has offered 
his succession to the Duke of Burgundy. He has 
followed in that the advice of his council, that of his 
most faithful servants, and of mine in particular. 
That which has determined us to advise thus has 
been the ill-treatment which he has received from 
you, and above all the seizure you have made of the 
castle of Bar, and of the city of Angers. Our inten- 
tion, in fact, was, that this treaty should never be 
accomplished, and we have had no other view but 
that of obliging you thereby, to give a reason to the 
King, our master, for the wrongs you have done him, 
and to remind you that he is your uncle." 
This freedom from Cossa was received by Louis very 
well, and he even praised the wisdom of the Seneschal. 
The differences were quickly accommodated, and the 
treaty which had been commenced in favour of the 
Duke of Burgundy, was entirely broken off, under the 
most provoking circumstances for him. 

The good Rene was, at this time, enfeebled by age 
and misfortunes, yet his soul was still noble and disin- 
terested. He was persuaded to make his will, and, by 
an irrevocable act, to declare the King of France his 
heir ; and we are told that he suffered himself to be 
gained over by the numerous presents which Louis 
conferred upon him, all of which were artfully made 
conformable to his tastes. They consisted of books, 
paintings, medals, and antique morceaux ; and for 
these, they say, the aged King resigned his beautiful 
county of Provence, of which he made a cession to 


Louis XL* Rene, it is said, "Ecrivit de son joug 
" Finstrument authentique." In fact, he traced on 
vellum, in letters of gold, to which he added vignettes, 
and flower-work of the most beautiful colours, this act, 
which appeared to be extorted from him by trickery 

1479. and persecution. It was at the Cordelliers at Lyons 
that this cession was made in favour of Charles, Count 
of Maine, the nephew of King Rene ; yet the artful 
monarch of France, who worded it, well knew that he 
could contrive to substitute himself for the Count. In 
this agreement Rene included all his rights to the county 
of Provence, the duchy of Anjou, and even of Lorraine ; 
but, Philip de Comines, who was present at this con- 
ference, declares that Louis was not instituted the 
heir of Rene, but that this monarch only engaged not 
to conclude the treaty with Burgundy, and even ad- 
hered to the will Rene had made a year before, in 
favour of Charles of Anjou. 

It is, however, certain, that it was at this time 
that Rene transmitted to Louis all his rights to the 
kingdom of Naples ; and thus originated the wars in 
Italy, under the reign of Charles VIII. , which were 
as sharply contested, as bloody, and as fruitless as 
any of the preceding contests. Nowhere in history 
can we find a better example of the truth of that 
saying, that " the faults of the fathers never serve as 
" lessons to their children."! 

1479 In the year 1479, the King of France made a treaty 

of alliance with Rene II., Duke of Lorraine, which 
probably he never intended to execute, since he ceded 
to him the duchy of Luxembourg and the earldom of 
Bourgoyne, being most reluctant to give up his right 

* One author adds, that Louis conducted his uncle to the fair held at 
Lyons, where all the beautiful ladies of that place were assembled. 

+ Bodin ; Monfaucon ; Daniel ; Jean de Troye ; Godard Faultrier ; 
Hallam ; Barante. 

J ): i rant e 


to them when he entertained suspicions that this Duke 
would become heir to his grandfather, King Rene. 
This was, indeed, the ambition of the Duke of Lor- 
raine, who had consented to a lease for the duchy of 
Bar, and had entered upon the government of it. He 
afterwards went to Provence, hoping to change the 
will which had been made in favour of Charles of 

Louis XL had strong friends in Provence, and he 
had one especially in Palamede de Fourbin, who 
directed everything in that country ; and we are told, 
that advantage was taken of the old King, whose 
mind was enfeebled, to advise him to require that 
Duke Rene should give up the arms of his duchy and 
his House, " and take the escutcheon of Anjou, which 
" this Prince refused, saying that he would only 
" quarter his arms." This answer, it is reported, 
incensed King Rene against his grandson. * 

Not long after, the King of France sent the Lord 
of Blanchefort, Mayor of Bourdeaux, and Maitre Fran- 
cois Genas, general of the finances, to watch over his 
interests. They made rich presents to King Rene, 
and also to his advisers ; upon which the Duke of 
Lorraine took the alarm, and hastily embarked ; but, 
not being willing to incur the peril of traversing the 
kingdom, he disembarked at Venice. 

Louis XL about this time being elated by the dona- 
tion of Queen Margaret of Anjou, sent to reclaim the 
duchy of Bar. Duke Rene had not returned, and his 
mother, Yoland, who was a proud and courageous 
princess, gave for answer that "the King might act 
" as he thought proper, but that she would never 
" abandon the duchy of Bar." On being advised she 
requested to wait her son's return. The French King, 
meanwhile, obtained from King Rene, a lease of six 

* Barante. 



years, which granted him the government of the duchy 
of Bar. This lease which Rene agreed to was never 
acknowledged as valid, either by the Duchess Yoland 
or her son. They referred to an act made in 1476, 
in which the King protested beforehand against any 
disposition he might thereafter make to the prejudice 
of his daughter Yoland or her son Rene, who alone 
ought, as they argued, to possess the duchy of Bar, 
assigned to them by King Rene's will. This difference 
did not terminate even on the death of King Rene. 

Charles, Count of Maine, inherited Provence, and 
the King of France re-united Anjou to the crown. 
The town of Bar, with some others, were held in the 
name of the King, and the rest of the duchy of Bar 
was given up to Duke Rene, who maintained he had 
a right to the whole of it.* 

It would appear, indeed, that in the latter years of 
his life the good King Rene could no longer act from 
his own free will. 

Another account has been given of this disposition 
respecting the duchy of Bar, by which we learn that 
King Rene, on the 1st of October, 1479, received at 
Aix, the deputies of the city of Aries, who came to 
do him homage in the name of this city. Soon after- 
wards, the Duke of Anjou ceded the revenues of the 
duchy of Bar to Louis XL for 6000 livres,| condition- 
ally that he should preserve the sovereignty of it, and 
that evervthino; should be executed in his name. This 
disposition Rene in a manner revoked in the following 
December, stipulating that at his death, the duchy of 
Bar should return to Yoland of Anjou, his daughter, 
and after her to her son Rene II., on condition that 
they should put an end to the troubles which desolated 
this unfortunate country, and in addition to pay 
40,000 crowns of gold which were still due to Mar- 

* Barante. f Tornois de pension. 


garet of Savoy, the widow of Louis III. and Countess 
of Wurtemberg. This alteration undoubtedly took 
place contrary to the will of Louis XL, who had, for a 
long time, persecuted his uncle, in order to obtain 
possession of his states. 

The following phrase, found in a letter written by 
this monarch, and addressed to one of his agents, 
shows his purpose — " Si vous ne pouvez seduire, ou 
" intimider les commissaires da Roi Rene, tachez de 
" faire inserer quelque bon mot, dont je puisse me 
" servir dans la suite." Louis did not obtain-his object, 
and his intrigues failed. Justice triumphed, and it 
was decided that the Duchy of Bar should remain in 
the House of Lorraine. 

This was the last sovereign act of Rene of Anjou. 
His health had been considerably impaired since his 
misfortunes, and he seemed to get weaker and weaker 
in the course of this year, 1479.* 1479. 

Having a presentiment that his end was approach- 
ing, this Prince desired to have near him his grandson, 
Rene II., and the Count of Maine, the only remaining 
princes of his once numerous family. Charles of 
Anjou did not leave him any more, although Bourdigne 
relates that he returned to Mans, after a journey of 
some time in the principal towns of Provence, where 
his grandfather had conducted him, in order that he 
might become more attached to those, whom he would 
have to govern. This was apparently the last time 
that Rene left his palace at Aix. The decline of his 
strength, his exhaustion and melancholy, were visibly 
augmented by the frightful ravages of the plague, 
which had reappeared in Provence. In the endeavour 
to stay the ravages of this distemper, the aged Prince 
seemed to forget himself; and in the exercise of an 
inexhaustible charity, he was fearless of danger, so 

* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Mariana ; Barante. 


that he could but protect his people. His benefits 
even preceded the attacks of this destructive disease, 
and they were received by the indigent in the most 
obscure and remote dwellings. 

It was in vain, however, that this kind monarch dis- 
pensed his riches on these unfortunate objects ; equally 
vain was his endeavour to awaken benevolence, and 
that he unceasingly employed workmen, in erecting 
various buildings necessary to the salubrity or the em- 
bellishment of the city of Aix. The heartrending 
picture of the effects of this contagion, the cruel 
images which met his eyes, the despair of so many 
families, the sad aspect of his depopulated capital, 
all seemed to unite to break his heart and to over- 
whelm him. At this period he evinced, as he had 
done throughout his life, great courage and resignation 
as regarded his own misfortunes, although he was 
unable to support with fortitude, those, of which his 
subjects became the victims. Such a lively sensibility 
necessarily increased the infirmities with which King 
Rene had been attacked for some months, and he was 
not slow to perceive the dangerous alteration in his 
health, and to foresee that death was approaching.* 
He was prepared for that hour by the exercise of a 
fervent piety, as well as by strength of soul ; and the 
remembrance of the cruel plague had detached him 
beforehand, from a perishable and deceitful world. 
During the first months of the year 1480 his malady 
was not aggravated, and being alternately suffering 
and convalescent, his court again indulged the hope 
that this good prince would be yet a long while pre- 
served to them. 

Towards the end of June, Rene, perhaps in order 
to keep in mind his own situation, demanded a renewal 
of his dispositions in favour of Charles of Maine, ap- 

* Villeneuve Bargemoxit. 


pointing after him, in case he left no male offspring, 
Louis XL his successor, to whom he sent his will, at 
this time, recommending to his especial care, Queen 
Jeanne de Laval, and his daughter, Margaret of Anjou.* 
Thus the last act of authority of this Prince, viz., his 
will, was consecrated to the interests of his subjects ; 
and having ended this important duty, which he 
seemed to foresee he must hasten, his strength, more 
impaired by adversity than age, appeared to abandon 
him, and the alteration in his countenance no longer 
left a doubt with the Lords admitted to his intimacy, 
that his life was in imminent danger. 

No sooner had this news spread through the city 
than a profound sentiment of grief was felt by the 
people of Aix. Their affection for their sovereign 
banished every other idea, and they hastened to their 
churches to implore for his life, of Him who held in 
his hand the lives of men and of kings. 

Notwithstanding her grief, the Queen of Sicily set 
the example of this religious faith, and the people were 
inspired with attachment to her, as they perceived her 
hastening from her palace, with a long veil thrown 
over her head, to enter the metropolis, and prostrate 
herself before the image of the holy Virgin. She was 
also known to pass in her oratory some portion of her 
time daily in prayer. The divers bodies of state, by 
turns, repaired to the churches ; there, indeed, every 
age, rank, or sex was confounded, all being alike 
occupied in expressing the same vows, feeling the 
same anxiety, and mingling together their prayers, 
sighs, and tears. Without the sacred vaults, scenes no 
less touching, warmly attested the public grief. 

Seated beneath the Linden trees, which lined the 
avenues of the palace, or crowding into the courts, 
were to be seen men, women, and children, asking 

* Carte ; Villeneuve Bargemont. 


with sobs the news of their common father. Every 
passer-by thus arrested, they mutually communicated 
their hopes and fears. At sunrise the multitude were 
before the royal mansion in tears ; the approach of 
night did not disperse them. A picture of no less 
interest was presented on the roads which led to the 
capital. Messengers from the principal towns, and 
even from the most simple hamlets, were passing along 
continually, for all desired to know if there was no 
amelioration in the condition of their King, and the 
return of these messengers was watched for with im- 
patience and alarm. It appeared as though the entire 
county of Provence were but one great family, alarmed 
for the life of its head, and as if upon this good Prince 
alone depended also, the fate of each individual, of each 
citv, nay even of the state itself. 

These demonstrations of sincere affection reached 
the dying monarch, and they served to reanimate him. 
Deeply affected by the love of his people, tears of 
gratitude escaped from his eyes, about to close for 
ever, and once again he looked with kindness upon 
those who were respectfully pressing his feeble hands, 
and encircling his humble bed. Then he mustered the 
little strength remaining to him, as if in an effort to 
measure the depth of that eternity opening before him, 
yet not a word was he heard to utter concerning his 
bodily health, and indeed he ceased not to repeat to 
those who addressed their prayers to God for his 
recovery, "It 'is for the soul, yes! it is for the soul 
" only, that I conjure you to offer up your petitions." ° 

Finding that his strength was failing him, Rene 
sent for Charles of Maine, Elizar Gamier, his confessor, 
the prior of the royal convent of St. Maximin, John of 
Matheron, the venerable Fouquet D'Agoult, the grand 
seneschal, Pierre de la Juille, and Palemade de 

* Villeneuve Banremont. 


Forbin; at the same time arrived, escorted by the 
Queen, Jeanne de Laval, the Countess of Maine, and 
her sister, Margaret of Lorraine. 

King Rene then addressing himself to Charles of 
Anjou, and making an effort to raise his voice, said, 
" My son, it seems there is something lacking in the 
" love I have shown you. It is not enough that I 
a have testified it in giving you my states, I must still 
" teach you how you will enjoy them happily. To this 
11 end, the sole maxim you have to practise is, to love 
11 your people as I have loved them, and you will then 
a find the Provencaux faithful and zealous. Consider 


" what they have done for me, by these means, in my 
" wars of Naples, Catalonia, and even in Normandy, 
" when I assisted the late King Charles VII. You 
" know what has been said of them, that there never 
" was a better people under a good King, and that 
" there never was a worse under a bad one. Test 
" again this proof in your own person. Preserve 
" amongst this people the same affection that you find 
" there, and remember that God wills, that kings 
" should resemble Him more by their goodness than 
" their power." 

Full of an admirable presence of mind, Rene gave 
to his successor yet other counsels upon the duties of 
a sovereign towards his people. Like St. Louis, dying 
on the banks of Carthage, he could leave him the 
example of his life. Rene then presented with his 
feeble hand Charles of Maine to all his attendants, who 
were ranged round his death-bed, and he recommended 
him to his ministers, and to the principal lords who had 
served under him, and who were listening to his 
paternal exhortations. These faithful servants, seek- 
ing to stifle their sobs and restrain their tears, were 
unable to answer him, and Rene then, with his eyes 
almost closed, and his lips half fixed, bade them fare- 

VOL. II. .* A 



mont ; 
Moreri ; 
Baudier ; 
Barante ; 
Bodin ; 

well in terms of affection. His countenance preserved 
the serenity of a pure conscience, and his dying looks, 
turned towards heaven, still expressed benevolence. 
The little group of mourners respectfully withdrew. 

When alone, as he desired to be, with his confessor, 
Rene seemed no longer to belong to this earth, but 
appeared to linger here yet a few instants, as if to 
abandon himself entirely to the thoughts which ought 
to terminate the life of a good christian and a wise man. 
He recalled passages of his life, as though in the 
presence of his great Judge. He confessed himself 
anew, meditated, and then received the Sacrament, with 
a fervour, which edified the priest himself. He then 
wished for the last time to hear the holy Scriptures, 
and to have the Psalms read to him by Elezar Gamier, 
who afterwards related that up to the moment of his 
death Rene preserved his memory, and the use of his 
other intellectual faculties, and that while he read to him 
he w T as absorbed in pious, profound, and touching reflec- 
tions, upon divers passages which struck his attention. 

Thus he breathed his last, without grief or pain. 
He expired on Monday, the 10th of July, 1480, at the 
hour of vespers. Rene was seventy -two years of age 
when he died, and it was the forty-seventh year of 
his reign.* 

The lamentations without the Palace speedily an- 
nounced to the people the loss they had sustained, and 
each individual suspended his labours, or forgot at the 
moment his matters of domestic interest, and coming 
forth, they accosted one another, and with tears in their 
eyes, repeated their praises of their venerable monarch, 
each one adding some touching details of his own 
reminiscence. Their manufactories and shops were 
shut, and funereal hangings were at every door ; as 

* Moreri; Carte; Bodin ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Monf aucon ; Baudier; 
Barante ; Mariana ; Eccles. Hist. ; Godard Faultrier. 


the news reached the cottages on the outskirts, the 
labourers, deserting their fields, entered the town in a 
body, crying, " The father of our country, the father of 
the poor, is no more ! " 

The people of Aix and of the country, united by 
their common affliction, gained permission to visit the 
chamber of their Prince, where they pressed around 
his bed, kissed his hands and feet, and gazed for the 
last time on the features of their beloved benefactor, 
and a concert of praises, the last sad homage rendered 
by them to the virtues of their good King, re-echoed 
during several hours about the inanimate remains of 
this friend and father of the poor and needy. 

The corpse of Rene, having been embalmed, was 
placed in a leaden coffin, and laid in state, during three 
days and nights preceding the burial. And now, as 
the moment approached when this " father of his 
"people" was about to disappear for ever from all 
eyes, tears flowed afresh, and new praises were lavished 
upon his beneficence and piety. 

The obsequies of this best of Princes were cele- 
brated on the 14th of July, in the presence of all the 
communities of Provence, those deputies of the town 
who were able to arrive in time, the sovereign courts 
of justice, the clergy and inhabitants of Aix, without 
distinction, bearing torches in their hands. The officers 
of the Palace and the numerous servants of Rene were 
likewise there, and weeping. The streets were hung 
with black, and it might have been thought that death 
had visited each house with an especial blow. A 
mournful silence prevailed everywhere, interrupted 
ouly by the tolling of the bells or the chaunts of the 
priests, whose voices were often drowned by dolorous 
sobs. Fouquet cVAgoult, who for many years had 
been honoured with his sovereign's confidence, presided 
at this sad ceremony, which lasted until the evening. 

A A 2 


The funeral procession, passing though the populace 
who were all weeping, arrived at the Church of St. 
Saviour's, where the service was performed for the 
dead amidst cries and tears ; all were alike inconsol- 
able, for indeed the house and table of Rene had been 
the refuge of the poor. 

The coffin was laid in one of the chapels until a 
tomb, more worthy of this lamented Prince, could be 
made, and as yet no one thought that the remains of 
King Rene, could be buried elsewhere than in Provence. 
This monarch had, however, commanded in his will, 
that his remains should be conveyed to Angers, and 
be placed by the side of his first Queen, Isabella of 
Lorraine, " his very dear wife, in the Cathedral of St. 
"Maurice," where he had prepared for himself a 
magnificent tomb. In this church he had been bap- 
tised, and there reposed the ashes of almost all his 

Rene had taken great pleasure in enriching the 
Church of St. Maurice. He had presented to it a very 
beautiful urn of porphyry, j" which was brought from 
Jerusalem by his orders, and the pious believed that 
this vase was the same used by our Lord at the feast 
of Cana, when he changed the water into wine. In 
remembrance of this miracle the vase was filled with 
wine every year, on the second Sunday after Epiphany, 
and it was distributed to the people after the blessing. 
This was established as a perpetual custom by King 
Rene. To this church also Rene bequeathed his rich 
woollen tapestry, comprising the visions and figures of 

* Within this church might be seen eight statues of Dukes of Anjou. — 
Vllleneuve Bargemont ; Bodin ; Godard Fault rier. 

f Eene also gave to this church a vase, of oblong form, of green antique 
marble, from Marseilles. This piece of antiquity is more precious for the 
rarity of its material than for its workmanship. It is a baignure of verd 
antique, -t feet 8 inches long (French), and 21 inches high, and serves still 
as a baptismal font at this church. The sword of St. Maurice was also to 
be seen in this antique building supported on lions. 


the Apocalypse, an infinite number of chappes and 
draperies, gold and velvet ornaments, bearing his coat 
of arms, and other things for the ceremonies of the 
worship of God.* Both his Queens were represented 
on the painted windows of St. Maurice.* 

The will of this Prince was sworn to by Jeanne de 
Laval, who, believing herself bound to fulfill strictly 
the last wishes of her husband, announced her purpose 
of transporting his remains to Angers. This deter- 
mination was no sooner made public, than it was fol- 
lowed by a general insurrection in the town of Aix ; 
all classes expressed their dissatisfaction, and for the 
first time murmurs were heard against the "good 
"King." "He gave himself to us long before his 
"death," they exclaimed everywhere. "No people 
" have loved him so well as the Provencaux, and none 
" can, or ought to dispute their right to his precious 
" remains." 

