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Accession  No. 


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THE  LABADIST  COLONY 


IN 


MARYLAND 


Series  XVII  No.  6 

JOHNS  HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY  STUDIES 

IN 

Historical  and   Political   Science 

HERBERT  B.  ADAMS,  Editor 


History  is  past  Politics  and  Politics  are  present  History. — Freeman 


THE   LABADIST  COLONY 


IN 


MARYLAND 


BY 

BARTLETT  B.  JAMES,  Ph.D. 

II 


TH'E  JOHNS  HOPKINS  PRESS,  BALTIMORE 

Published  Monthly 

JUNE,  1899 


COPYRIGHT  1899  BY  N.   MURRAY. 


By  transfer 

MAY  17  im 


4 


CONTENTS. 


Page 

Introduction      7 

Doctrines  of  the  Labadists 9 

Government  of  the  Labadists 15 

Labadie  and  the  Labadists 20 

Colonization  in  America 26 

Labadists  and  the  Manor  . 38 

Bibliography ,.  t 43 


The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland 


INTRODUCTION. 

This  monograph  treats  of  what  was  practically  a  lost 
chapter  in  the  early  history  of  Maryland.  In  the  year  1864 
Mr.  Henry  C.  Murphy,  then  corresponding  member  of  the 
Long  Island  Historical  Society,  discovered  in  an  old  book 
store  in  Amsterdam  a  manuscript  which  proved  to  be  the 
journal  of  two  commissioners,  sent  out  by  a  peculiar  reli- 
gious body,  that  had  originated  in  a  defection  from  the  Re- 
formed Church  of  The  Netherlands,  to  discover  in  the  new 
world  a  suitable  place  for  the  establishment  of  a  colony  that 
should  perpetuate  their  principles. 

Prior  to  the  discovery  of  this  document,  it  was  indeed 
traditionally  known  that  a  peculiar  sect  of  people,  called 
Labadists,  had  settled  on  the  estates  of  Augustine  Herrman 
in  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Nor  had  the  fact 
only  a  traditional  basis,  for  there  were  indeed  fragmentary 
references  to  these  people  in  the  early  records  of  the  State 
and  in  historical  manuscripts,  as  well  as  occasional  isolated 
notices  in  contemporary  writers.  But,  withal,  the  informa- 
tion was  so  meager  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  a  proper 
conception  of  their  place  or  importance  in  the  early  history 
of  the  State. 

Mr.  Murphy  translated  and  published  the  manuscript  in 
the  "Memoirs  of  the  Long  Island  Historical  Society."  He 
accompanied  it  with  an  introductory  sketch  of  the  rise  and 
development  of  the  Labadists  sufficient  to  assign  it  to  its 
proper  place  among  the  historical  documents  of  the  State. 
Since   Mr.   Murphy's  publication,   the  "Bohemia   Manor" 


8  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [278 

has  received  the  attention  of  two  persons,  whose  family 
affiliation  with  its  history  renders  them  peculiarly  com- 
petent to  undertake  its  recital.  I  refer  to  General  James 
Grant  Wilson,  who  delivered  an  address  on  "An  Old  Mary- 
land Manor/'  before  the  Maryland  Historical  Society,  in 
1890,  and  another  address  before  the  New  Jersey  Historical 
Society  in  the  same  year,  on  "Augustine  Herrman,  Bohe- 
mian, 1605-1686,"  besides  an  extended  sketch  of  the  manor, 
in  the  Dutch-American  Magazine,  for  1886;  and  the  Rev. 
Charles  Payson  Mallary,  who  issued  a  monograph  on  "The 
Ancient  Families  of  Bohemia  Manor,"  in  1888,  in  the  publi- 
cations of  the  Delaware  Historical  Society.  While  treating 
exhaustively  of  the  history  of  "Bohemia  Manor"  proper, 
neither  of  these  gentlemen  have  contributed  anything  to 
that  important  phase  of  its  history,  a  study  of  which  is  con- 
templated in  the  present  monograph.  It  seems  unfortunate 
that  an  important  chapter  in  the  religious  life  of  colonial 
Maryland  should  so  long  have  failed  of  adequate  treat- 
ment, a  failure  due,  however,  to  the  unavailability  of 
material.  There  is  indeed  no  lack  of  materials  for  a  proper 
study  of  the  Labadists,  but  such  materials  have  been  inac- 
cessible because,  with  few  exceptions,  they  were  not  to  be 
found  in  this  country.  The  writer  has  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing from  abroad  a  number  of  the  contemporary  sources  and 
authoritative  works  bearing  upon  the  subject,  and  has 
sought  to  embody  such  research  in  a  paper  designed  to  set 
forth  a  history  of  the  rise  and  development  of  Labadism,  and 
of  that  system  of  doctrine,  religious  polity  and  administra- 
tion, which  was  so  faithfully  reproduced  by  the  colony 
beyond  the  seas.  By  availing  himself  of  the  materials 
already  at  hand  it  has  been  possible  to  write  a  history  of  the 
Labadist  settlement  on  "Bohemia  Manor,"  such  as  was  pre- 
viously impracticable. 


CHAPTER  I. 
DOCTRINES  OF  THE  LABADISTS. 

Labadism  was  a  late  product  of  that  spirit  of  reform 
which  inaugurated  the  Protestant  systems.  Theologically, 
it  belonged  to  the  school  of  Calvin.  In  its  spirit,  however, 
it  was  in  the  direct  line  of  that  vein  of  mysticism  which  is 
met  throughout  the  history  of  the  Christian  Church.  In  the 
mode  of  life  which  it  prescribed,  it  was  conformable  to  that 
sentiment  of  ideal  brotherhood,  which,  though  not  dis- 
tinctively a  Christian  conception,  has  been  ever  a  favorite 
mode  of  representing  the  fellowship  of  Christian  believers. 

Its  theology  was  not  distinctive  enough  to  differentiate 
it  from  the  Reformed  Church  of  The  Netherlands,  of  which 
it  was  an  off-shoot.  But  there  were  certain  individual 
characteristics  in  Labadism  sufficient  to  give  it  a  character 
quite  distinct  from  that  of  the  established  church.  Yet,  as 
will  be  noticed  later,  these  distinctive  elements  in  Labadism 
embraced  no  principle  vital  enough  to  insure  their  perpetua- 
tion. At  best,  Labadism  was  a  sporadic  effort  to  effect  a 
reform  in  the  established  church,  to  infuse  a  sentiment  of 
deeper  fervor  in  its  formal  administrations,  and  to  awaken 
in  the  believer  devoutness  of  spirit  by  enjoining  austerities 
of  life,  abnegation  of  the  flesh,  and  renunciation  of  the  world. 

Though,  like  most  profoundly  spiritual  movements,  it 
was  influenced  by  its  millennial  hopes,  yet  it  would  be  an 
error  to  place  Labadism  in  the  category  of  those  Adventist 
sects  which  have  a  brief  existence,  as  prophets  of  the  coming 
kingdom,  only  to  decline  when  the  time  of  the  supposed 
Advent  has  passed  by.  These  millennial  hopes  were  not  a 
part  of  the  system  itself,  but  only  an  expression  of  that 
spirit    of    profound    pietism    which,    in    response    to    the 


10  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [280 

announcement,