In this fervour they even persuaded themselves that 
the honour of their country was interested in preserv- 
ing in their capital a monarch whom they had delighted 
in so much, and they came to the decision that they 
would oppose with open force, if necessary, the removal 
of the corpse of Rene to Angers. This resolution, 
which they considered as patriotic, they adhered to, 
and universally protested against the transfer of their 
old master's remains, demanding that a mausoleum 
should be erected to his memory at the expense of the 
faithful Provencaux. 

Charles of Anjou, Olivier de Penant, Archbishop of 
Aix, and other eminent persons of the court, who be- 
held this excitement, yielded to the general feeling which 
had been so energetically manifested, and which in its 
source was too touching to be any longer disregarded. 

* Villeneuve Bargemont ; G-odard Faultrier ; Bodin ; Baudier ; Mon- 
faucon ; Moreri. 


They also considered themselves the less wanting to 
the memory of King Rene, since the monks of St. 
Maximin offered to affirm upon oath that the attach- 
ment of the people of Aix, had so deeply affected that 
Prince, as to cause him upon his death bed, to revoke 
verbally the clause in his will, expressive of his 
desire to be buried in the Church of St. Maurice, at 

This concession, authorised by the Queen, and in a 
manner extorted from her, was no sooner made known, 
than it produced in its turn a strong sentiment of joy ; 
and when the public peace was re-established, the 
universal subject of their thoughts was the construction 
of a monument worthy of their beloved sovereign, 
which should attest to posterity the gratitude and 
affection of the Provengaux. A plan was speedily pro- 
jected by the most skilful artists, and submitted for the 
approval of the Count of Provence, and the foundation 
was laid without delay. Amongst the bas relievos in 
white marble were some intended to retrace the 
memorable combats in which this Prince had signalized 
his valour, others to remind them of the virtues which 
had made him so beloved. Some symbolical figures in 
marble were also destined to represent history, mathe- 
matics, poetry, painting, sculpture, and music, all weep- 
ing for a Prince, who had alike protected and cultivated 
them. They omitted nothing, in short, which could 
recall to mind their excellent sovereign.* 
1480. Whilst the people of Aix were exerting every 

means for the prompt erection of their national monu- 
ment, having no longer any doubts, that the precious 
remains of their sovereign would continue amongst 
them, Jeanne de Laval quitted Provence on her 
return to Anjou, where she had determined to reside 
for the future, in the castle of Beaufort. 

* Godard Faultrier : Villeneuve Barsremont. 


This chateau, formerly laved by the waters of the 
Loire, was built on a rock, overlooking the whole 
valley, and from its battlements might be seen the 
two fine towns of Angers and Saumur. 

King Rene had purchased this residence, in 1469, 
for 30,000 golden crowns, and had assigned it for 
dowry to Jeanne de Laval, who passed in it the last 
eighteen years of her life. 

This Princess, in departing from the place where 
the corpse of King Rene reposed, perhaps repenting 
of her condescension, or touched by the grief of the 
Angevins, resolved yet to accomplish the will of her 
husband. It appears that before her departure, she 
secretly persuaded a monk of the chapter of St. 
Saviour, to undertake the execution of her project. 
This monk was obliged to delay for some time, the 
performance of the Queen's orders ; but he concerted 
his measures well; the coffin was removed from the 
cathedral during the night, placed in a cask, then 
carried on a cart to the banks of the Rhone, where 
being embarked, they conveyed it by water to the 
Pont de Ce. This enterprise was conducted with 
such secresy, that the result was unknown at Aix 
until such time as precautions could be taken to pre- 
vent another commotion. 

All that remained in Provence of this Prince were 
his entrails, deposited at the foot of the altar of the 
great Carmelites, under a large plate of copper, sur- 
rounded by an iron railing and again covered with 
wood, on which was inscribed — 

" Hie sunt viscera serenissimi Siciliae 

" Hierosolymis regis Renati Andegavia, ac 

" Bari ducis et Provinciae comitis." 

While on the one hand the inhabitants of Aix were 
plunged into sullen grief on finding their confidence 


betrayed, and that they were compelled thus to 
abandon their project of erecting a mausoleum, to 
attest thereby to futurity their respect for King Rene, 
the Angevins, with transports of joy and gratitude, 
received the royal coffin. Upon the arrival of this 
precious deposit on the confines of Anjou, a sweet 
satisfaction united to a religious melancholy was ex- 
hibited on all sides. At last it was brought by night to 
St. Laud, near Angers, in the month of August, 1481, 
more than a year after the death of Kins; Rene.* 
1481. The citizens could not at first give entire credence 

BargemcmL to a circumstance which appeared so little probable, 
and, influenced by the popular reports on this matter, 
the dean and canon of St. Maurice, even doubted if 
it was really the body of their monarch, which had 
been restored to them. They required that the leaden 
coffin should be opened in their presence, and before 
other witnesses. This request being granted, they 
found King Rene as entire and perfect and unde- 
composed as if he had only died a few days before. f 

After this the body was placed in a double coffin of 
lead, and the heart was laid in a silver box. 

The sacred remains of this Prince rested secretly at 
St. Laud from the month of August till the 9th of 
October, about seven weeks. Then the heart was 
taken to the Cordeliers, in the chapel of St. Bernardin, 
and the body to the cathedral of St. Maurice. This 
solemn transfer was effected with the greatest pomp, 
and the most extraordinary expense. Six doctors in 
law, canon and civil, held the pall ; twenty licentiate 
scholars, all gentlemen, carried the coffin, and at the 
head walked the rector of the University. This 
homage to the talents of Rene shows, at the same 
time, the supreme rank which the members of 

* Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Barg-emont ; Bodin. 
+ Moreri ; G-odard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont. 


the university occupied amongst the dignitaries of 

This ceremony ended, Rene was placed at the left 
side of the great altar of St. Maurice, near to Isabella 
of Lorraine, who had been interred there in 1453. 

A rich mausoleum was soon raised by the pious 
care of Jeanne de Laval, over the tomb of her hus- 
band ; and she caused to be executed upon it, the 
designs which Rene had himself traced for it. This 
funeral monument was eight feet in length and six in 
width, and it was entirely covered with black marble, 
and decorated on the three sides with elegant pilasters, 
between which were placed the escutcheon of Anjou 
and Lorraine, sculptured with the utmost delicacy and 
refinement. The statues of the King and Queen were 
lying down, and formed of white marble of Carrara ; 
they were placed on a pedestal of porphyry. That 
of King Rene was resting on a cushion, his fore- 
head encircled by a diadem, leaving visible a kind of 
cap, which covered the top of his head, and under his 
long tunic with large sleeves, was to be seen his coat 
of arms. A lion, symbol of his rare strength and 
courage, reposed at his feet, and at the feet of the 
Queen were placed two dogs, emblems of fidelity.* 

This mausoleum was placed under an arch, the 
bottom of which was filled by a large tableau on 
wood, which it is pretended that King Rene painted 
himself, or, at least, that he commenced it, because, in 
his will, he gave orders "that the picture on his tomb 
" be finished." This painting represented death in the 
figure of a skeleton, covered with a cloak of gold cloth, 
edged with ermine. The figure is leaning on the 
arms of a throne, on which he is seated, and bears 
a crown, which appears to be falling from his 

* Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier ; Bodin : Monfaucon. 


Above tins tableau were engraved the follow- 
ing Latin verses ; they were the composition of 
Rene : 

" Regia scepter luis, rutilis fulgentia tronis, 

" Dum quondam recolis pressa et nunc pulvere cemis 

1 ' Marcescunt flores, mundi laudes et honores, 

1 ' Gloria, f ama levis, pomparum f astus inanis. 

" Una parit reges et vulgus terra potentes, 

" Quod dedit hsec repetit, mortalia cuncta recludit 

" Mors, dominis servos, et turpibus sequat honestos 

" Unus erunt tumulus, rex, pastor, inersque peritus. " 

Once regal sceptres shining from bright thrones, 
Adorned thy hands, and beamed their precious stones. 
Now pressed in dust, earth's flowers fade away : 
Fame, glory, honour, praise alike decay. 
One earth is mother both of prince and slave ; 
She asketh back, and hides, whate'er she gave. 
Death levels master, servant, bound and free ; 
Kings, shepherds, high and low, one heap shall be.* 

The blazon of the second " House of Anjou and 
" Sicily ' Avas composed, at the death of Rene, of 
the arms of Hungary, Naples, Jerusalem, France, 
Bar, Lorraine, and Arragon.f 

Towards the close of his life Rene assumed the title 
of King of Arragon, Sicily, and Jerusalem ; but these 
were only imaginary and useless titles to him, since he 
had no longer any hope of recovering what he had 
lost.J Although he was styled King of Sicily, Naples, 
Hungary, and Jerusalem, Arragon, Valencia, Sardinia, 
Majorca, and Corsica, Duke of Anjou, Lorraine, and 
Bar, Count of Provence and Forcalquier, all these 
pompous titles served only to enrich his coat of arms, 
while no other monarch of his age had so little power, 
or money, as Rene of Anjou. 

Often was he obliged to have recourse to the purse 
of his subjects, and proof of this may be found in the 

* Bodin ; Villeneuve Bargemont. 
f Godard Faultrier. 
% Mariana. 


registers of the Cathedral of Angers. The chapter 
lent him, on pledges, in 1465, five hundred crowns, 
and again twelve thousand crowns. The taxes, how- 
ever, which had been extremely heavy in former 
reigns, were very moderate in his ; and he was not 
forced, like his ancestor, Louis I. of Anjou, to make 
an ordinance at the time of his death, to alleviate the 
remorse of his conscience, for the distribution to the 
poor shop-keepers and peasants of Anjou, and Tour- 
raine, of 20,000 livres (145,000 francs) to remunerate 
them for the unjust taxes he had levied upon them.* 

With Rene, the last hero of the old chivalry, ended 
the " House of Anjou," and their illustrious pretensions 
to numerous crowns, f 

One author, in his history of Provence says, that 
;c this Prince needed only to complete his glory, his- 
torians worthy of him ;" and adds, that "if pains 
" were taken to collect, in the different provinces 
' which he governed, the anecdotes and actions re- 
" lating to him, it might be found, that his character 
" would be a worthy parallel to that of the renowned 
"Henry IV. "t 

" The faults of Rene partook of the spirit of the age 
" in which he lived ; his virtues were his own. No 
" one better fulfilled the external duties of religion, 
" but his piety, was but the piety of his age. He 
" loaded the churches with his favours, at a time when 
" he was not able to pay his debts." He had made a 
vow to pay a visit to the Holy Sepulchre, and it was 
then the heroism of devotion, but the events of his life 
did not permit him to undertake this pilgrimage, and 

* Bodin. 

f Asa testimony how much the merits and virtues of King- Rene have 
been appreciated by posterity, it may be added, that, as late as May, 1823, a 
marble statue was erected to the memory of the " Good King Rene " in one 
of the finest places in the city of Aix. 

% Godard Faultrier ; Bodin ; Hist. General de Provence. 


he consequently bequeathed three thousand ducats, to 
enable his heirs to send his substitute. 

" During the last years of his life, Rene retained 
" nothing of royalty, but the habit of thinking and 
11 feeling as a king, in all that related to religion and 
u government ; in everything else he was the philo- 
" sopher."* 

At Saumur there was formerly to be seen on the 
great altar of St. Peter's Church, the statues of the 
King and Queen of Sicily, in stone. They were kneel- 
ing, and between them was an angel covered with a 
cope, and holding a great cross. On the left of the 
angel was Jesus Christ showing his side uncovered, 
and pierced, and also his hands. On the right was 
St. Peter, in an attitude expressive of surprise, which 
he is said to have felt, when, as] he left the city of 
Rome, to avoid death, our Saviour met him, and 
showed him his hands and side, which caused the 
Apostle to say, ""Where are you going, Lord?" This 
meeting retains the name " Quo vadis?" and has since 
afforded, both to the sculptor, and painter, a subject 
for the decoration of our churches. 

Amongst the treasures of this parish of St. Peter, 
there was formerly preserved Rene's letter to the 
clergy of this church, which he wrote when he sent 
these statues, and below it is related, as by St. Ber- 
nard in his memoirs, " I send you the ' Quo vadis,' 
" with the figures of us, and of our companions." All 
these figures have been destroyed. That of Rene 
must be regretted ; for he was looked upon, says our 
author, as one of the best sovereigns that ever reigned 
in Anjou.f 

After the death of Rene, the pretensions of the 
House of Anjou to the crown of Naples legally de- 
scended to his grandson, Rene II. : but, his mother 

* Hist. General de Provence. f Bodin. 


Yoland, having married into the House of Lorraine, 
had thus given such displeasure to her father, that he 
bequeathed his Neapolitan title, along with his real 
patrimony, the county of Provence, to his nephew, the 
Count of Maine. 

Charles of Anjou obtained possession of Provence, 
but he did not long survive his aged relative. He died 
at Marseilles, on the 10th of December, 1481, leaving 1481. 
no children.* Louis XL was by this prince instituted BsSe.' 
his heir. He recommended to this monarch the care 
of Provence, her customs and privileges. Thus was 
this province reunited to the crown. 

We learn that Charles of Anjou was influenced in 
making his will by Palamecle de Fourbin, Seigneur de 
Lollier, who prevailed upon him to give the succession 
to the King, to the prejudice of Rene, Duke of Lorraine ; 
who, in vain asserted his pretensions to it. The King 
of France, in gratitude to Palamede de Fourbin, made 
him lieutenant-general in Provence, with extensive 

Louis XL took possession of Provence, but gave 
himself no trouble about the kingdom of Naples.*)" 

King Rene had invested his grandson, Rene II., 
with the duchies of Lorraine and of Bar. This he 
appears to have been constrained to do, but the rest of 
his inheritance he bestowed on the Count of Maine ; to 
the great displeasure of Duke Rene, who, upon the 
death of his grandfather, earnestly endeavoured to 
form a party in Provence, in order to secure this 
prince's dominions, but his efforts were vain, and he 
was obliged to fly precipitately. 

These attempts served only to incense the King of 
France against Duke Rene ; the former seeking to 

* Some write that he died on the 11th of December. 

f Monfaucon ; Mezerai ; Barante : Eccles. Hist. ; Daniel; Hallam's Mid. 
Ages ; Wraxall ; Gibbon's Miscel. 


deprive him of the duchy of Bar, and asserting bis own 
right to it, according to the lease granted to him by 
King Rene, and the cession of Queen Margaret of 

Louis XL, having seized and fortified Bar, and other 
cities, refused to submit this difference to any arbi- 
tration, but that of the Pope.* Eventually Louis 
triumphed; and in the reign of his successor, Rene II. 
was still demanding the restoration of his duchv of 
Bar, kept from him by Louis XL. and also the county 
of Provence. Bar was restored to him for a sum of 
money, which the King insisted upon ; and the Duke 
of Lorraine being in great favour at court, and having 
many friends, was permitted to lead a company of a 
hundred lances in an expedition against Naples ; which 
he claimed, in right of his mother, Yoland of Anjou. 
A pension of 36,000 francs was granted him also for 
four years ; in which time, his title to Provence was to 
be examined into. Before the expiration of that 
period, however, objections were raised to Duke Rene's 
inheritino- this countrv. and he finallv left the French 
court in disgust. This prince also lost, by his delay, 
all chance of success in Xaples ; where the Lords had 
rebelled against Ferdinand, and had, with the Pope, 
united their solicitations to Duke Rene to assume the 

In taking possession of Provence, Louis XL, and 
after him Charles YIIL, did so because, it was a male- 
fief, and the male line was extinct, on which account 
Rene II. could have no claim to it. There was no 
Salic law in the kingdom of Xaples ; therefore, 
although Duke Rene was allowed to proceed thither, 
with his company of a hundred lances, it was after- 
wards discovered, from ancient testaments of Charles I. 
and others of the Angevine princes, that the kingdom 

* Daniel : Barante. 


of Naples, and the county of Provence, were irrevocably 
united. Thus Charles VIII. drew this conclusion, that 
being Count of Provence by the will of Charles of 
Maine, he was also lawful heir to the crown of Naples ; 
and the rights of the Duke of Lorraine, Avho had no 
power to enforce them, were from this time forgotten. 
In right of his mother Yoland, Rene II. assumed 
the title and arms, of the King of Sicily and Arragon. 
Duke Rene II. died on the 10th of December, 1508.* 

* Philip de Comines ; Gibbon ; Sismondi ; Moreri ; Barante. 


" Strong is the arm of fate ! we fall to rise no more ! " 

Miss Holford. 

Queen Margaret's second cession to Louis XI. — Her pension — Her sister's 
cession — The Queen's residence at Darnpierre — Her last days — Her 
death — Burial and will— The Cathedral of St. Maurice — Queen Mar- 
garet's character — Her advice to the Earl of Richmond — Sketches of 
some of her relatives and distinguished persons of her times — Of 
Jeanne de Laval— Yoland of Anjou — Margaret of Lorraine — Cecily, 
Duchess of York— Elizabeth Woodville and others, in conclusion. 

Queen Margaret had been residing in the city of 
Aix, under the protection of her father ; and upon his 
death she went into Anjou, and there made a second 
cession to Louis XL of the provinces of Lorraine, 
Bar, and Provence. This act was signed by her in 
the hall of the mansion of Reculee, built by Rene, 
near Angers, on the 19th of October, 1480.* It was 
also signed by her sister, the Duchess of Lorraine, 
and one writer tells us, that this cession was made in 
November, of 1480. 

The French monarch then granted to the unfor- 
tunate Queen an annual pension for her maintenance, 
consisting of the sum of 10,500 livres,")" chargeable 
on the revenues of the duchy of Bar, to be paid to 
her during the remainder of her life. 

This brief period of her existence was passed by 
Queen Margaret in the Chateau de Darnpierre, near 

* Bourdigne ; Baudier ; Bodin ; Monstrelet ; Hist. General de Provence ; 
Godard Faultrier : Female Worthies, 
f This was 2000 livres tournols. 


Saumur, where she found an asylum in the house of 
a private individual, Francis de Vignolles,* Seigneur de 
Moraens, who had formerly been an officer of the 
household of King Rene, whom he had served during 
forty years, and from whom he had received some 

It is interesting to consider this Queen in the entire 
seclusion of this Chateau of Dampierre, f when she 
had lost her wealth, rank, and possessions, and above 
all, had been deprived of the most beloved objects 
of her affections. Her decline was hastened by melan- 
choly and regret ; it was not the gradual decay of a 
noble edifice by the hand of time, but in far more 
striking characters exhibited the most abrupt anni- 
hilation of the human fabric. 

This once high-minded and courageous Princess, 
whose beauty and talents were the admiration of all 
Europe, passed the two last years of her eventful life 
in this tranquil retreat, mourning over her misfor- 
tunes, and those of her family. 

The situation of her habitation must have peculiarly 
favoured the indulgence of her dejected spirits. From 
many spots on the hill on which the Chateau de Dam- 
pierre stood, Queen Margaret could behold the Castle 

* His brother, John de la Vignolles, was dean of the church at Angers. 

+ This old turreted house has still considerable beauty, besides its 
peculiar interest as the last habitation of this Angevine Princess. Nothing 
now remains but a small narrow tower, with a winding staircase much 
dilapidated, and also a part of a massive wall, richly ornamented with 
carved stone work. Monsieur de la Riviere, a canon, possessed the chateau 
at the time of the French revolution ; after which, all ecclesiastical pro- 
perty being sold, Dampierre was purchased by M. Richeaudieu, and it now 
belongs to his son-in-law, M. Fontenailles. Very near to Dampierre there 
were also a few rooms and a chapel, for the most part excavated from the 
rock, which is said to have formed an occasional summer residence for 
Queen Margaret ; but it is many years since they were wholly removed. 
The spot on which they were built was the property of M. de Tigney in 
1845. Of this last edifice there remains only a small narrow tower with a 
winding staircase in a dilapidated condition, and part of a massive wall, 
richly ornamented with carved stone-work. 



of Saumur, which she had often inhabited in her 
youthful days, when crowds of gay and brilliant knights 
and ladies, joined the court of Anjou, to share in the 
various gratifications of the tournament. 

The unhappy Princess could see towards the south, 
the Chateau of Breze, which must have recalled to her 
recollection the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, Pierre 
de Breze, her valiant champion, who in her greatest 
perils had come to her aid, having been dismissed 
by the perfidious Louis XL, rather with the intent 
to get rid of him, than with a view to succour the 
Queen. It was to reward this knight for his valour 
and fidelity in her cause, that she bestowed upon him 
the Channel Islands — a recompense which afterwards 
involved him in much peril and disgrace. 

Queen Margaret fell a victim to disappointment and 
grief. While brooding over her unhappy fate, one 
might imagine the bitter words which would escape 
her lips — 

" "Who sues, who kneels, who says ' God save the Queen ? ' 

1 ' Where be the bending peers that flatter'd thee ? 

" Where be the thronging troops that follow'd thee ? 

1 ' Decline all this and see what now thou art : 

" For happy wife, a most distressed widow ; 

11 For joyful mother, one that wails the name ; 

" For Queen, a very caitiff, — crown'd with care."* 

The decline of Queen Margaret has been well pour- 
trayed by the graphic pen of one old author, who says, 
" Her blood, corrupted by so many sombre emotions, 
"became like a poison, which infected all the parts 
" that it should nourish ; her skin dried up, until it 
" crumbled away in dust; her stomach contracted, and 
" her eyes, as hollow and sunken as if they had been 
tc driven into her head, lost all the fire, which had, for 
" so long a time, served to interpret the lofty senti- 

* Shakespeare. 


"ments of her soul."* What a picture of the once 
beautiful Queen Margaret ! 

This unfortunate heroine died of grief, at the Chateau 1432. 
de Dampierre, near Saumur, at the age of fifty-three, ^^ ; 
on the 25th of August, 1482.t Godar(I 


The mortal remains of this Princess were transported Hume : 
to the magnificent tomb of the " good King Rene," ingar * 
her father, in the Church of St. Maurice, at Angers ; 
but there was no epitaph, or inscription to her memory. 
The deficiency in this respect was, however, in some 
measure compensated by an annual ceremony per- 
formed there. Every year, at the feast of All Saints, 
the Chapter of St. Maurice, after vespers for the dead, 
perform a semicircular procession around the tomb, 
singing a subvenite for the unhappy Queen. J 

Twenty-three days before her decease, Queen Mar- 
garet confirmed by her will, dated August the 2nd, 
1482, the conveyance of all her rights to her father's 
territories, to the King of France, Louis XI.§ 

We are told that in the year 1783, when the deco- 
ration of the choir of the Church of St. Maurice 
was begun, the tomb containing the last remains of 
the " good King Rene," and of his daughter, Queen 
Margaret of Anjou, was transferred beneath an arch of 
the nave of this Church, where it remained until the 
year 1793, the period of its destruction during the 
Revolution. The same author says, that the coffin of 
Rene was never removed from the vault, but still re- 
mains, along with two others, presumed to be those of 
his wife Isabella and his daughter Margaret. Another 

* Bodin. 

f Moreri ; Bodin ; Dom Calniet ; Baudier ; Baker ; Toplis ; Habington ; 
Lingard ; Hume ; Godard Faultrier ; Encyclopaedia Britannica ; Female 
Worthies ; Bodin. 

X Bodin ; Toplis ; Baudier ; Godard Faultrier ; Female Worthies ; En- 
cyclopaedia Britannica. 

§ Carte. 

b b 2 


writer informs us that the tomb of Rene was conveyed 
to the place where the altar memoriale mortis is 

No Queen of England has ever enjoyed so great a 
meed of praise and admiration, and deservedly so, as 
Margaret of Anjou, for no other Queen has equalled 
her in character. 

She has been extolled by all the writers of her times 
for her virtues, her beauty, her conjugal fidelity, and 
for her maternal love ; for her patience under adver- 
sity, her courage and martial conduct ; also, for her 
sympathy with the unfortunate, and earnestness in the 
advancement of those who needed her assistance ; and 
above all for her persevering activity during her hus- 
band's misfortunes. 

In early life her pride or ambition, we are told, made 
her aspire to one of the highest thrones in Europe ; 
but, when so exalted, how soon did she exhibit her 
natural good sense and feeling, by her concealment of 
the weaknesses and failings of her husband, when he 
betrayed his inability to rule. Surely her readiness to 
assist the unfortunate Henry ought rather to call forth 
praise than blame, since it would naturally appear to 
her as the path of duty, especially being conscious of 
her own abilities for the position of command. 

When established on the throne, Queen Margaret 
began by exerting great power over all who surrounded 
her, uniting to the regal sway her female influence, her 
personal charms not a little contributing to further her 

The extreme youth of Margaret should be admitted 
in palliation of the faults which she committed in the 

* " The architecture of St. Maurice is exquisite, and at this day, the fine 
" painted glass and tapestry of the fifteenth century have happily remained 
" uninjured from the civil ■wars." 

It has been projected to re-establish the mausoleum of King Rene. 

Bodin ; Godard Faultrier. 


commencement of her reign, and Henry's inability to 
govern caused her to be placed at the helm while she 
was yet unable to direct it. Her first step unfor- 
tunately, was to adopt a peculiar party in the king- 
dom ; but this eventually became the ruin of herself 
and of all her house. 

When surrounded at her early age by trials and 
difficulties, her talents and energy enabled her to over- 
come them. She seized the reins of government with 
all the confidence of youth, not having gained the 
experience requisite for her position. While, however, 
she was assisted by the wise Cardinal of Winchester 
the public affairs were prosperous. But the death of 
Gloucester, followed by that of the Cardinal, left her 
alone to guide the helm. 

The mysterious close of Gloucester's life (which 
remains an enigma in English history) first caused her 
unpopularity with the people. Nothing has been 
proved against the Queen in this affair ; although it 
may be admitted that she yielded to her prejudices 
against him, and sought to remove him from the King 
and his Council. In this it was her object to rule her- 
self for King Henry. In allusion to this, one author 
writes that, " had she adopted the nobler part of suc- 
" couring the oppressed party, her character would 
" have shone with greater lustre to posterity ; " and in 
conclusion he infers that " she could not be guiltless, 
" for she might have saved the life of Gloucester." 
Truly she could have been more perfect, but it is hard 
to judge another by what they might have done. She 
was besides influenced by the Cardinal and his party, 
who were the enemies of Gloucester. This Duke was, 
nevertheless, by contemporary writers said, to have died 
a natural death. 

The epithets of arbitrary and tyrannical, so often 
applied to this Queen's early rule, doubtless by her 


enemies, do not seem applicable to the daughter of 
the "good King Rene " and his noble consort, the 
former so distinguished by his refinements and 
clemency. The talents and courage, born and nursed, 
so to speak, in the very age and country of chivalry, 
would surely revolt from harshness and cruelty. It 
does not appear that any historian has dwelt on the 
peculiar difficulties of the situation of this Queen, 
united to a monarch who, far from assisting her by his 
advice in affairs of difficulty, required to be governed 
himself. Margaret was compelled, in addition to the 
responsibility and uncertainty of ruling a turbulent and 
rebellious people, to bear the weight of every unpopular 
measure herself, without the advice of ministers of 
worth, who, having the Lancastrian interest at heart, 
might have alleviated her anxiety. 

Queen Margaret was more illustrious by her un- 
daunted spirit in adversity, than by her moderation in 
prosperity. She was not subject to the weaknesses of 
her sex ; yet it is just to observe, that she has been 
charged with being "mutable and changeable.'' When 
in prosperous circumstances she assumed haughtiness, 
or imperiousness, on finding a reverse she could lay 
these aside, and employ all her personal charms, 
insinuation, persuasion, and address to gain over the 
people to her interests. The nobility were envious of 
Suffolk and Somerset, who engrossed all her favour. 
Having lost these favourites, her preference was 
shown to everybody who could render her service, or 
whose merits deserved her good opinion. In spite of 
her eminent beauty, we are told, that her look inspired 
terror in all those who displeased her. 

Queen Margaret's surprising talents for war, her 
conduct as a general, her martial spirit, and her presence 
of mind in her adverse fortunes, all came with the 
troubles of her times, which, like the thorns around the 


" Rose," she patiently endured to preserve her crown. 
This she deserved to wear, but it was wrested from 
her. She had shown feminine weakness in the insur- 
rection of Cade, but the utmost firmness in the conflicts 
which ensued. Her courage and intrepidity might 
have reflected honour on the most renowned generals 
of her age. 

Some authors assure us that, her martial spirit was 
not seen until she found it was needful to protect her 
son. This, if it be the case, manifests her sincere 
maternal love. 

It is needless to refer to the mysterious accounts 
of this Queen's illicit intercourse with the Earl of 
Suffolk, which could only be the product of the malice 
of her enemies, and positively contradictory to all the 
tenour of her life. Also her genuine piety has never 
been disputed, any more than her moral fortitude. 

Her destiny was to launch her little bark on the 
noontide of prosperity, and after tossing on the waves 
of a troubled ocean, to become at last a solitary wreck, 
lost to the world, and to herself, and like a bright 
meteor, to perish in oblivion. No monument was 
erected to her memory, and none was needed. As 
long as much worth, greatness of soul, filial duty, con- 
jugal fidelity, and maternal tenderness have admirers 
amongst mankind, the name of Margaret of Anjou 
cannot be forgotten. 

After the unsuccessful termination of the affairs of 
the Lancastrians, the young Earl of Richmond (after- 
wards Henry VII.) escaped from Wales in 1470, with 
his uncle, the Earl of Pembroke. They bent their 
course towards Normandy, but a tempest cast them 
on the coast of Brittany. Duke Francois II., hearing 
of their disaster, sent them an honourable escort, and 
caused them to be conducted to Vannes, where he 
received them with every demonstration of friendship. 


King Edward required that these two noblemen should 
be delivered up to him ; but Duke Francois only pro- 
mised that they should cause the King of England no 
disquietude. Having promised protection to these 
suppliants, he would not betray them, but they were 
kept in a kind of honourable confinement during the 
lifetime of King Edward IV. By this policy they 
were preserved; and, in the reign of his successor, 
they reappeared in England, to inflict vengeance on 
the House of York.* 

It was during Queen Margaret's residence at 
Dampierre that she was visited by Henry, Earl of 
Richmond ; and it was by the advice and instigation of 
the Lancastrian Queen that, this young nobleman was 
determined in his resolution to attempt the overthrow 
of the House of York ; in which purpose he was ulti- 
mately successful ; but Margaret did not live to witness 
his triumph. 

John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, when he escaped, in 
1485, from the castle of Hammes, after his long im- 
prisonment, joined the Earl of Richmond, and subse- 
quently fought in the battle of Bos worth, wmere he 
was captain of the archers. This Earl became a per- 
son of great importance in the state in the reign of 
Henry VII. He died in 1512, in the fourth year of 
Henry VIII.| 

This nobleman experienced many vicissitudes in 
these stormy times, sometimes cast into the shade, at 
others enjoying a gleam of sunshine. His father had 
been deprived of his inheritance ; but his son, John de 
Vere, was restored to them, then attainted, and again 
after their being forfeited, again restored. Finally he 
died in possession of them. He is described as valiant, 
wise, magnificent, and learned, and also a religious 

* Stow ; Philip de Comines ; Roujoux's Brittany ; Lingard. 
t Paston Letters. 


man. His prudence and bravery contributed much to 
the success of the Lancastrian cause. When he 
escaped from the castle of Hammes, he persuaded the 
governor of this fortress to declare for the Earl of 
Richmond, and carried him to Paris, to vouch for his 

When Richard III. afterwards besieged the castle 
of Hammes, the Earl of Oxford gathered together a 
few troops in France, and proceeded to its relief; he 
had the gratification to carry the garrison, which sur- 
rendered to the Earl of Richmond.* 

Jeanne de Laval, generally distinguished by the 
name of the Queen of Sicily, after the death of her 
husband, whom she survived many years, lived at her 
Chateau de Beaufort during eighteen years, employing 
herself in so many good works, that her memory has 
ever been cherished by the Angevines ; who, even at 
the present clay, still delight in attributing to her name 
(which has remained proverbial) everything great that 
was done in Anjou in the Middle Ages. They speak 
of her with affection in these days ; and such was the 
interest she excited, that many buildings and acts 
have been attributed to her, in which she never parti- 
cipated. Amongst these we have the following in- 
stance. William de Haraucourt, Bishop of Verdun, 
invented a cage of wood, in 1469, some of which were 
used at the Bastille, two at the Chateau de Loches, 
and one at Angers. At this city the people, ever fond 
of the marvellous, were accustomed to call it the 
" cage of the Queen of Sicily," because they pretended 
that she had been imprisoned therein ; and they some- 
times persisted that her sabots,| beautifully sculptured 
and transparent, might be seen there in the daytime. 
But this Queen of Sicily was no other than Jeanne 

• Rymer ; Caister Castle. 

f These sabots are now preserved in the Museum. 


de Laval, who, however, had never been im- 

Jeanne de Laval had no children. She died at the 
Chateau de Beaufort, in 1498, and was interred by 
the side of Rene, in the church of St. Maurice at 
Angers ; also her statue was placed by his upon the 

At the feet of Rene had been carved a lion, the 
symbol of strength and courage ; and at the feet of 
Queen Jeanne de Laval, his second wife, were plac 
two dogs, emblematical of fidelity. 

The heart of Jeanne, " so full of love," says one 
author, "and so tenderly beloved," was deposited 
with the Cordeliers of Angers, in the chapel of 
St. Bernardin. Jeanne de Laval is represented on 
the painted glass windows of the Cordeliers at 

In her escutcheon were seen, the arms of all her 
husband's states, and those of Laval. | 

Jeanne de Laval, at her death, instituted as her 
heir, Guy, 15th Count of Laval, her brother, and after 
him Nicolas de Laval, Seigneur de la Roche.J 

With this Princess ended the second House of Anjou 
and Sicily. § 

In the choir of St. Maurice at Angers reposed the 
ashes of Louis I. of Anjou, his wife Mary of Blois. and 
his second son Charles ; Louis II. of Anjou. and his 
wife Yoland of Arragon ; Louis III. of Anjou ; Rene, 
his two wives, Isabella of Lorraine and Jeanne de 
Laval, and also his noble-minded son John, Duke of 
Calabria ; lastly, were deposited there also, the remains 
of Margaret of Anjou, Queen of England. Of these 

* Godard Faultrier. 

+ Montf aucon ; Moreri : Bodin ; Godard Faultrier. 

t Hist, de Montmorency et de Laval, par Andre du Chesne. 

§ Beaufort was afterwards reunited to the crown. 


eleven individuals, all so distinguished in their day, 
scarcely a vestige remains.* 

From this period Anjou returned to the crown, and 
ceased to be an independent government. "The 
" nationality of Anjou, gave place to the nationality of 
" France." Some of the younger sons of France after- 
wards assumed the title of " Duke of Anjou," but only 
as apanagistes, viz., having only a useful enjoyment, 
with certain rights and revenues which were limited. 
Of these princes of the House of France, who bore the 
name of Anjou with the most eclat, were Edward, who 
became Henry III., and Francois, Duke of Alengon, 
his brother ; Philip, grandson of Louis XIV., made 
King of Spain in 1700 ; Louis XV. ; and Louis 
Stanislaus Xavier, Count of Provence, afterwards 
Louis XVIII., who was the last apanagiste.f 

Yoland of Anjou, the eldest daughter of Rene, and 
the wife of Ferri, Count de Vaudemont, the sister of 
Queen Margaret, became Duchess of Lorraine and 
Bar, which estates she inherited upon the death of her 
nephew, Nicolas of Anjou, in 1473. When her cousin 
Charles of Anjou died, this princess took the title of 
Queen of Jerusalem and Sicily, and the escutcheon 
which belonged to John, Duke of Calabria, her brother. 
The Duchess of Lorraine did not long survive her 
father and sister ; she died on the 21st February, 1483, 
at Nanci, at the age of fifty-seven, \ and was interred 
in St. Laurent de Joinville.§ 

Margaret of Lorraine, the daughter of Yoland, and 
the grandchild of Rene, who had taken such pleasure 
in giving her instruction, employed herself in the 
education of her son and daughters, in a manner 

* Godard Faultrier ; Bodin. + Godard Faultrier. 

\ Dom Calmet says her age was oo, but this must be an error, as we 
cannot doubt the historians who speak of her birth in 1426. 
§ Dom Calmet ; Moreri ; Montfaucon. 


suitably to their birth, and with high sentiments of 
religion. After the death of her husband, she solaced 
herself in her retirement by the exercise of piety and 
the care of the poor ; and having founded a charitable 
institution at Argenton, she daily conversed with the 
holy sisters, and with her own hands, distributed her 
gifts to the indigent ; she even condescended to serve 
them at table, and bathe their wounds, without showing 
any symptoms of disgust. Finally, she retired to the 
convent of St. Clair, putting on the habit of the order 
of that establishment, in the presence of her son, the 
Duke of Alengon, and the Bishop of Sees, but declaring 
that, in taking this habit, she did not pretend to greater 
poverty than formerly : for which she assigned three 
reasons, 1st, that she would preserve the power of still 
recompensing her servants as they deserved ; 2ndly, 
that she might be able to pay the debts of her hus- 
band ; and 3rdly, to finish the building, &c, of the 
monastery where she desired to live and die. 

This declaration she made only that she might per- 
form more perfectly the three solemn vows she had 

This pious Duchess of Lorraine died on All-Saints' 
Day, in 1521, leaving a great example of virtue, 
charity, contempt of the world, and of perfect devotion. * 
Cicely, Duchess of York, the daughter of Ralph 
Nevill, Earl of Westmoreland, survived her husband, 
Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, many years. Her 
life, an eventful one, extended beyond that of her son, 
King Edward IV. ; and if her ambition was to behold 
her family enjoy the regal dignity, the measure of her 
days afforded ample' opportunity for the contemplation 
of the " ills which flesh is heir to." She first witnessed 
the vain struggle for power which her husband origi- 
nated, and which brought his defeat and death ; then 

* Doui Calmet. 


her own son's contentions, usurpations, cruelties, and 
untimely death. These succeeded one by one, and 
sorrowful indeed must have been the heart of the 
widow and mother of that house which brought such 
cruel strife amongst her kindred and through every 
portion of her native land. Cicely, of Raby, died in 
May, 1495, at an advanced age, at her castle of Berk- 
hamsted, and was buried near her husband, in the 
choir of the collegiate church of Fotheringay, in 
Northamptonshire. * 

The romantic fortunes of Elizabeth Woodville may, 
by some, have been thought to have been great 
happiness ; but let those who too highly estimate ex- 
alted rank, contemplate her subsequent reverses — how, 
at first she drew upon herself the envy of the nobility, 
which was ultimately the cause of King Edward's 
flight, and in whose absence she gladly took refuge in 
the sanctuary of Westminster, and there gave birth to 
a son, 'the heir to the throne. 

She survived her husband, and afterwards had the 
misfortune to witness the cruel murder of her two 
infant sons ; and finally, she was herself confined in 
the Monastery of Bermondsey, in South wark, and her 
effects confiscated by her own son-in-law. f 

John de la Pole, the son of the Duke of Suffolk, 
married Elizabeth Plantagenet, sister of Edward IV. 
His son became Earl of Lincoln, and afterwards joined 
in the rebellion of Lambert Simnel, and was killed in 
battle in 1487. His brother Edmund, the last who 
bore the title of Earl of Suffolk, having excited the 
suspicions of Henry VII., was imprisoned by this 
monarch during seven years in the Tower of London, 
and was finally put to death by Henry VIII. With 
this nobleman expired the honours of that family ; 
which arose, in the time of Edward III., from a mer- 

* Paston Letters. + Baker. 


cantile station, and flourished during a period of 120 
years. The handsome palace in Hull, called Suffolk 
Palace, and all the family possessions were confiscated 
to the crown. The town of Hull was much indebted 
for its prosperity to this family.* John de la Pole 
died in 149 1.| 

There were other partizans of the House of Lan- 
caster, the chief of whom, when they had lost all 
hope of maintaining this cause, after the death of 
King Henry VI. and his son, and the capture of 
Queen Margaret, condescended to implore the mercy 
of King Edward. No longer having a rival to fear, 
this monarch listened to their petitions, reversed their 
attainders in the next Parliament, and sought to 
render some of them useful to him. 

Of these were Dr. Morton, parson of Bokesworth, 
and Sir John Fortescue, the Lord Chief Justice. 
They had both been present in the battle of Towton, 
and had been attainted in the following Parliament. 

Their petitions to the King were very similar, and 
were thus expressed : — " They are as sorrowful and 
repentant as any creature may be, for whatever 
they have done to the displeasure of the King's 
highness ; and protest they are, and ever will be, 
true liegemen and obeissant subjects to him, their 
sovereign lord." 
King Edward had already granted to Morton his 
pardon, and, knowing his talents, he made him Keeper 
of the Rolls, and afterwards preferred him to the 
bishopric of Ely. The attachment of Morton to the 
sons of Edward, his benefactor, drew on him the dis- 
pleasure of Richard III., and at a subsequent period 
his counsels led to the deposition of the usurper, 
and the termination of civil discord by the mar- 
riage of Henry VII. to the daughter of Edward IV., 

* Allen's York : Biographia Britannica. f Paston Letters. 


and thus were united the Houses of York and Lan- 

Henry, Lord Percy, the son and heir of Henry 
Percy, Earl of Northumberland, who lost his life in 
the battle of Towton, continued to be styled Lord 
Percy, although his father had been attainted. He 
was fully restored to his title and honours in 1472, 
and his father's attainder made void. 

In the year 1488 this nobleman was murdered by a 
tumultuous mob, in Yorkshire. f 

Charles VIII. , in 1492, was inspired with the desire 
of making the conquest of the kingdom of Naples ; 
and after meditating on this enterprise during two 
years, and several times abandoning it, he set out for 
Italy in 1494. 

The claims of this monarch were founded thus : — 
Rene of Anjou, heir to Joanna II., Queen of Naples, 
had left to Charles, Count of Maine, Provence and all 
his rights to the kingdom of Naples and Sicily ; and 
this Count had made Louis XI. his successor. 

The princes of Italy all united in this war, each one 
according to his private interest. 

King Charles marched to Rome, and entered that 
city in triumph ; he made an easy conquest of the 
kingdom of Naples, with which the Pope invested 
him, although he was the enemy of the French. He 
also crowned him Emperor of Constantinople. 

But all these rapid conquests, which occupied this 
King but six months, were again lost to him in as 
short a space of time.J 

* Lingard ; Rot. Pari. t Paston Letters. 

X Eccles. Hist.; Montfaucon ; Hallam ; Universal Hist. 


Review of the Fifteenth Century — Causes of the Wars of the Roses — 
Religion — Politics — Literature — Arts and Sciences — Manners and 

In the concluding pages of this volume it may not 
be uninteresting to the general reader to take a sum- 
mary review of England during the fifteenth century, 
the period in which King Henry YI. and Queen 
Margaret reigned in this country. Many w T ere the 
peculiarities of that age, and singular the contrast 
afforded to the present century of modern refinement ; 
its religion being then guided by the Papal power, and 
its forms Roman Catholic, though becoming modified 
by the exercise of private judgment, through the light 
of the Reformers. Then came the interference of 
religion with politics and with monarchical rule, and, 
what was still more astonishing, the part it took in 
the wars of the times. The three divisions of Western 
Europe at this time most prominent were France and 
Spain, Germany divided into monarchical states, and 
Italy into small principalities and republics. 

The fifteenth century was a remarkable epoch, 
especially interesting as preceding the times 'Of the 
Reformation, in which, from the midst of darkness, 
infatuation, and superstition, the light of Christianity 
shone forth. In the ages preceding, the Holy Scrip- 
tures had not been universally read. The clergy, king, 
and men of high rank, whose minds were, however, 
enlightened by Holy Writ, had greater power to rule 


by its precepts, and thus gained an especial influence 
over the multitude, who seemed grovelling in dark- 
ness and superstition. One of the greatest blessings 
resulting from the Reformation, was the " free circu- 
" lation of the Word of God." Also it effected a 
"diminution of cruel punishments," and, lastly, it 
" raised the tone of morals ; " while the blessing of 
God, which He gave to the nations zealous in this 
cause, was manifested in the enjoyment of civil 

Tn the preceding century, the Roman Catholic 
religion had prevailed throughout Christendom. The 
Pope had exerted his power to subject all the 
kingdoms to his rule, some of which yielded to his 
domination, whilst others resisted it. In England the 
papal doctrines prevailed, although the new opinions 
of Wickliffe and other Reformers had begun to pave 
the way for the Reformation. England could, how- 
ever, scarcely be charged at this time with entire 
subserviency to Rome, when we remember the stream 
of legislation continuously poured forth against the 
papal usurpations, the influence of Wickliffe, and 
also that Lollardism had not yet been effectually 

There was, at various times in England, a strong 
resistance to the papal influence, and especially to the 
Pope's exactions from the clergy, which occasioned 
much subterfuge, and even led to open disobedience 
on their part, as they sought to fortify themselves with 
laws against the court of Rome. 

Of this we have an instance, in the early part of 
the reign of Henry VI., when " the Bishop of Win- 
" chester did presumptuously, as Legate of the Pope, 
" enter this land contrary to the law, and it was pub- 
" licly made known by the King's Procurator, Richard 

* The Debate. 

TOT, ii. C C 


11 Caudroy, tliat this was not by the King's consent, 
" or by the advice of his Council. Neither would 
" they assent to the exercise of his authority Legatine, 
" or to any future acts contrary to the laws and 
" liberties of the realm." The same document states 
also, that, " the King, and his predecessors on the 
11 throne, had ever preserved the special privilege and 
" custom observed in the realm, that no Legate from 
" the Apostolic See should enter this land except by 
11 the request and desire of the King; thus, had the 
" Cardinal of St. Eusebius (Henry, Bishop of Win- 
" Chester), as the Pope's Legate, presumptuously done, 
" without being called, or sent for by the King, who 
" had no intent to approve of his thus coming in 
" derogation of the laws, nor would he assent to the 
" exercise of his authority Legatine, or to any attempts, 
" or acts contrary to the laws and liberties of this 
" realm." * 

The Bishop of Winchester had, notwithstanding, 
great control over his sovereign, and much of the 
violent ecclesiastical transactions of this epoch were 
attributable to the undue influence gained by the 
clergy over their monarch, in this, and the two pre- 
ceding reigns. 

The strength and wealth of the country for a time 
remained wholly in the hands of the clerical autho- 
rities. It was necessarily an ecclesiastical government, 
and each successive King, who courted its influence, 
only augmented its abuses, and increased the oppres- 
sion of every other class in the state. It was in vain 
that the Barons, in the incursion into Wales, in 1403, 
proposed to the King, who was in difficulties, to seize 
upon a portion of the riches of those members of the 
clergy who accompanied them, and employ it for 
the common good ; they were overruled by the pri- 

* Fox's Martyrs, or Eccles. Hist. 


mate Arundel, who menaced with awful retribution 
any who should dare to touch the effects of the 
Church. It was also in vain, that in a Parliament held 
at Coventry, in 1404, the Commons represented to 
Henry IV. in the House of Lords the excessive riches 
of the clergy, and prayed that the wealthy prelates 
might be taxed, for the demands of the state. In this 
instance, Arundel is reported to have fallen on his 
knees before the King, and besought him to remember 
his coronation oath of protection to the Church ; and 
finally the Commons were obliged " to beg pardon for 
" their presumption ! " * Again the Commons exem- 
plified the same presumption and weakness, in the 
Parliament at Westminster, in 1409, in which his 
Majesty was informed, that the superfluous estates of 
the bishops, abbots, and clergy would support fifteen 
earls, 1,500 knights, 6,200 esquires, and one hundred 
hospitals. We are told that the Peers presented a 
counter-petition, while that of the Commons was 
rejected. At last, however, the attention of Henry V. 
was drawn to the subject in the year 1415, when he 
commanded the University of Oxford to make out a 
catalogue of abuses, to be presented to the Council of 
Constance. It contained forty-six articles for reforma- 
tion, and represented particularly the avarice and pro- 
fligacy of the clerical body. But if the father of 
Henry VI. was disposed to listen to the voice of his 
distressed people in this matter, the case was far 
different with his immediate successor, Edward IV., 
who, to gain the support of the affluent clergy, actually 
made a charter, which placed everyone in Holy Orders 
without the pale of the law, and enabled them to 
commit all manner of crimes with impunity. The 
consequence was, the most gross violation of every 
decorum of society, by a class of " vile reprobates and 

* Henry's Hist, of Great Britain. 

c c a 


" ignorant vagabonds," for such were the epithets 
used by the Primate in his description of them. This 
was Archbishop Bouchier, who was himself able to 
effect some degree of reformation, though only tempo- 
rary. Superstition and profaneness were often united 
in the religious belief of the Middle Ages."* 

England was at this time divided, ecclesiastically, 
into two provinces, and the Archbishop of York, as 
well as of Canterbury, had each the power of making 
canons for his own province, which were not always 
conformable to those of the other See. 

Some very singular laws were constituted in 14G6, 
by Xeville, Archbishop of York, which show the 
various religious tenets of this period. Xeville details 
thirty-seven sins which could be pardoned only by the 
Pope, or a bishop, of which the first, and greatest, was 
heresy. Pope Martin V., in 1427, had published several 
Bulls against the support of the law premunire by the 
Parliament of England.")" The object of this law was 
to prevent the Pope from disposing of all the benefices 
in the kingdom, which he seemed to consider as part 
of his prerogative. 

The usurpation of undue authority at this period, 
in both Church and State, seems to have been the 
main root of evil, from which sprung the hatred and 
revenge that soon desolated the land. Indeed it is 
with kings and potentates as with individuals of inferior 
rank, the greater their power and influence, the greater 
their responsibility ; and proportionate is the reward, 
or chastisement, of the good or bad exercise of their 

Many writers have been led to suggest as the true 
source, whence arose the cruel and lengthened contest 

* Dean Stanley's Westminster Abbey. 

f In these Bulls it appears that he treated Chicheley, and even Henry 
the Sixth himself, as his menial. 


between the Houses of York and Lancaster, the 
usurpation of Henry IV. ; and, if correct, this crime 
was indeed severely visited on his descendant. The 
meek and holy King Henry VI., inheriting the natural 
imbecility of his maternal grandfather, Charles VI., 
was incapable of maintaining his regal dignity, and 
his crown, and incurred the penalty of the ambition 
and usurpation of his headstrong predecessor.* 

Again, this dreadful era of war and confusion, some 
authors have traced back, only to the times of 
Henry V., to which period they have looked for the 
causes of the quarrels of the "Roses." 

In the first year of this monarch's reign, he had 
issued his commands for the seizure of the effects, and 
confiscation of the property, of Henry, Lord Scrope, of 
Masham, whose head was placed on the top of Mickle- 
gate Bar, York. When this nobleman was beheaded, 
the same fate befell Sir Thomas Gray, and the Earl of 
Cambridge, for high treason, at Southampton. This 
Earl of Cambridge had married the heiress of the 
House of York. Hence came the claims of Richard, 
Duke of York, which availed him in his contests with 
the reigning monarch, and against which, the latter 
was unable to remove the original defect in his own 
cle scent, f 

The long minority of Henry VI. and his feeble 
character, added to his exclusion from affairs of state, 
left ample room for the dissensions of his uncles, and 
for the indulgence of the pride and grasping ambition 
of the ancient nobles of the land.J The peculiar 
quality of a " wise man," namely contentment, is sel- 
dom found with the wealthy ; envy and discord too 
often arise with the means for self-indulgence, and 
chase it away to the modest retreats of mediocrity, or 

* Allen's York ; Leigh's Kings. f Allen's York ; Lingard. 

± Lin~ard. 


to the humble dwelling of the peasant. From the 
evil passions of the human heart have always origi- 
nated the contentions of factions, or parties, which, 
bringing in civil dissensions, have been more injurious 
to a country, than even foreign war, famine, or 

It was a distinguishing characteristic of this age, 
that the divines took an active part in the religious 
wars ; and strange indeed appeared the conjunction of 
the two professions, the religious and military. It 
was not enough, that with pretended zeal for their holy 
callings, they should burn human beings alive, but they 
must rush with pater nosters on their lips, to strike 
down their fellow-man in the field of carnage. There 
seems less excuse for this, because the members of the 
military profession, were all " sworn to defend God's 
" law against infidels, as their primary and standing 
14 duty." Writers on the Middle Ages have compared 
the knightly, to the priestly character, in an elaborate 
parallel, and the investiture of the one, was supposed 
to be analogous to the ordination of the other. 

The quarrels of families were a fertile source of the 
evils which prevailed at this period of anarchy. The 
feuds of some of the high-born families of England, had 
great influence in general society. Their personal 
quarrels were not settled, as in after days, by an 
appeal to the laws, or even decided by arbitration, but 
often the sword was drawn, and hundreds of the 
retainers of these powerful families were involved in 
these feuds, and many even became victims of the 
result of indulgence of their passions or follies. Such 
outrages were frequent in the early part of the reign 
of Henry VI. 

One of them has been especially narrated by the 
old chroniclers. It was a violent quarrel between two 

* Pol. Vergil. 


tranches of the Neville family, supported by three 
members on each side, two of them being earls, one a 
countess, and the fourth a baron, nearly connected 
with the richest and most influential families in the 
kingdom.* Their feud assumed " the appearance of a 
14 civil war ; they proceeded against each other by 
" manner of war and insurrection, and assembled in 
" great routs and companies in the field, committing 
44 horrible offences, both in the slaughter and destruc- 
44 tion of the King's subjects as otherwise." The 
King's commands were issued to suppress this alarm- 
ing riot ; but all the chroniclers and biographers are 
silent as to its conclusion, as well as to its origin. 

The most probable cause would seem to have been, 
a claim upon some lands, the parties being all descen- 
dants of the Earl of Westmoreland ; those on the one 
side, from his first wife ; and those on the other, being 
the two sons of his widow. This family feud appears- 
to have occurred between the years 1432 and 1440, 
the date of the death of Joan, Countess of West- 

44 The strong attachments also, which, at this period, 

men of the same relationship bore towards each 

other, and the vindictive spirit which prevailed 

amongst those of opposite interests, to indulge which 

they regarded as a point of honour, caused the high 

families to be implacable, and widened every breach 

between them." "j: 

Civil war is never the product of the tyrannical 

commands of one, or more of the reigning despots of 

the age ; and thus the anarchy which prevailed during 

the reign of Henry VI. was not the ebullition of a 

* See " Appendix." The genealogy of Ralph Neville, first Earl of West- 

f Bentley's Excerpta Historica. 
± Hume. 


moment, excited by the call of one or more influential 
persons, but the result of a long succession of party 
animosities and family resentments, which, amidst the 
misgovernment of bad ministers, like a pent-up vapour, 
suddenly burst into a flame, and the high-born chiefs, 
who had been ever ready to retaliate their petty 
injuries and insults, when once drawn out into the 
field, fought with desperation, forgetful of the ties of 
kindred and of human nature. 

In proof of this may be adduced the conduct of 
Somerset, and many others, who vacillated between 
the two parties. This Duke was attached to the 
Lancastrian interests, on account of his personal hatred 
to the House of York ; but he was seen to change 
sides, although he was himself the representative of 
the House of Lancaster, should King Henry's issue 

• " Margaret of Anjou's favouritism, and spirit of 
" political intrigue, hastened the crisis which the dis- 
" putes and jealousies of the feudal aristocracy of 
" England were already preparing ; " but it is an 
erroneous idea, entertained by some, that the Wars of 
,: the Eoses " resulted from the mismanagement of the 
reins of government by this energetic Queen. Intes- 
tine war is like a consuming flame, ever indiscriminate 
in its objects, but its appearance is always preceded 
by a long train of evils, discontent, miseries, hatred, 
variance, not of a few, but many individuals ; until the 
kindling spark is given by some unforeseen, perhaps 
trivial incident ; thus arose the contests of York and 

The great wealth and power of the clergy, even 
superior to that of the King, or the aristocracy, caused 
them to be so firmly established, that they could not 
be shaken except by a convulsion in the country. 
The system they pursued was to prevent the union of 


the crown and the nobility, which they considered and 
felt dangerous to themselves, and induced them to 
join the House of Lancaster, which had deposed 
Richard II. By this means they followed up, under 
the reigns of Henry IV., V., and VI., a course of 
persecution, imprisonment, and burning, which, by 
supplying continual fuel to the discontents of the 
nation, contributed greatly to the intestine wars of the 
Yorkists and Lancastrians.* 

One modern writer, after alluding to the political 
changes which succeeded the feudal times, goes on to 
say, that " from the peculiar and extraordinary systems 
" of those times, resulted, almost as naturally, as cause 
" and effect, the state of this, and the ensuing period." 

It has been aptly expressed, " que c'est du frotte- 
" ment des idees, que sort la lumiere ! " Thus from 
the agitation of European kingdoms was elicited 
stability and order. The wars of families brought 
about changes in governments, and the increase of 
kingly power in France, in England, and in Spain ; 
the monarchs, with their ambitious relatives, leading 
on the warfare. First the wars of the English in 
France, then the French war called, " du bien public," 
and then the wars, of " the Roses," in England. When 
these wars were terminated, the laws and institutions 
of society were established on a more permanent basis, 
family rivalries were annihilated, and the unity of the 
state conferred tranquillity. Thus terminated the 
fifteenth century ; but if during this period the in- 
fluence of religion had been great, it became still 
more powerful in the following era.| 

In the early ages of Christianity the heavenly doc- 
trines of Our Lord, arose upon the heathen world, like 
the mild light of the rising sun, gradually extending 

* Sharon Turner's Middle Ages. 

Van Praet's Essay on Political History. 


its Learns over the broad expanse. The purest of mural 
creeds, sent forth, from Our Saviour, was. through his 
Apostles, instilled into the minds and hearts of all true 
diseiples, who manifested their faith, by love and good 
works. Man felt for his fellow-man, and his brother's 
affliction became his own ; thus, a new and spiritual 
life, east a benign aspect over the existence of man- 
kind. But human degradation prevailed, and paganism 
and tyranny raised persecutions and terror amongst 
the early Christians, and the Apostles, following in the 
way of their Master, one by one. suffered. Their bright 
examples no longer led the way to true devotion and 
self-sacrifice, and a cloud of oppression rapidly dis- 
pelled the transcendent light which had been diffus 
at Our Lord's first advent. Numerous bishops then 
ruled the church, seeking, but vainly, to supply 
apostles' rule ; then sects arose, and much division, 
one calling himself of Paul, another of Apollos, and 
all forgetful of the unity of the One Body of Christ. 
Soon came division amongst the shepherds of the flock, 
with the grasping of earthly power, and the mingling 
of secular honours with their clerical office, — St. Peter's 
chair filled unworthily, and his position disputed, until 
two. and even three, arrogated this high authority. Xo 

7 CD CJ •/ 

wonder that a gloomy obscurity overspread the Chris- 
tian hemisphere in succeeding centuries, since divine 
truth became hidden by the grossest superstition, and 
ignorance, and spiritual darkness, universally prevailed. 
Such was the condition of the Christian world in the 
fifteenth century ! 

This era commenced with the persecutions of the 
Waldenses, many of whom were murdered, and others 
starved to death.* Then succeeded the persecutions of 
the ki Lollards," the followers of one of the early re- 
formers, Wickliffe. His doctrines met with great oppo- 

* BEflnc s hHist ty. 


sition in England ; but, protected by the Duke of 
Lancaster, lie had escaped the severities directed 
against him by Courtney, Bishop of London, whose 
vengeance, however, fell upon the unfortunate Lol- 
lards. None of them had yet suffered death, although 
these persecutions had been sanctioned by Richard the 
Second ; but in his reign the power of his consort, Anne 
of Bohemia, and of the Duke of Lancaster, had prevented 
these cruelties, the former being a patroness of the Wick- 
liffites, and styled the link between Wickliffe and Huss.* 

The Lollards, by exposing the disorders of the clergy, 
occasioned much discord. These abuses were not re- 
formed ; but an apprehension arose, that Henry IV. 
would abridge the privileges of the clergy. A revolt 
followed, headed by the Archbishop of York, who was 
punished with death, f 

Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, who had crowned 
Henry IV., commenced, with the support of his sove- 
reign, a powerful persecution of the Lollards. The 
first victims for their opposition to popery, were Sir 
William Sawtree, J who was burnt to death in 1400 ; 
and another, named Thomas Badley, in 1409. After 
this Arundel continued to pursue his plans, for the 
extirpation of the Lollards, being sanctioned by the 
new King, Henry V. ; and Lord Cobham fell a sacrifice 
to their vengeance. 

Henry V. was, however, naturally averse to cruelty, 
and had in private listened to the opinions of Lord 
Cobham, who had frequently appeared before the heads 
of the clergy concerning his faith. He boldly spoke of 
his belief in the gospel of Christ uncorrupted by human 
institutions. He ventured to expose the follies, and to 
smile at the threatenings of the Church, which he con- 
sidered repugnant to the truth. By this conduct he 

* Milner's Church History. + Eccles. Hist. 

% He was rector of St. Oswyth, London. 


raised the resentment of Archbishop Chicheley, who 
committed him to prison. A Parliament was called to 
prosecute the Lollards, and while the King was fol- 
lowing his wars with France, Chicheley was domineer- 
ing over the Church at home. This continued from 
1414 to 1443. Chicheley was even supported in his 
measures for a time by the King's brother, the Duke 
of Bedford. In order the more effectually to check the 
progress of AVickliffe's doctrines, the clergy attacked 
the principal promulgator, Sir John Oldcastle, Baron 
of Cobham, and sought to persuade Kiug Henry, that 
the Lollards were conspiring against the throne, and 
state. There was indeed a meeting in St. Giles's 
fields of 20,000 men, headed by Sir John Oldcastle, and 
the King, at length, was prevailed on to think he was 
taking a treasonable part.* 

At this time in Germany, as well as in England, the 
cupidity of the government was called forth by the 
wealth of the clergy; while in Italy the taxes were paid 
by the priests, in common with the other citizens, and 
often in a greater proportion; thus, "no one thought 
" of despoiling them, and no jealousy seconded the 
tc projects of the Reformers." 

This country was the first, however, to assert re- 
ligious independence ; and while indifferent to the 
reform of the Church, feared not the menaces of the 
Popes at this period, when their threats and excom- 
munications made all other powers in Europe to 

France suffered for some years the papal exactions, 
but, at length, the decrees of the Council of Basle, 
caused her to assert her independence ; and the famous 
Pragmatic Sanction was enacted by Charles VII. By 
this law a general council was declared superior to the 
Pope ; bishops were freely elected, grants in expect- 

* Fox's Hist. Gf Christian Martyrdom. f Sismondi. 


ancy, and reservation of benefices were taken away, 
and first-fruits abolished. 

Pius II. (iEneas Sylvius) used every means to get 
this ordinance repealed, and finally prevailed with 
Louis XL ; who, partly out of hatred to his father's 
memory, and partly from a delusive hope that the 
Pope would support the Angevine cause in Naples, 
repealed the Pragmatic Sanction.* This law has been 
deemed a sort of Magna Charta of the Gallican church ; 
for, although it was so speedily abrogated, its prin- 
ciple has remained fixed, as the basis of ecclesiastical 
liberty. | 

The Angevines were deeply interested in the deci- 
sions of the Council of Basle, which occurred about 
the time of Rene of Anjou's accession. This assembly 
of distinguished persons, during twelve years, held 
forty-five sessions. Its object was not only the union 
of the Greek and Roman churches, but also, the uni- 
versal reformation of the church, both in its head and 
in its members.;); 

In England there were but fourteen bishops, and 
two archbishops, if we omit the Welsh bishoprics, and 
that of Sodor and Man ; the former of these was the last 
to assert independence, and the latter was bestowed on 
the Stanley family by King Henry IV. In the public 
councils of this kingdom, especially in Parliament, the 
clergy had great influence ; and as their numbers ex- 
ceeded that of the laity, they could carry their own views 
without opposition. The bishops were expected to 
attend at all the meetings of Parliament. The power 
they obtained was not so much effected by their superior 
knowledge and holiness, which they did not much 
affect, but was the result of their constant residence in 
this country, and of their attendance at these councils, 

* Hallam's Mid. Ages. t Hallam. 

J Godard Faultrier. 


while the nobility and great men were absent, being 
engaged in the wars with France, or Scotland. Twenty- 
five abbots and their priors were summoned to each 
Parliament, and even more, which doubled the number 
of the lords spiritual over those temporal. Thus did 
the clergy obtain sanguinary laws, punish heretics, and 
preserve their immense possessions.* 

Yielding to their cruel dispositions, the clergy passed 
sentence of death on Lord Cobham, both as a traitor 
and a heretic. He was led from the Tower, on the 
day of his execution, with his arms tied behind him, 
and drawn on a hurdle into St. Giles's fields. Re- 
signed and cheerful, he prayed for God's forgiveness 
of his enemies, and then addressed the people, and 
conjured them to observe the laws of God, as delivered 
in the Scriptures ; then with Christian resignation he 
gave himself up to his fate. He was hanged in chains, 
on a new gallows, under which a fire was lighted, to 
torment him by a lingering death, while impious monks, 
and priests, sent forth curses and imprecations at the 
time their noble victim was expiring by the flames. 
Such was the treatment of Lord Cobham from his 
enemies, who pretended to be ministers of the gospel 
of peace ! f 

The rapacity of the Popes, and the profligacy of the 
Court of Rome, were excessive. The following account 
has been given by two well-known historians : — De- 
nina assures us, that, "the licentiousness of the clergy 
" became excessive, and universal from the time that 
" the scandals of Avignon had removed all restraint 
" and shame;" and Sismondi also declares that, "that 
" people, and that court, made themselves manners, out 
" of the vices of all other nations." These historians 
do not exceed the testimony of contemporary autho- 

* The Debate ; Henry's Hist. Great Britain. t Throsby's Leicester. 


The city of Avignon, at one time, became the seat 
of papal power.* It had been purchased of Queen 
Joanna of Naples (who was also Countess of Pro- 
vence), in the time of her poverty, for 80,000 golden 
florins, by Clement VI. , who thus obtained this valu- 
able possession, and there completed the splendid 
palace commenced by Benedict XII. At this period 
the cardinals began to imitate the luxury of the popes. f 
Then came the grand schism of the Roman Catholic 
church, and divided the church for about forty years ; 
this only terminated in 1429, and hastened the decline 
of the papal power. 

Catholic despotism led to a threat of appeal to a 
general council. " That there was a power superior 
" to the Pope, within the church" was a principle which 
had many advocates, even in the ecclesiastical body. 
Attempts were made at reformation, and the means of 
education were multiplied ; then arose divisions and here- 
sies. The flagrant conduct of the clergy, and especially 
of the popes, and cardinals, aroused many reflective 
minds to a sense of their unworthiness. Intellectual 
men, who looked to the examples of the early Chris- 
tians, and who walked in the fear of God, sought, with 
earnest zeal, to ameliorate the spiritual condition of 
mankind. They had no longer the rule of Apostles, 
nor the prophetic light to guide them ; but they yielded 
to the benevolence of their characters, and looking, in 
the simplicity of faith, to their Lord, they raised a 
kind of reflected light over the ignorance, superstition, 
and darkness which surrounded them. 

Mosheim,^ who has diligently and profoundly studied 
the subject of the early reformers, tells us, that the 
Lollards were a society of pious laymen at Antwerp, 

* The Holy See, transferred to Avignon, lasted there for seventy years. 
+ Denina ; Sismondi ; Waddington's Ch. Hist. 
J Eccles. Hist. 


whose object was to visit the sick, and bury the dead, 
during a time of pestilence, when the clergy neglected 
to fulfil their duties, because they were attended with 
danger. The good motives, and religious actions of 
this new sect, obtained throughout Flanders and Ger- 
many, not only the respect of the magistrates, but the 
love of the inhabitants. " The clergy were excited to 
" jealousy, especially the mendicants, who found their 
" own profits diminished by this charity ; and clamours 
" were raised against them. They were denounced at 
11 the pontifical throne, and their names passed to de- 
" signate, sanctified hypocrites. They were afterwards 
" persecuted in Austria."* 

One unfortunate Lollard, named John Clay don, a 
furrier of London, suffered death. He was tried and 
burnt at Smithfield, on the 19th of August, 1415. 
Heretical books were produced on the evidence, and 
one in particular, called "The Lantern of Light," was 
declared to contain fifteen heresies. After this followed 
a general prosecution of the Lollards. Immense num- 
bers were imprisoned and cruelly tormented ; but from 
this time they appear to have cherished their opinions 
in secret, or, if exposed, they recanted, as was the 
case with Reginald Peacock, Bishop of Chichester, 
in the reign of Henry VI. , already detailed in this 
history. The persecutions to which this highly talented 
man was subjected, reflect little credit on the primacy 
of Archbishop Bouchier, or the character of the con- 
temporary clergy. Bouchier would seem to have been 
favourable to the Roman Pontiff, and his conduct to 
the unfortunate Bishop was dictated by political as well 
as religious motives. 

The following account has been given by one of our 
old chroniclers of the doctrines of Reginald Peacock, 
which awakened such general enmity against him : — 

* Mcsheim. 


" Some say lie held that spiritual persons by God's 
11 law ought to have no temporal possessions, nor that 
" personal titles, by God's law, were due ; nor that 
" Christian men were to believe in the Catholic church, 
" nor in the communion of saints ; but, to believe that 
" a Catholic church, and a communion of saints there 
"is," and that he held, " how the universal church 
" might err in matters of faith, and that it is not of 
u necessity, to believe all that is ordained by general 
" councils ; nor, all that which they call the universal 
" church ought to be allowed and holden of all Chris- 
" tian people. Moreover, that it was meet to every 
" man, to understand the Scriptures in the true and 
" plain sense."* 

Reginald Peacock, however, after much persecution, 
and to save his life, recanted his opinions, and at length 
sided with the Pope, who, at this time, had succeeded 
in silencing the Councils. 

The bad conduct of the Roman Pontiffs, of whom 
two, and even three, appeared at one time, in the 
antagonistic character, gave rise to the forming of 
Councils, for the direction of the Church. First, in 
a.d. 1409, was the Council of Pisa, when Gregory XII. 
and Benedict XIII. were deposed, and Alexander elected. 
Secondly, the Council of Constance, in 1414, when 
Martin V. was elected Pope.f Thirdly, the Council of 
Basle, in 1431. These grand Councils had declared that 
the Pope was the servant of the Church, and answer- 
able to her, for his conduct in a general Council. He 
might even be deposed by the bishops representing the 
different Churches. 

When the Pope subsequently triumphed over the 
Councils, and silenced them, he asserted the opposite 

* Holinshed. 

+ At this time John Huss and Jerome of Prague were condemned to be 



principle, viz., that the Pope was the source of all 

The last struggle between the Pope and the Councils 
was in the reign of Henry the Sixth ; and the real 
offence of Peacock (whose history has been related) was 
this, that in order to make the Pope the sole bishop in 
the Church, he laboured to depress the authority of the 
general Councils. After this, Martin and his successors 
maintained the supremacy of the Pope, and the Coun- 
cils having been defeated, the Western Church gradually 
yielded to the Pope ; but this had not been completely 
accomplished in either the Gallican or the Anglican 
Church by the papal party before the period of the 

Our astonishment and indignation in these days of 
humanity, if we may so style them, will be naturally 
great, while reading of the fanatical excesses of the 
holy fathers of that period, and more particularly of 
that wicked and cruel act of bigotry, the practice of 
burning human beings alive for heresies in faith. Even 
if it were not coupled with the ignorance of the Middle 
Ages, even if there were indisputable proof, that the 
Church of Rome was the only true Church, we could 
not contemplate this act, as other than brutal, bar- 
barous, and disgusting in the utmost degree. These 
acts seem to have belonged, almost always, to the 
fanaticism of the Roman Catholics. Such cruel deeds 
cannot be too much held up to the general odium of 
mankind ; and they must have been, at least, an aggra- 
vation to the wars of the fifteenth century, in which the 
burning of the heroic Maid of Orleans, at its com- 
mencement, would almost lead to the decision that this 
was a barbarous age. 

"The ravages of Attilawere less fatal to the Church of 
" France, than those of England in the fifteenth century. 

* Hook's Archbishops. 


" Christianity found no solid tie amongst a people, who 
" professed and gloried in warfare, and dreadful were the 
" evils brought upon France, by the long and cruel wars 
" of Henry V. This monarch's sole motive had been 
11 ambition, and the invasion of France caused much 
" disorder and confusion in the Church. The English 
" nation was next visited by the judgments of God. 
" By the death of Henry V. England became the seat 
u of intestine divisions, while the French gained time 
" to respire, and found means to recover their 
" territories. "* 

When Church and State fail to preserve their rela- 
tive position to each other, many evils arise. In the 
countries where the papal dominion has been disre- 
garded, the Church has been controlled and oppressed 
by the State ; while the contrary has resulted in the 
dominions of the Pope, in which its oppressive govern- 
ment has absorbed the powers and offices of state. 
Ignorance of their relative duties was the occasion in 
the fifteenth century of much interference on the part 
of the clergy with affairs of state, and in England, 
especially, involved both in the party strife of that 
period. Churchmen often failed to show the example 
of obedience to authority, and to set forth a life of 
holiness ; thus they were unable to inculcate in 
others religious and moral principles, for while the 
Church should instruct men, the State should uphold 
and aid the Church, to carry out her high and holy 

It is worthy of remark how seldom Christians in 
those unhappy times, respected the sacred ties which 
attached them to their sovereigns. When a people are 
unfaithful to God, there is truly great reason to fear 
they will become so, also to their King.")" 

There can be little doubt that the agitations and 

* Eccles. Hist. f Ibid. 

D D 2 


contentions on religious subjects throughout England, 
greatly augmented in those " troublous times " the 
disrespect shown to King Henry the Sixth, whose 
excellent qualities and meek disposition rendered him 
worthy of a better fate. This monarch at last preserved 
but the bare title of King, yet " as the dignity of a 
" Prince consisteth in his sovereignty," so Henry being 
unable to rule, his prerogative was taken from him by 
his nobility, as it were by stealth, each turbulent 
and ambitious spirit rising up to gratify its individual 
passions at the expense of the country, some, effecting 
this by sundry indirect practices, others, by open force.* 

We cannot be surprised at the frequent and strong 
resistance to the authority of the Pope in this country, 
when we consider the dreadful anathemas so often 
issued from the papal throne against those who trans- 
gressed. Also the mortifying atonements to which 
persons, even of exalted rank, were subjected, and which 
showed the force in those times of ecclesiastical 

These severe decrees of the Roman Catholic Church 
might be called the stepping-stones which, in the 
Middle Ages led on, from darkness and ignorance to the 
light of the Reformation. 

The delegates of the Pope in England had also, the 
power to pronounce anathemas on such as were 
offenders. An instance of this is given in the life of 
Chicheley. The Archbishop having held a Synod in 
1417, at the dismissal, gave a mandate to the Dean and 
Chapter of St. Paul's to denounce a solemn anathema 
against certain persons unknown who had murdered 
three priests within the sanctuary of that cathedral. 

The revenging of personal wrongs was carried to 
such an extreme in the Middle Ages, as to afford many 
instances of the forgetfulness in men's minds of Our 

* Malcolm. 


Lord's doctrine of forgiveness of sins. Tims we read 
of frequent outrages in churches, and affrays, too violent 
to be appeased. One of these occurred in 1459 in the 
Cathedral of St. Peter's, at Exeter, between some young 
gentlemen, and many of them being grievously 
wounded, this church was closed, being generally 
considered to be unhallowed, and polluted by blood- 
shed ; and the services were suspended, by orders 
of the Dean and Chapter, until the building was con- 
secrated anew. In the absence of the Diocesan, they 
procured one Thomas, who was then suffragan to the 
Bishop of Bath, to restore it as before.* 

Life for life was the law of the Middle Ages, and the 
widow, or relations of a murdered person had the right, 
which society converted into an imperative duty, to 
avenge his death. This right was established in 
Europe, although differently regulated, according to 
municipal law,f and in England modified by Magna 
Charta, and other ancient statutes. Its power was so 
great, as even to set aside the royal prerogative of 
mercy ; for when a criminal was condemned under this 
law, the king could not extend his forgiveness to the 

In the religion of the Middle Ages, the obscurity of 
men's minds caused them to exhibit an entire forget- 
fulness of the Advent of Our Lord ; but there was often 
a greater observance of the Old Law and Jewish 

Customs and privileges were adopted which were 
even established, and confirmed for centuries, through 
the superstition and ignorance of those times. One of 
the most remarkable of these in Europe, was a custom 
which prevailed at Rouen, in Normandy, from a very 
early period until the French Revolution. It may be 

* Life of Chicheley ; Izaak's Exeter. 

f This right was not abolished in this country until the present century. 


traced by authentic documents more than six hundred 
years.* This custom was called the privilege of St. 
Romain, or "La Fierte," according to which " in every 
" year, on the day of Ascension, a prisoner was selected 
" by the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral of Notre 
" Dame, and delivered up to them by the magistrates ; 
" and after many solemn ceremonies and a procession, 
" in which figured an immense dragon called la gar- 
" gonille, the prisoner received a full pardon."! 

This privilege was confirmed by many distinguished 
monarchs, amongst whom were Henry the Fourth, of 
France, and Henry the Fifth and Sixth, of England, 
also by members of noble families in Normandy, besides 
several English men .\ 

The early history of Scotland shows, that the ordina- 
tion of Scotch bishops took place in their own country, 
but afterwards, the Bishops of St. Andrew's were con- 
secrated by the Archbishop of York ; and successively, 
until Pope Calixtus IV. made the Bishop of St. 
Andrew's Primate of all Scotland, appointing twelve 
bishops under him. This took place in the primacy of 
George Neville, and during the reign of Edward IV. § 

Before the Reformation the Church of Scotland was, 
like England, subject to the Pope, but it had its own 
Church also. The people were subject to the despotic 
rule of their kings and a debasing superstition. 

In January, 1450, a Bull was issued by Pope 
Nicholas the Fifth for the erection of a university in 
Glasgow. The papal Bull was solemnly read at the 
market cross, and a plenary indulgence was promised 

* See Appendix (p. 43G). 

f This may remind our readers of the Jewish custom of releasing a 
prisoner at the Passover. 

J By letters patent of 1512, Louis XII. confirmed this custom, under the 
name of " La Fierte," and it continued in use, till the year 1789, when the 
National Assembly abolished all the peculiar privileges of cities and 

§ Allen's Antiquities of York. 


to all who should visit the Cathedral during the current 
year. This university, although obscure at first, in 
time shone with a degree of splendour. In 1453, it 
had the royal protection from James the Second, who 
was an energetic monarch, and framed good laws."* 

The Pope sent as his legate, Patrick Grahame, who 
met with the opposition of the ruling party, the Boyds, 
to his election to the See of St. Andrew's, and he went 
to Rome, to establish his claim through the papal 
influence, which afforded an opportunity to the Arch- 
bishop of York (Neville) to attempt to recover the 
spiritual supremacy of Scotland. In this attempt the 
Archbishop failed, and the result was that Sixtus IV. 
granted a Bull creating Grahame Archbishop of St. 
Andrew's and Primate of Scotland. The Pope also 
appointed him his legate, to add grace to the first 
Archbishop of Scotland, and he gave him full power 
to reform all abuses in the Church, and correct the 
dissoluteness of the clergy. From this time the spiritual 
independence of Scotland was secured. 

Grahame expected to be received on his return with 
triumph, but his enemies still prevailed, and they 
appealed to the Pope, offering to prove the invalidity 
of his documents, and finally the King ordered him to 
retire to his bishopric, and refrain from wearing the 
archiepiscopal pall till the cause was determined. 

The two kings, James I. and James II. , prohibited 
the clergy from purchasing benefices of the court of 
Rome, but it was reserved for James III. to divert the 
stream of wealth which had hitherto flowed into the 
Pope's treasury, that it might be poured into his own. 

Amongst the privileges conferred by papal power on 
certain of the monasteries, was that of the Sanctuary, 
which had often a pernicious tendency, for although 
the unfortunate obtained protection within their walls, 

* Cunninffliam's Hist, of Scotland. 


many delinquents fled thither, after the commission of 
crimes, to seek concealment in the precincts of those 
abbeys. Here they found personal shelter from the 
Church, and were enabled, during forty days, to defy 
the laws. The arm of justice could not reach them, 
since the magistrates dared not drag a culprit from his 
place of refuge, without incurring the resentment of the 
Church, and the severest penalties of the law.* 

In the absence of the lio-ht of truth and Divine 
guidance, many were the superstitions of the [Middle 
Ages. Amid the darkness that prevailed, how great 
was the need of a faithful guide in spiritual, as well as 
in temporal affairs. 

Popes had, by despotic rule arid cruel bigotry, given 
mortal offence in this, and other lands, while many of 
the clergy, by their unworthy deeds, had dishonoured 
their high and holy calling. In the State the usurpa- 
tion of undue authority by those of noble birth, failed to 
secure the ready obedience which springs only from 
respect and love, and thus, disorder and anarchy ensued 
throughout the land. 

Yet even at this dark epoch an earnest desire arose 
from many hearts that a ruler, wise and good, might 
be found to quell the party spirit of contention, and to 
restore harmony and peace. Not, however, in the 
reign of the meek Henry was this to occur, but at a 
later period, when the precepts of Holy Writ had 
become disseminated through the land, was the bless- 
ing of peace again bestowed. 

How marvellously is the welfare of nations ordered 
by Him, who has His witnesses in every age, and who 
is bringing them by the rays of His righteousness to 

* The dissolution of monasteries, as at the Reformation, had a precedent 
in the times of Henry the Sixth, when many of the religious houses were 
suppressed, and others converted to the foundations of colleges, by Arch- 
bishop Chichelcy and others. 


the light of that Perfect Day, when His will shall be 
" done on earth, as it is in heaven," and His Kingdom 
shall be made manifest. 

To return to the stirring events of the fifteenth 
century, when the social, as well as religious aspect 
was so stormy and disturbed. 

The political changes in England, and other countries 
throughout Europe, may be said to have commenced 
when the feudal system terminated. Kings and rulers 
had, in those preceding times, been much constrained 
in action and authority, by the petty sovereigns of 
principalities and fiefs, who only nominally deferred to 
the crown ; while as kings and independent rulers, they 
warred with each other for their own rights and terri- 
tories. One might say, that feudality was absorbed 
by monarchy, for it became the wisdom of kings, to 
bring about the unity of states, upon which to estab- 
lish political order, and social arrangements. This was 
ultimately effected, but not until the close of the 
fifteenth century. 

" To speak of the politics of a kingdom, means its 
" every-day life, its institutions, laws of general in- 
14 terest, and relation of one country to others, and the 
" relations of the people to their government, and their 
" government to foreign states ; these being explained, 
"constitute its political history."* These subjects 
were enveloped in darkness and ignorance compared 
with later times ; but, it is remarkable, that it was at 
this epoch, the fifteenth century, that the politics, as 
well as the literature and religion of this country, were 
undergoing a decided and beneficial change. It is 
besides worthy of especial observation, that then, as 
now, we surpassed generally as a nation all the other 
states of Europe in our constitution, government, and 

* Van Praet's Essay on Political History. 


laws. Sir John Fortescue and Philip de Comines have 
equally borne testimony to this fact.* 

We can gather from history but little concerning 
the constitutional prerogative of our kings at this 
period, yet we have contemporary authorities to show 
that, while France and other states were under the 
absolute dominion of one individual, England was pos- 
sessed of a limited monarchy. 

It is certain that the King was so far prescribed, 
that without the consenting voice of Parliament he 
could neither make, nor alter, any of the laws of the 

Next to the King, the Lords and Commons each 
possessed a certain degree of influence in the affairs of 
the nation, but the powers enjoyed by each separately 
were ill defined. Thus, if the modified prerogative 
vested in the kings of this age formed not, in connec- 
tion with the other parts of the constitution, so just a 
balance of power as in later times, we must bear in 
mind the persons by whom it was wielded, the circum- 
stances in which the nation was placed, the absence of 
a public press, and of all those controlling media of civi- 
lisation which were then only beginning to dawn upon 
the world. It is asserted, that the King on several 
occasions, violated the constitution by assuming a 
power of dispensing, as it is termed, with the laws, 
and granting permission to individuals and bodies of 
men to break them with impunity. It was thus, that 
to secure the clergy in his interest, we find King 
Edward IV., in 1462, by a most extravagant use of 
this dispensing power, granted them permission to 
violate every law of the land, sacerdotal and judicial. 

The violent factions and cruel wars were the great 
obstacles to impartial justice. The people of England 
were often placed under a kind of military government, 

* Sir John Fortescue, Philip de Comines. 


the High Constable having the power to put to death 
even the highest in the land, without the forms of law, 
provided he was himself convinced of their guilt ; nay 
more, there was not even an inquiry after evidence. 
When the Constable required a show of proof, and 
could not procure it by other means, he had recourse 
to the rack.* 

The death of the Earl of Oxford in the first year of 
the reign of the triumphant Edward IV., is an instance 
sufficiently striking of the exercise of this power. 

Party animosity had no doubt sealed the fate of this 
aged veteran, although the charge against him was his 
correspondence with Queen Margaret ; for in these 
times it was perilous to use great boldness of speech, 
and the force of the Earl's arguments in Parliament, on 
the disputed question of the precedency of the Barons 
Temporal and Spiritual, had obtained the judgment in 
favour of the former. 

During the Lancastrian dynasty the authority of 
Parliament was more confirmed, and the privileges of 
the people more attended to, than during former times. 
On the death of Henry V. the prospect of a long 
minority, encouraged both the Lords and Commons to 
extend their power ; and, disregarding the injunctions 
of the late monarch, they made a new arrangement for 
the administration, putting aside the name of Regent, 
and adopting that of Protector, for the Duke of Bedford, 
and for Gloucester in the absence of his elder brother. 
The regal power thus divided, was further restrained 
by a Council, whose advice was required on every 
measure of importance.! 

The large amount of debt contracted during the 
wars of Henry V. in France, was left to his successor 
to discharge, and the ministers found themselves obliged 

* Henry. 

j- Hume; Rymer; The Citizens and their Rulers, by B. B. Orridge. 


to recur to old abuses, and amongst these to the arbi- 
trary practice of purveyance, and by these means the 
affections of the people were greatly estranged from 
their sovereign.* In 1433, the amount of debt was 
announced to be £35,000 annually ; and as it in- 
creased, it involved the State in more embarrassment 
and caused more popular dissatisfaction. 

During the short but brilliant reign of Henry V. the 
Parliament was remarkably quiet ; not a breath was 
raised by them against the dispositions of his house- 
hold affairs, although his expenses were ruinous. VTe 
are told that " there was less injustice committed by 
" the governments of Henry V. and Henry VI. than 
" at any former period." The extravagant expendi- 
ture of his father, however, and the wastefulness with 
which the Regency is justly charged, had entailed an 
enormous amount of debt upon his son Henry VI., 
which was one great cause of disaffection throughout 
his reign. Henry IV., in his address to his son upon 
his death-bed, said to him, " Of Englishmen, so long 
"as they have wealth and riches, so long shalt thou 
" have obeysance ; but when they be poor, they are 
" always ready to make insurrection at every motion." f 
Thus it was, that during the reign of Margaret of 
Anjou the most trivial causes gave rise to the most 
serious disaffection and mutiny. After the losses in 
France, the misappropriation of public moneys and 
gifts gave occasion for much complaint. 

There was indeed a great predisposition throughout 
the kingdom for the discord and anarchy which pre- 
vailed during the reign of Henrv VI. , which was 
evidenced, not only by the dispositions of the nobility, 
in many circumstances of the times, but even may be 

* The Citizens and their Rulers, by Orridge. 

t Leigh's Choice Observations of the Kings of England : Hallam's 
Middle Aires. 


deduced from the statutes then enacted. It was in 
1429 that the state of the country called for the forty- 
shilling franchise, which was then first constituted, 
exactly as it at present exists. 

The first statute which fixed the value of the free- 
hold franchise was in the eighth year of the reign of 
Henry VI., and the preamble runs thus : — 

" Whereas the elections of knights of the shire to 

come to Parliament in many counties of the realm 

have now been of late years made by very great 

outrages, and excessive numbers of people, dwelling 

within the same counties of the realm of England, of 

which most part was of people of small substance 

and of no value, whereof every one of them pretended 

a voice, equivalent as to such elections to be made 

with the most worthy knights and esquires dwelling 

within the same counties, whereby manslaughter, 

riots, robberies, and divisions among the gentlemen 

and other people of the same counties, shall very 

likely arise and be, unless convenient and due remedy 

be provided in this behalf." * 

The limitations of government were strenuously 

enforced by Sir John Fortescue in his instructions to 

his pupil, the King's son ; he speaks " of the limited 

' nature of the monarch's authority, and the inalien- 

1 able rights of the subjects, while he calls on Prince 

1 Edward to reverence the free institutions of his native 

1 land. Nowhere else did the people possess by law 

4 and upon the whole, in effect, so much security for their 

1 personal freedom and property. The middling ranks 

' flourished remarkably, not only in commercial towns, 

' but among the cultivators of the soil. There is scarce 

' a small village, says Sir John Fortescue, in which 

' you may not find a knight, an esquire, or some sub- 

* Hume ; Speech of Mr, Peel, March Gth, 1 829. 


" stantial householder, commonly called a franklayn,* 
" possessed of considerable estate, besides others called 
" freeholders, and many yeomen of estates, sufficient 
" to make a substantial jury." f 

Cases of arbitrary imprisonment frequently occurred 
in these times, and were remonstrated against by the 

No privilege of the Commons can be so fundamental 
as the liberty of speech. A complaint was made in 
the thirty-third year of the reign of Henry VI. by 
Thomas Young, member for Bristol, of his imprison- 
ment in the Tower of London, six years previously, in 
consequence of a motion which he made, to the 
effect that the King, then having no issue, the Duke 
of York might be declared heir apparent to the crown. 
In the session when Young claimed remuneration the 
Duke was Protector, and likely to regard his com- 
plaint 4 

The ministers of the King were expected to main- 
tain themselves, but if they required remuneration, it 
was obtained through the appointments of the church, 
which were at the King's disposal. 

King Henry had the appointment of sheriffs, but they 
often failed to execute the duties of their office, unless 
guaranteed against loss. Besides these, there were 
bannerets, who ranked below barons, and sat with 
the peers. The barons were styled Le Sieur de, while 
bannerets merely had Monsieur prefixed to their names. 
Peers were created by the King, but with the consent 
of Parliament. 

We have now to speak of the Privy Council and the 

* By a franklayn we are to understand what we call a country squire, 
like the " f rankleyn " of Chaucer. The heads of families were esquires, 
shield-bearers to the knights, and the younger ones were styled gentlemen : 
both were military dignities, and the lowest titles borne in England. 

+ Hallam ; Lower's Heraldry. 

X Hallam's Mid. Ages ; W. of Worcester. 


courts of law and police. The three great tribunals 
of common law were, the King's Bench, the Court of 
Common Pleas, and the Exchequer. The number of 
judges who sat in the Courts of Westminster, were in 
the time of Henry VI. from five to eight. Their 
salaries were small, viz., the chief justice of the King's 
Bench £1,G00 per annum of our money, the chief justice 
of the Common Pleas £1,300, and each of the others 
£1,000. Besides these salaries, they received their robes 
and dresses from the royal wardrobe, or £85 in money, 
as an equivalent. They also acted as justices of assize, 
and received £200 extra for that office. The whole 
income which the Attorney-General received from the 
State was under £120. From Fortescue we learn, that 
the entire fees, in the year 1421, of the Treasurer of 
England, keeper of the Privy Seal, judges of both 
benches, barons of the Exchequer, and other officers of 
the courts was not more than £30,000. 

The small income and precarious position of the 
judges, was, indeed, one of several causes of the venal 
and irregular application of justice at this period. 
Another cause was the banding together of hordes of 
men for right, or wrong, ever ready for mutiny. Again, 
the shelter which the sanctuaries gave to crime, and 
the difficulty of rendering the members of the clergy 
amenable to the lay courts. These courts were fast 
asserting, their supremacy over the ecclesiastical courts, 
for the administration of common law ; but the struggle 
continued during the whole of this epoch. 

In tracing the political events of one nation, we find 
that like the sister arts, or sciences, the subject cannot 
well be pursued alone ; being so intimately connected 
with others, that the mind is insensibly led away from 
the more circumscribed view ; and, like the philosopher, 
who is tempted on from one science to another, the 
historian, whose peculiar study is mankind, cannot 


fail, in the midst of his survey of party strife and war- 
fare in England, to be led to the contemplation of the 
condition of the surrounding nations during this event- 
ful period, the fifteenth century. A striking similarity 
immediately appears, between the history of the French 
nation and of our own. 

First, let us instance the death-bed, and dying 
injunctions, of Charles V. of France, and then, on 
looking to the conclusion of the brilliant career of our 
monarch, Henry V., the same scene occurs. Both 
these sovereigns were distinguished for their wisdom 
and skill; and their foresight alike directed them, to 
provide for the future welfare of their sons, while in 
their minority, and exposed to the domineering and 
violent character of their powerful relatives. 

These princes of turbuleut memory soon aroused, in 
their respective countries, the spirit of discontent and 
rebellion, and each one seeking to be greatest, quickly 
forgot his allegiance, his duty, and his promises to his 
King. How soon were the Dukes of Burgundy and 
Orleans in arms against each other, and alternately 
disturbing the peace of France with anarchy and 
bloodshed, until they both came to an untimely end ! 
The murders of these two princes were committed 
openly, and one of them was even publicly justified ; 
similar transactions folllowed in England, but here 
these crimes were planned, and executed in secret. 

The results, however, were not less disastrous ; one 
crime brought on another, and the death of Gloucester 
was succeeded by the hurried execution of Suffolk ; 
even the mock trial employed upon this occasion, was 
soon after dispensed with, and the summary vengeance 
of party hurried its victims, without preparation or trial, 
into another world. Then came battle after battle in 
either land, and fiercely strove brother against brother, 
and kinsfolk against kinsfolk. 


Such were the events produced by these two mino- 
rities ! and if we review the third, and sister king 
dom, we shall not find the people were more fortunate. 
In France, Charles VI. ascended the throne when 
he had only attained his ninth year; in England, 
Henry VI. was but an infant of nine months old at his 
accession ; and in Scotland, in 14G0, James III. 
assumed the crown at eight years of age. His prede- 
cessor was, with the other monarchs, alike distinguished 
for wisdom and foresight; and Pinkerton says, that 
u such law T s as those passed by James II. shine like a 
" coruscation amid the night of barbarism." 

The rebellion of York in England fostered that of 
Douglas in Scotland, and we see the boy-monarch 
vainly striving, with the aid of France, to maintain the 
interests of the Lancastrians ; until, the intestine divi- 
sions and turmoils of his own kingdom engrossed his 
whole care and attention. 

There is much room for reflection on the histories of 
these several countries, which seem at this period to 
illustrate one another, or afford a lively contrast. 

Chicheley, the Archbishop, early followed the example 
of William of Wykeham in "diverting a portion of the 
" conventual revenues to the establishment of schools 
" and colleges, under the direction of the secular 
"clergy." Previously, schools had been attached to 
monasteries, and these becoming in time less useful, 
the greater ones absorbed the smaller, by the purchase 
of their property. 

Thus it was that William of Wykeham and Chich- 
eley found themselves able to endow their schools 
with lands which they purchased. Henry VI., in his 
foundation, of Eton, and of King's College, closely fol- 
lowed the system of education said to have been 
invented by the genius of William of Wykeham, who 
has been styled one of the master-spirits of his times. 



Thus commenced the system of public schools, 
which, for so many years, has been instrumental in the 
formation of the character of the English gentleman. 

At an early period the attention of government was 
directed towards education. It was considered to be, 
as much a branch of the prerogative, to prevent persons 
who were ill qualified, from exercising the profession 
of schoolmaster, as it was to put down a conspiracy. 

The reformation of the grammar-schools in London 
arose, it is said, from many ignorant persons having 
presumed to teach grammar, " to the injury both of 
" their scholars and their friends ;" and the number of 
the schools was limited to five, that being deemed 
fully sufficient for the metropolis. 

This arrangement originated with John Stafford, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, and Robert Gilbert, Bishop 
of London ; and doubtless they had worthy motives, 
when we consider the piety, and love of learning, of 
their sovereign. King Henry directed the establish- 
ment of grammar-schools ; for at this period the 
grossest ignorance prevailed, so that the ancient 
schools were quite neglected, and left " to decay ; 
" wherefore for the restoration of learning:, four clergv- 
" men, viz. Maistre William Lyechefeld, parson of 
" the parish Chirche of All Hallowen the More, in 
11 London, Maistre Gilbert, parson of Saint Andre we, 
" Holboume, in the suburbs of the said Citee ; Maistre 
" John Cotes, parson of Saint Petre, in Cornhull, of 
" London ; and John Neel, maistre of the Hous, or 
" Hospital of Saint Thomas of Acres and parson of 
" Colchirche, in London. 

" By these four clergymen the Parliament was 
" petitioned, in the 25th year of the reign of Henry VI. 
" that they and their successors might be allowed to 
" set up schools in their respective churches and ap- 
" point masters in them; which petition was granted." 


King Henry not only appointed these four grammar- 
schools, viz., St. Andrew's, Holborn ; Allhallows the 
Great, in Thames Street ; St. Peter's, Cornhill ; and in 
the Hospital, St. Thomas of Aeons, in West Cheap ; 
but schools were established likewise as follows : — 
St. Paul's, at St. Martin's-le-Grand ; St. Mary-le-Bow, 
in Cheap ; St. Dunstan in the West, and St. Anthony ; 
also Sion College, over against London Wall, near 
Cripplegate, and adjoining to St. Alphage church.* 

In the eighth year of Henry VI. this monarch 
granted a license for rebuilding the chapel, or college, 
as it was then called ; and in the twenty-seventh year 
of his reign, he empowered the parish clerks of London 
to have a guild dedicated to St. Nicholas, with two 
chaplains to the chapel. 

There were ten Inns of Chancery in the time of 
Henry the Sixth :f — Clifford's Inn, Clement's Inn, 
New Inn, Streined, or Chester Inn, George's Inn, 
Thavies Inn, Furnival's Inn, Staple Inn, Barnard's Inn, 
Sergeants' and Scrope's Inn .J 

Of historians in the reign of Henry VI. : amongst 
these was John Skewish, a native of Cornwall, who 
compiled an abridgment of the chronicles and of the 
wars of Troy.§ 

Harding, another historian of those times, was like- 
wise the first poet-laureate. He held this appointment 
to Edward IV. 

Amongst the poets of this period we may especially 
mention James I., King of Scotland ; Lydgate, a monk 
of Bury, whose pieces amounted to 251 in number ; 
also Hugh Campden and Thomas Chester. 

At the latter end of King Henry the Sixth's reign 
they began to paint in oil. Four curious specimens 

* Bentley's Exerpta ; Stow's Survey ; Mackay's London, 
f Londiniana. % Ibid. 

§ Lyson's Magna Britannia. 

E E 2 


were painted on panels which composed a door of 
some cabinet, or shrine, belonging to the Abbey of St. 
Albans ; thereon are represented the portraits of 
Cardinal Beaufort and Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester. 
These valuable curiosities are in the possession of 
John Ives, Esq., of Great Yarmouth, in Norfolk. 

Engravings in wood and copper first appeared 
about the vear 1460. These may be seen in the 
remaining old prints of Andrew Muntagae, Martin 
Schoon, and Albert Durer. The woodcuts were 
chiefly designed, and made as ornaments to the old 
printed books. 

The art of printing was first invented in the city of 
Metz, in Germany.* Another account is, that printing 
was found out at Mayence, in Germany, by a knight 
called John Guttenbergen, and brought into England 
by AVilliam Caxton, of London, mercer, who first prac- 
tised the same, in the Abbey at Westminster, in the 
year, 1471.+ 

The Nuremberg Chronicle, printed at Nuremberg in 
1493, is enriched with a variety of excellent woodcuts, 
every page almost in that work representing the cos- 
tumes then used in Germany.:); 

Heraldry was taught orally, in the earliest ages, to 
novitiate heralds ; but, when the rules of chivalry 
were gathered into a code, they were committed to 
writing. The first author of any note on this subject 
was Doctor Nicholas Upton, a native of Devonshire, 
who was patronised by the " good Duke Humphrey, 
" of Gloucester," during the reign of Henry IV., 
through whose favour he became Canon of Sarum, 
AVells, and St. Paul's. He had previously served in 
the French wars under the Earl of Salisbury ; and 

* Holinshed ; Strutt's Manners and Customs, f Baker. 

J Btrntt's Manners and Customs. 


during these campaigns lie composed a Latin treatise, 
called " De Studio Militari." * It was a systematic 
grammar of heraldry, in very classical diction for that 
period, f 

One of the earliest productions of the printing- 
press in England, was the celebrated " Boke of St. 
" Albans." It was printed in 1486, within the pre- 
cincts of that monastery, from which it took its name. 
This rare work contains tracts on hawking, hunting, 
and " coot-armuris," the last being the main subject 
of the volume. This work was attributed, for the 
first three centuries after it appeared, to Dame Julyan 
Berners, a woman of singular personal as well as 
mental endowments. She was a great promoter of 
English literature ; and, although doubts have been 
thrown on the authorship of this noble work, the 
" Boke of St. Albans " may fairly be attributed to this 
lady's pen4 

In the troublous times of the Wars of the Roses 
much treasure was hidden and buried underground. 
A discovery of this kind was made, in April, 1861, by 
an inhabitant of the High Street, at Hounslow, when 
enlarging a cellar : embedded in the loam just below 
the old foundation on which his house stands, an 
earthen vase, or cup, was found, containing 800 silver 
and a few copper coins ; silver groats of Henry VI., 
struck at Norwich, York, Bristol, and London ; also 
others of Edward IV., Richard III., and Burgundian 
pieces of silver, of Charles " the Bold," the brother- 
in-law of Edward IV. The dates of these coins 
ranged from 1406 to 1485. It is possible that the 
owner of the treasure might have fallen at Bos- 

* This work is still to be seen in manuscript in the College of Arms and 

f Lower's Curiosities of Heraldry. Z Ibid. 


The franc, a very ancient coin in France, was struck 
by King Henry VI., as king of that country.* 

(Salute (Tor.) The salute was a gold coin of Henry 
VI. , current in France for £1 5s. English.")" 

There is an instance in the armorial bearings of 
Margaret of Anjou, of what is called vicious or false 
heraldry. It is a fundamental rule in heraldry that 
metal shall not be put upon metal, nor colour upon 
colour ; but in the third quartering of her arms, which 
contains those of Jerusalem (her father Rene being 
titular king of Jerusalem), the golden crosses are on a 
silver ground. The old heralds being too scientific to 
have overlooked so great a departure from an important 
rule, it has been ascertained, that, holding Jerusalem 
in the highest estimation, as the very queen of cities, 
they judged it unworthy to submit her to those rules, to 
which the kings and princes of the earth were subject. 
They therefore created, as it were, the special excep- 
tion in her favour, to distinguish her heraldrically 
from all the cities of the world. 

A coin of Edward IV., called a noble, made of 
silver and gold, value 10s., and 8d. of allay weighing, 
was stamped with a rose.\ 

At the time of the marriage of Kino* Edward IV. a 
proclamation was made at Reading, and throughout 
England, that the noble of Henry VI. should value 
85. 4 c 7. , and a new coinage was made at the Tower of 
London, to the great loss of the lords. 

In 1462 the gold coins were further reduced, 
45 nobles being made to the pound, and passing at 
10s., and angels at 6s. Sd. The new nobles were 
termed roycds — a new name given by the French to 
their gold coins, impressed with the figure of the 
sovereign in his royal robes. 

* Letters of Queen Margaret of Anjou. f Paston Letters. 

± Stow. 


It lias been supposed by some antiquarians that, 
during the civil wars of York and Lancaster, there 
were no fixed places of mintage, and that the dies were 
conveyed from one place to another, according as ne- 
cessity required. This idea arose from some of the coins 
of Edward IV. being found with initial letters on the 
breast of the bust. Thus a groat of the mint of Co- 
ventry has a B on the breast, which has been sup- 
posed to signify that the piece was struck at Bristol. 

The beautiful ornamented churches were by WicklifT, 
in his earnest enthusiasm, condemned, as savouring of 
hypocrisy, and therefore injurious. This aimed at the 
very origin and foundation of the lodges, and caused 
much persecution to arise against the societies of 

It appears that Henry VI. was their great patron, 
and protected them ; he even joined their society, and 
in his will bequeathed to his college in Cambridge, the 
sum annually of £117 6s. lOcl. for wages, of the 
officers of the works then in operation. This was no 
small sum in those days 

According to Bede, masons and workers in stone 
were brought into England by Bennet, Abbot of 

The Free Masons' Company had their arms granted 
to them by William Huckeslow, Clarencieux King-at- 
Arms ; and a company of under-masons were established 
in London two years before, in the thirteenth year of 
Edward IV. " The antiquary, John Lelancl, has pre- 
" served in his collections in the Bodleian Library 
" certayne questyons with answeres to the same, con- 
" cernynge the mystery of masonry e, written by the 
" hand of Kynge Henry e the Sixthe." * 

Henry VI. is said to have endeavoured to recruit 
his empty coffers by alchemy. The record which 

* Arclireoloffia. 


contains this remarkable proposition, sets forth in "a 
" grave and solemn manner, the feasibility and virtues 
" of the philosopher's stone, encouraging its search, 
" and dispensing with all the statutes and prohibitions 
" to the contrary." When this patent was published, 
many promised to answer the expectations of the King 
so effectually, that the following year he published 
another patent, wherein he informs his subjects that 
the " happy hour " was drawing nigh, and by means 
of the stone, which he should soon be master of, he 
would pay all the debts of the nation in real gold and 
silver. The persons chosen for his operators in this 
new pursuit were appointed by King Henry on the 
9th of March, in the year 1455 (or the thirty-fifth of 
his reign). These were Henry Sharp, doctor of laws, 
who, with three other persons, were to pursue the 
study of alchemy for the emolument of their royal 
master. There were others who laboured to the same 
purpose, viz., Thomas Harvey, an Austin friar; Robert 
Glapeley, a preaching friar ; and William Atclyffe, the 
Queen's physician.* 

Private duelling was at the period (1-461) unknown. 
It became necessary, before a combat, to obtain the 
King's license ; this being granted, the combat pro- 
ceeded in public, and, in affairs of treason, the con- 
quered party was instantly executed. f 

Several of these deeds of arms are related by the 
chroniclers. One John Asteley, squire, a noted 
warrior, held a combat with Piers de Masse, a French- 
man, in Paris, before King Charles, in 1438. Again, 
John Asteley was challenged by Philip Boyle, knight, 
an Aragonese. This combat took place on the 30th 
of January, 1442, in the presence of the King, 
Henry VI., within Smithfield. 

* Wilson's Hist, of St. Lawrence Poulteney ; Curiosities of Literature. 

f Paston Letters. 


In 144G two other combats were appointed. The 
first was by the prior of Kilmanin and the Earl of 
Ormond, the former having impeached the earl of 
high treason; but the quarrel was decided by the 
King, who prevented the fighting. The second 
impeachment was by John David, an armourer, 
against his master, William Catur, for treason ; but 
the latter, being intoxicated, was unhappily slain 
previous to the combat, without just proof of his guilt, 
and the servant was hanged at the next assize for 

Artillery was seldom made use of in the civil wars 
in England, and in the field partially only ; it had but 
little, or no effect on the issue of the battle, excepting 
only at the engagement at Tewkesbury, in 1471. 

" The cavalry and infantry were arranged in the 
" old system. The lance was the weapon of those of 
u gentle birth, while the bow and the bill were used 
" by people of inferior state. The archers formed the 
* e main strength of the battle. " j" 

The method adopted for raising an army was by 
sending letters under the Privy Seal, sometimes signed 
by the King himself, commanding the attendance of 
such persons as were named, the time and place of 
resorting being mentioned, and that they should bring 
with them men, &c, according to their rank. 

Thus, in the month of April, in 1459, these Privy 
Seals were issued at the time when the King was at 
Coventry, raising an army to oppose the Duke of York 
and the Earl of Salisbury. ;[; 

* Brown's Abstract of Hist, of Eng. f Philip de Comines. 

X Paston Letters. 



A manuscript, preserved in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, 
has also a few interesting political songs, commencing with the date of 
the public reconciliation previously described. The earliest, written in 
the year 1458, is the work of a Lancastrian. " Henry VI. is represented 
under the form of a ship, with the young Prince Edward for a mast. 
The ship's light was a blazing cresset, representing the Duke of Exeter ; 
and its strong stern was the Duke of Somerset. The sail-yard was the 
Earl of Pembroke, the stay the Duke of Buckingham, and the shrouds 
consisted of the Lords Devonshire, Grey, Beauchamp of Powik, and 
Scales. The Earl of Northumberland, with lios, Clifford, and Egre- 
mont, formed the sail ; the Earl of Shrewsbury was the topmast ; and the 
ship had three good anchors, the Lords Beaumont, Welles, and Eivers. 
St. George is appealed to for protection for this stately ship." 1 


Stere welle the good shype, God be ouer guide. 
: ' Ouer shyp is launched from the grounde, 

Blessed be God, both faire and sounde, 
" Ouer maryners hau the shypmen foundej 
" By here taklynge wille abyde. 

This noble shyp made of good tree, 
!< Ouer souerayne lord Kynge Henry ; 
" God gyde hym from adversyte, 
11 Wherever he go or ryde. 

1 The shyp was charged wt a mast, 
1 Crased it was, it myght not last ; 2 
' Now hathe he one bt wol not brest, 
1 The old is leyde on syde, 
' Thys fayre mast, this myghty yeard, 
' Of whom fals shrewes be afered, 
' Hys name of ryght is Prince Edward, 3 
' Long myght he wt us abyde ! 

1 Wright's Political Songs. 

2 This may refer to the administration under Suffolk, which was dissolved in 

3 Edward, only son of Henry VI. 


11 The shyp hathe closed hym a lyglit, 
11 To kepe her course in way of ryght, 
1 ' A f yre cressant, 1 it bemetlie bryght, 
" Nt fawte was neuer spyed, 

I • Thys good lyglit, it is so clere, 

II Calle y the Duke of Exceter, 

" "Whose name yn trouve shyned clere, 
" Hys worshyp spryngethe wyde. 

u Tbys shyp hathe a sterne fulle good 

11 Hem to gyde in ebbe and flood, 

" Ayeyne her was both wild and wode, 

" That rynnethe on euery syde ; 

11 The sterne that on the shype is sette 

" Ys the Duke Somerset, 2 

1 ' For ragged rokkes he wolle not lette 

" To sterre in ebe and eke in tyde. 

" There is a sayle-yeard fulle good and sure, 

" To the shyp a grete tresour, 

" For alle stormes it wolle endure, 

" It is trusty atte nede ; 

" Now the sayle-yeard I wolle reherse 

" The Erie of Penbroke, 3 curtys and ferce 

11 Acros the mast he hathe travel's 

1 ' The good shyp for to lede. 

11 The mast hathe a welle good stay, 
u With shrowthes sure, I dare well say, 
* "In humble wyse hym to obey, 

11 Yf he to hem hathe nede ; 
" The Duke of Bokyngham 4 thys stay is he 
11 Thys shrowdes be sure in thare degre, 
" Devenshyre, 5 and Grey 6 and Becheham" the free, 
" And Scales, 8 with them in tyde. 

" Tlie shyp hath a welle good sayle 
11 Of fine canvas, it wolle not fayle, 
" With bonet III 9 for to travayle 
u That mekelle beth of pryde ; 

1 The Duke of Exeter's badge. 

2 Henry Beaufort, son of the Duke who fell at St. Alban's, beheaded in 1464. 

3 Jasper Tudor, half brother of Henry VI. 

4 Humphrey Stafford, killed at the battle of Northampton. 

5 Thomas Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, beheaded by the Yorkists in 1461. 

6 Edmund, Lord Grey of Ruthyn. 

' John, Lord Beauchamp of Powyk. 

8 Thomas, Lord Scales, killed by Yorkists in 1460. 

9 A bonnet, in nautical language, is an addition made to the sails. 


" This good sayle, I understand 
" The Erie of Northumberland, 1 
" Ros, 2 Clyfford, 3 and Egremond 4 
" The trouth is not to hyde. 

" Ther is a toppe, the mast on hyght, 

" The shyp to defende, in alle hys ryght 

" With his foomen when he schalle fyght 

' ' They dare hym not abyde ; 

"The Erie of Schrouesbury 5 the toppes name 

' ' He kepethe the shype from harme and blame, 

" The Erie of Wylchyre 6 one of the same 

" That kepethe the shyp from drede. 

" Thys good shype hathe ankers thre 

" Of bether mettel ther may non be, 

" To strenthe the shyp be londe and se, 

- ' When he wolle stop hys tyde ; 

" The furst anker, hole and sounde, 

" He is named the Lord Beamond, 7 

' ' Wellys 8 and Ry veres, 9 truth yn them found, 

" In worshyp they hem gyde. 

" Now help Saynte George, oure Ladye knyght, 

" And be our lode-starre day and nyght 

" To strengthe our Kynge, and England ryght, 

" And felle oure fomenous pryde. 

*' Now is oure shyp dressed in hys kynde 

" With hys taklynge befor and behynde : 

" Whoso love it not, God make hym blynde 

" In peynes to abyde." 1J 

10 July, 1460. 

' ' Of alle mennys disposicion naturalle 
" Philisophyrs wry ten in every place, 
" That after the bodyes celestialle, 
" The erthely body his wirkyng hase ; 

1 Henry Percy, slain at the battle of Towton, 1461. 

2 Thomas de Roos, Baron Roos of Hamlake, attainted in 1461. 

3 John, Lord Clifford. 

4 Thomas Percy, Lord Egremont, killed at Northampton in 1460. 

5 John Talbot, killed at Northampton in 1460. 

ames Butler, beheaded in 1461. 
" John, Viscount Beaumond, killed at Northampton in 1460. 
s Leo, Lord Welles, slain at Towton, in 1461. 

9 Richard Widville, Lord Rivers, beheaded by the peasantry, in 1469. 

10 Archaeolocria Lond. 


" Some tyme clisposid it is to solace, 
" Som tyme by enspecialle grace 
" Sorow is turned into gladnesse. 

l ' And ensauinple here of I take witnesse 
' * Of certayne persones that late exiled were, 
11 Whos sorow is turned into joyfulnesse, 
" The Rose, 1 the Fetyrlok, 2 the Egle, 3 and the Bere. 4 
" Grete games in Inglond sum tym ther were 
" In hauking, huntyng, and fisshing, in every place 
" Among lordes with shelde and spere, 
" Prosperite in reme than reignyng wase. 

" Where of God, of his specialle grace 
" Heryng the peple crying for mercye, 
11 Considering the falsehode in every place, 
" Gave inflewenz of myrthe into bodyes on hye, 
The whiche in a Berward 5 lighted prevelye, 
Edward, yong of age, disposed in solace 
In hauking and huntyng to begyne meryly 



" To Northanrpton with the Bere he toke his trace. 

" Blessed be God in Trinite, 

" Fadir, and Son, and Holy Ghost, 

" Whiche kepithe his servauntes in adversite, 

" And wold not suffre thyme to be loste ; 

As Thou art Lord of mightes moste, 
" Save the Kyng and his ryalte, 
" And ilium yn him with the Holy Goste, 
11 His reme to set in perfect charite." 




" A remembrer a tous ceurs de noblesse 

' ' Q u e ycy gist la fleur de gentillesse, 

'* Le puissant due d'York, Rychart ot nom, 

' l Prince royal, preudomme de renom, 

" Saige, vaillant, vertueux en sa vie, 

" Qui bien ama loyaulte sans envie, 

" Droyt heritier, prouve en mainte terre, 

u Des couronnez de France et d'Engleterre. 

" Ou parlement tenu It Yestmestre,' 

" Bien fut congneu et trouve vray heir estre. 

" Sy fut roygent et gouvemeur de France, 

<{ Normandie il garda d'encombrance, 

1 Edward, Earl of March. * Richard, Duke of York. 

a Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury. 4 Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick. 
5 Edward, Earl of March, so called from having the Earl of Warwick as his 


" Sur Pontaysse la ryvi&re passa, 

" Le roy Francoyez et son doulfin cbassa. 

" En Erllande mist tel gouvernement, 

" Tout le pais rygla paisiblement, 

" D'Engleterre fut long temps prottetur, 

" Le peuple ama, et fut leur defFendeur. 

" Noble lygne et d'enfans, que Dieu garde, 

" Dont l'aysne fylz est nome Edouarde, 

" Qui est vray roy, et son droit conquessta, 

" Par grant labeur qu'il en prinst l'aqueta, 

" II est regnant solitaire ou jour d'uy, 

" Dieu et ses sains sy le gardent d'enuy ! 

' ' Ce noble due a Wacquefylde mourut, 

" Doux paix traitant force sur luy courut, 

" L'an soixnte, le xxxe de Decembre, 

" Cinquante ans ot d'age, come on remembre, 

" En priant Dieu et la tres belledame 

" Qu'en Paradiz puist reposser son ame ! 

" Amen. 

" Chester le Ht." 


Let it be remembered by all noble hearts, that here lies the flower of gentility — 
the powerful Duke of York, Richard was his name, — a royal prince, a gentleman 
of renown, — wise, valiant, virtuous in his life, — who loved well loyally without 
envy — the right heir, proved in many a land , — of the crowns of France and Eng- 
land. In the parliament held at Westminster— he was fully acknowledged, and 
found to be the right heir. And he was regent and governor of France. Nor- 
mandy he guarded from danger : — he passed the river at Pontoise, — and drove away 
the French king and his dauphin. In Ireland he established such government, — 
that he ruled all the country peaceably. Of England he was long protector, — he 
loved the people, and was their defender. He had a noble lineage of children, 
whom may God have in his keeping. The eldest of whom is named Edward, — who 
is true King, and conquered his right, — he purchased it by great labour, which he 
bestowed upon it, — he is reigning singly at the present day. God and the saints 
preserve him from injury ! — This noble Duke died at Wakefield, — while treating of 
sweet peace, force rushed upon him, — the year sixty, the thirtieth of December, — 
He was fifty years of age, as people remember. Praying God, and the veiy fair 
lady — that his soul may repose in Paradise ! Amen. Chester the Her aid. 1 


" To have in mynde callyng to remembraunce, 

" The gret wrongys doon of oold antiquite, 
" Unrightful heyres by wrong alyaunce 

" Usurpyngthis royaume caused gret adversite ; 

1 Wright's Political Poems and Songs, vol. ii. p. 256. 

2 This poem, which appears to have been composed in 1462 or 1463, is pre- 
served in a contemporary manuscript in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, 
No. 101, fol. 98 ro. 


" Kyng Richard the secounde, highe of dignytee, 
" Whiche of Ingeland was rightful enheritoure, 

' ' In whos tyme ther was habundaunee with plentee 
" Of welthe and evthely joye, withou^t langoure. 

' ' Then cam Henry of Derby, by force and myght, 
' ' And nndir the colour of fals perjury 

" He toke this rightwys kyng, Gocldes trew knyght, 
' ' And hym in prison put perpetuelly, 
' ' Pyned to dethe, alas ! f ul pyteuxly ; 

' ' Holy bisshop Scrope, the blyssed conf essour, 
" In that quarel toke hys dethe ful paciently, 

' ' That alle the world spak of that gret langoure. 

" "Whos dethe ys a very trew evidence 

" To alle Ingeland for the just title and lyne, 
i ' Whiche for the trowthe by tyranny and violence 

" Was put doune and suspect holde venyrsyne ; 

' ' Many a trew lord then put to mortal fyne ; 
• ' Alway they have ben aboute with rigoure 

' ' The lynaige of Kyng Richard to undirmyne, 
" That longe have lyved in gret langoure. 

" God smote the said Henry for hys gret fersnesse, 

11 "With a lepre holdyng hym to hys ende fynally. 
' ' N ext hym Henry the fyfte, of knyghtly prowesse, 

' ' Named the best of that lyne and progeny, 

" How be it he regned unrightfully, 
' ' ^it he upheld in Ingeland the honnour ; 

" Henry hys sone of Wy[n]desore, by gret foly, 
11 Alle hathe retoumed unto huge langoure, 

' ' Call)-ng to mynde the fals engendred treson 
" And myschefz that were in hys dayes regnyng ; 

" The good due of Gloucestre, in the season 
' ■ Of the parlement at Bury beyng, 
" Was put to dethe ; and ay sithe gret inornyng 

" Hathe ben in Ingeland, with many a scharp schoure, 
" Falshode, myschyef, secret synne upholdyng, 

" Whiche hathe caused in Engeland endelez langoure. 

" Noo mervail through Engeland hathe ben unhappy, 
"' Whiche hathe be mysrewled £erys sertaj-ne; 

" Scripture saith heritage hokhm wrongfully 

" Schal never cheve ne with the thred heyre rema)Tie, 
" As hathe be verified late ful playne, 

1 ' Where as iij kynges have regned by erroure, 

" The thred put ou£te, and the right brought agayne, 

' ' Whos absence hathe caused endlez lansroure. 


" Also Scripture saithe, woo be to that regyon 
Where ys a kyng unwyse or innocent ; 

' ' Moreovyr it ys right a gret abusion, 
' ' A womman of a land to be a regent, 
' ' Qwene Margrete I mene, that ever hathe ment 

" To governe alle Engeland with myght and poure, 
" And to destroye the ryght lyne was here en tent, 

' ' Wherf ore sche hathe a f al, to here gret langoure. 

" And now sche ne rought, so that sche myght attayne, 

' ' Though alle Engeland were brought to conf usyon, 
" Sche and here wykked affynite certayne 

' ' Entende uttyrly to destroye thys regioun ; 

" For with theym ys but dethe and distruccioun, 
" Robberye and vengeaunce, with alle rygour, 

" Therfore alle that holde of that oppynioun, 
' ' God sende hem a schort ende with meche langour. 

" it ys gretly agayne kynde and nature, 

" An Englyshe man to corrumpe hys owne nacion, 
" Willyng straungiers for to recure, 

' ' And in Engeland to have the domynacioun, 

" Wenyng thanne to be gret of reputacion ; 
" For sothe they that soo hope, least schal be theyre pour ; 

" He that woold be high schal be undir subjeccioun, 
' ' And the fyrst that schal repente the langoure. 

" Wherf ore I lykken England to a gardayne, 

' ' Whiche that hathe ben overgrowen many yere 
** Withe wedys, whiche must be mowen doune playne, 

" And then schul the pleasant swete herbes appere. 

' ' Wherefore alle trewe Englysshe peuple, pray yn fere 
" For Kyng Edward of Rouen, oure comfortoure 

" That he kepe justice and make wedis clere, 
" Avoydyng the blak cloudys of langoure. 

' ' A gret signe it ys that Grod loveth that knyght, 

11 For alle thoo that woold have destroyed hym utterly, 
" Alle they are myschyeved and put to flyght, 

1 ' That remembre hys fortune with chevalry 

" Whiche at Northamptoun gate the victory. 
" And at Mortimers Crosse he had the honnour ; 

" On Palme Sunday he wan the palme of glorye, 
' ' And put hys enemyes to endelez langour, 

" And drave his adversary ou£t of the lande ; 

" Aftyr cam to Londun and was crouned K5-ng. 
" Ryght late God ^af hym grace to undirstonde, 
" The fals traytours agayne hym y magynynge, 
" The prophecie saithe, there schal dere hym noo thinge, 
• " He it ys that schal wynne castell, towne, and toure ; 
' ' Alle rebellyous undyr he schal hem brynge, 
" Willyng to hys highenesse any langoure. 
VOL. II. F * 


" Richard the erl of Warwyk, of knyghthode 

i ' Lodesterre, borne of a stok that evyr schal be trewe, 

' ' Havyng the name of prowes and manhoode, 
" Hathe ay ben redy to helpe and resskewe 
" Kyng Edward, in hys right hym to endewe ; 

" The commens therto have redy every houre ; 
" The voyx of the penple, the voix of Jhesu, 

11 "Who kepe and preserve hym from alle langoure. 

1 ' Now blyssed saint George, pray the vierge immaculat 
11 To be good mediatrix, praying her sonne 

1 ' That Edward of Rouen may be victorieux and f ortunat, 
" Withe alle the trew lordes of hys regioun, 
' • That they may se a good way and directioun 

" To make peas in Engeland, that riche and pouer 
" May joyfully synge at the conclusyon, 

11 "Welcom everlastyng joye, and farewal langoure. 

Issue Roll, Michaelmas. 5 Edward IV. 

In money paid at different times for the costs and expenses of Henry 
"Wyndsore, late de facto et non de jure King of England, being in the 
Tower of London, by the hands of Thomas Grey and Richard Hatfield ; 
viz. : — at one time 5 marks, by the hands of Thomas Grey ; at a second 
time 10 marks, by the hands of Richard Hatfield ; at ten times 
.£32 135. 4d., by the hands of "William Griffith ; at another time 
5 marks, and at another time 5 marks, by the hands of Hugh Courtenay. 

£49 6s. 8d. 

Easter. 8 Edward IV. 

13th May. — To "William Kyniberley, a chaplain attending by the 
King's command in the Tower of London, there daily performing 
Divine Service before Henry, late de facto et non de jure King of 
England, from the feast of St. James the Apostle, in the 5th year of the 
paid present King, unto the 4th of November, in the 6th year of the same 
King, without any fee or reward for the said attendance. In money 
paid to him by assignment made this day by his own hands, in dis- 
charge of £14 10s. 7%d., which the Lord the King commanded to be 
paid to the said "William of his gift, by way of reward, after the rate of 
l\d. per day, for his attendance aforesaid. 

By writ, &c, £14 10s. TJrf. 


Issue Roll, Easter. 9 Edward IV. 

13th May. — To Thomas Grey, esquire. In money paid to his own 
hands in advance, as well for the expenses and diet of Henry VI., late 
de facto et non de jure King of England, being within the Tower of 
London, as for the expenses and diet of the said Thomas and others 
dwelling within the said Tower for the safe custody of the said Henry. 
By writ of Privy Seal amongst the mandates of Michaelmas Term in 
the 7th year of the present King. £lOG 13s. 4<2. 

Issue Boll, Easter. 11 Edward IV. 

2±th June. — To Richard Radclyf, esquire. In money paid to his own 
hands, for the expenses of Henry, late de facto et non de jure King of 
England, then within the Tower ; viz. : — on the 23rd day of April last 
past. By writ, £2. 

To Hugh Brice. In money paid to his own hands, for so much money 
expended by him as well for wax, linen, spices, and other ordinary ex- 
penses incurred for the burial of the said Henry of Windsor, who died 
within the Tower of London ; and for wages and rewards to divers men 
carrying torches from the Tower aforesaid to the cathedral church of 
St. Paul's, London, and from thence accompanying the body to Chertsey. 

By writ, &c, ^15 3s. 6jrf. 

To Bawder Herman. In money paid to him in advance, at different 
times, for the expenses and daily allowances to Margaret, lately called 
the Queen, and to other persons attendant upon the said Queen ; viz. : — 
at one time 100s., at another time 10 marks, at another time ,£8, at 
another time ,£10, at another time ,£10, at another time 10 marks, at 
another time £8, for such expenses and allowances. 

By general writ current, &c, £54 6s. 8d. 

To William Mulsho, esquire. In money paid to his own hands, for 
the ordinary costs and expenses of the said Margaret from the 22nd 
of September, in the 11th year of the present King, unto the 6th Oc- 
tober then next following, for two weeks, after the rate of 5 marks for 
each week. By writ, &c, £6 13s. 4c?. 

Roll of Accounts, Easter. 15 Edward IV. 

To Richard Haute, esquire, paid as a reward for the costs and ex- 
penses incurred by him for conducting Margaret, lately called the Queen, 
from London to the town of Sandwich, by the King's command, paid by 
the hands of Thomas Seventhorp. £20. 

f f 2 


(See Chapter X. p. 406.) 

A learned dissertation was written by M. Floquet of Ronen, after a 
laborious examination of authentic documents, and giving an interest- 
ing picture of the Middle Ages. The author speaks of the origin of the 
privilege, and Bays, " that the dragon of St. Eomain, which was carried in 
" the procession, and formed an important point in the ancient tradi- 
' ; tion. was nothing else but idolatry, to which the holy Bishop of Rouen, 
" St. Eomain, gave the last blow : that in many other cities in France, 
" the bishops who had successfully struggled against idolatry, heresy, or 
" error were looked upon as the vanquishers of serpents and dragons, 
" and were represented in that attitude on numberless monuments." 

In a curious work by Eusebe Salverte, 1 he thus expresses himself : — 
Ci The struggle of good against evil, of light against darkness, of virtue 

gainst vice, of civilization against barbarism, of truth against error, is 
" as old as the world; the ancients were well acquainted with it. 

u Desirous of glorifying and rendering sensible to all the triumph of 
" virtue aud truth, they imagined and represented their gods, their 
11 heroes, and denri-gods, annihilating monsters, who had become the 
11 terror of the people. Apollo and the serpent Python, Jason and the 
" dragon of Colchis, Hercules, Perseus, Anubis, are represented under 
u these emblems on all the monuments of Greece and Egypt. From 
" thence they passed into the writings of poets and historians. If then, 
" in the time of pagans, the genius of good and light, personified under 
tt the features of a heavenly spirit triumphing over the genius of evil, of 
" vice, and darkness, under the figure of a serpent, was a familiar image 
" represented on numerous monuments, it is easy to conceive the eager- 
" ness with which Christians, at the fall of polytheism, adopted this 
K image, so conformable to the language, the spirit, and the origin of the 
" new religion. 

" Genesis offers it under the form of the woman crushing the head of 
" the serpent. The Apocalypse represents Michael the archangel and 
,c the dragon — the old serpent called the Devil — in chains. 

" The ceremonies called the Rogations, of the 5th century, made this 
M subject more familiar to the people, who, seeing in the processions 
" the wiuged dragons, images of the demon, came to consider them as 
K the representations of dragons of flesh and bone, vanquished by the 
' ; bishops more particularly reverenced in their diocese. Such were the 
'•' dragons of Tarascon, Poitiers, Metz, Troves, Rheims, Louvaine, and 
u Paris. As each cathedral church had its dragon borne in procession, 
" so each cathedral had its holy bishop, the conqueror of a dragon or 
" monstrous serpent, from which he delivered the countiy. Such were 
" St. George and the dragon, the knights of France, Italy, and Corinth. 
"According to all the legends, all these heroes vanquished dragons. 
'•' This, then, represents an allegory received in all times and in all 
"'places — the triumph of the heavenly conqueror, of the principle of 

1 Paris, IS 29. 


" good and light, over the principle of darkness and evil, figured by a 
" serpent as the pagans say, but as the Christian expresses it, the triumph 
" of truth over error, of the Christian religion over polytheism, — in 
" popular language, of God over the devil." 

M. Floquet divides his history into three parts. First, from the 
earliest times to 1512, in which year Louis XII. gave two edicts confirm- 
atory of the privilege. Secondly, from 1512 to 1591, when Henry IV. 
modified the privilege, refusing it to those who were guilty of rape, 
murder with malice prepense, heresy, high treason, assassination, coin- 
ing, and the issue of false coin. Thirdly, from 1591 to 1797, its final 
abolition. By some the origin of it is carried back to the seventh 

Prayers for the Dead. 

In the annals of the 15th century frequent mention is made of large 
sums of money bequeathed by wealthy individuals for the celebration of 
masses for the good estate of the King, Queen, and Prince of Wales, and 
for themselves and relations. Thus were prayers for the dead and living 
mingled together as in the following : — 

"This William de Botreaux, by his deeds bearing date 23rd Sep- 
fa tember (37th of King Henry VI.), gave this manor of Yeovelton, with 
" certain lands, to the parish of Camerton in this county, to the prior 
" and convent of St. Peter's at Bath, for a mass to be daily celebrated 
" for the good estate of King Henry VI., Queen Margaret his wife, and 
" Edward then Prince of Wales, as also for the good estate of him the 
" said William, and Margaret at that time his wife, and after this life 
" for the health of their souls ; likewise, every Sunday in the year, for 
" mass de Sancta Trinitate ; on Monday, de Sanctis Angelis ; on Tuesday, 
11 de Omnibus Sanctis; on Wednesday, de Sancta Maria Magdalene; on 
" Thursday, de SS. Petro and Paulo Aiiostles ; on Friday, de Epiphanim 
" Domine ; and on Saturday, the like mass de St Maria. Likewise, 
" that three days before Easter (when mass shall not be said) for the 
" distribution of six pence to the poor of Bath in bread, so that each 
" poor man might have the value of a farthing, and that each priest, 
" monk, or secular saying mass weekly should toll a bell in that mo- 
" nastery thrice (the said bell to be called Botreaux bell), and att the 
" introite of the mass say with a loud voice, ' Ye shall pray for the good 
" ' estate of our Sovereign lord the King, Henry Sixth, and of our 
" e sovereign lady the Queen, and of Prince Edward, and of William 
" ' Lord Botreaux and Margaret his wife while they live, and for their 
" ' souls after they be departed out of this world : and for the soul 
u ( of Elizabeth, late the wife of the said William Lord Botreaux, and 
" ' for his fader's soul, and his moder's soul, and his grand-fader's soul, 
" ' and his grandam's ; and for all the souls which the said lord will 
" ' assign them to pray for, in writing, and for all his ancestors' souls, 
" ' and all Christian souls, Pater noster thrice, and Ave Maria, with this 
" ' psalm, " De profundis clamasi," &c, with a low voice,' and that the 
" priest saying such mass shall daily receive twopence, and the consent 


" of that monastery to receive from the prior, for the obit of the said 
" Lord and Elizabeth his late wife, to be performed in albis before the 
" altar of the Holy Trinity forty shillings, to be equally divided amongst 
" them, &c. &c.' 51 

Remarkable Events of the Fifteenth Century. 

1407. In the year 1407 the plague raged in London, and swept away above 

30,000 inhabitants. 2 
1435. The river Thames frozen over. 
1438. This year, 1438, was remarkable for a cruel famine, which made 

dreadful havoc in England and in France at the same period, and was 

followed by the plague. 3 

1445. A pestilence in London, in 1445, caused the prorogation of Parliament 
from the 5th of June to the 20th of October. 

1446. The Library of the Vatican at Rome was founded in 1446. 

1446. In 1446, at a wedding near Zeghebreie, died of extreme surfeiting by 

drinking, nine score persons, men and women. 

1454. In this year Sir John Norman, a draper, being Lord Mayor, intro- 

duced the water-procession to Westminster, which was so great an 
imjDrovement on the former ones by land that the citizens, to express 
their satisfaction, sung a ballad to the honour of their civic magistrate, 
" Row thy boat, Norman," &c. 4 

1454. In June of this year, 1454, previous to the rise of the Yorkists, a 
blazing star was to be seen, which extended its beams to the south. 5 

1455. A comet appeared called the "Stella Cometa," which was seen betwixt 
the north and east, extending its beams to the south. 

1458. Another blazing star was to be seen in 1458. 6 

1458. In this year the passage round the Cape of Good Hope was discovered 
by Vasco di Gamo. 

1459. A year of great scarcity in France, and of great mortality in other 
places (was 1459) ; also an earthquake is spoken of by Fabyan in 1457. 7 

1477. The Plague in London, when more lives were lost than in the fifteen 
years' war. 

A document, copied from a manuscript in the Harleian Library, gives 
the following statement of the individuals of distinction who perished in 
the quarrel of the Roses during a period of 54 years : — 

Henry 6th . . . slain in the Tower. 

Edward 5th ... in the same. 

Richard 3rd ... at Bosworth Field. 

1 Collinson's Hist, of Somersetshire. 

2 Rapin. 3 Raleigh's Hist, of England. 
4 Lond. Chron. 5 Howel ; Baker. 

6 Lond. Chron. ' Monstrelet ; Fabyan. 




Of Gloucester .... slain at Bury. 


on the sea. 


at St. Alban's. 

York .... 









at sea. 


in the Tower. 


at Salisbury. 

York . 

in the Tower. 


at Bosworth Field. 


Of Montague at Barnet. 


Of Northumberland . . . at St. Alban's. 


the Tower Hill. 

Wiltshire . 

Mortimer's Cross 

Devonshire . 




Devonshire . 





on Tower Hill. 


at Pomfret. 

Devonshire . 


Rivers . 


Rivers . 









the Tower Hill. 




Beaumont at Northampton. 


Lord St. John ... .at Tewkesbury. 

Clifford . . • . 

St. Alban's. 


Taunton Fields. 

Fitzwalter . 

Ferry Bridge. 

Wells .... 

Taunton Fields. 



Lovel . 


Roffe .... 






Lord Weu lock 
Wells . 

Rugeniond Guy 
Stolis . 
Daivrie . 
Hastii: g 
Ferris . 

lain at Tewkesbury. 
Blore Heath. 
Tower Hill, 
in the Tower. 
at Daly-;. 
St. Alban's. 
Bosworth Field. 1 

Grapliia Illlustrata, coined from a manuscript in the Harleian Library. 


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Papal States. 





Leo III. 


Egbert the Great. 


Louis I., 


Stephen V. 
Paschal I. 



Eugene II. 



Gregory IV. 



Charles the Bald, 
« le Chauve." 


Upper. Lower. 

Ser^ius II. 



Leo IV. 



Benedict III. 



Ethelred I. 


Nicholas I. 





Adrian II. 


Alfred ye Great. 


John VIII. 


Louis II., 

the Stammerer. 
Louis III. and 





Martin II. 


Charles the Fat... 

Adrian III. 


Stephen VI. 




Foulques " le Roux." 



Boniface VI. 

Stephen VII. 




Charles the Simple 

Theodore II. 

John IX. 


Edward y« Elder 

Benedict IV. 


Leo. V. 



Sergius III. 




An j or. 




Papal States. 






John X. 


Robert I. 





Leo. VI. 


Stephen VIII. 
John XI 



Louis IV 

Leo VII. 


Foulques " le Bon." 

Stephen IX. 




Martin II. 




Agapet II. 





John XII. 


Geoffrey " Grise 



Benedict V. 


John XIII. 


Benedict VI. 


Domnus II. 


Benedict VII. 



Edward ye Martyr. 
Ethelred II. 



John XIV. 


John XV. 

John XVI. 


Louis V. 
Hugh Capet. 
Robert y e Pious... 


Foulques "Nerra" 

Gregory V. 
Sylvester II. 
John XVII. 



John XVIII. 


Sergius IV. 


Benedict VI1L 


Edmund Ironside. 
Canute y e Great. 



John XIX. 


Henry I. 

Benedict LX. 


Harold Harefoot. 
Edward y e Con- 

1040 i 

Geoffrey "Martel" 



Gregory VI. 


Clement II. 


Damascus II. 

Leo IX. 


Victor II. 


Stephen X. 


Xicholas II. 


Foulques IV., 
" le Rechin " 

Philip I. 

Alexander II. 

1066 : 

Harold II. 







Papal States. 


William I. 


Gregory VII. 
Victor III. 



William II. 


Urban II. 


Pascal II. 


Louis VI. 

Henry I. 



Foulques V. 

Gelasius II. 


Calixtus II. 


Honorius II. 


Innocent II. 


Geoffrey Planta- 



Louis VII. 


Celestine II. 


Lucius II. 


Eugene III. 


Anastasius IV. 


Adrian IV. 



Alexander III. 


Philip II., 



Lucius III. 



Urban III. 


Gregory VIII. 
Clement III. 



Richard I. , " Coeur 
de Lion." 


Celestine III. 



Crown of France. 


Henry III 


Louis VIII. 
Louis IX., Saint. 

Honorius III. 





Gregory IX. 


Celestine IV. 


Innocent IV. 


Charles I. 

Alexander IV. 


Urban IV. 


Clement IV. 


Philip III., ye Bold. 

Gregory X. 


Edward I. 


Innocent V. 

Adrian V. 


John XX. 



Nicholas III. 


Martin IV. 


Charles I 

Philip IV., ye Fair 

Honorius IV. 


Nicholas IV. 


Charles III., of 

Celestine V. 

Boniface VIII. 


Benedict XI. 







Papal States. 


Clement V. 


Edward II. 


Louis X. 

John I. 

Philip V., y« Tall 

Charles IV., y 9 Fair. 


John XXI 


Edward III. 


Philip VI., of 


Philip VI., of 


John II., ye Good. 

Benedict XII 


Clement VI. 


John II., y e Good. 


Innocent VI. 


Louis I. 

Urban V. 


Charles V. 

Richard II. 


Gregory XI. 



Urban VI. —Cle- 


Charles VI. 

ment VII. 


Louis II. 

Boniface IX. 


Benedict XIII. 


Henry IV. 


Innocent VII. 


Gregory XII. 
Alexander V. 



John XII. 


Henry V. 


Louis III. 

Martin V. 


Charles VII. 

Henry VI. 


Eugene IV. 
Nicholas V. 





Calixtus III. 


Pius II. 


Louis XI. 

Edward IV. 


Paul II. 





Charles of Maine. 
Louis XI. 




This book may be renewed once if no application 
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A fine of 5 cents a day is charged, if the book is 
kept after the latest date which appears on the 
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MAYjS/- 1963 

FORM 104 







DA Hookham, Mary Ann. 

247 The life and times of Margaret 

.M3 of Anjou, queen of England and 

H7 France : 




59 queen's park 
Idhonto 5. Canada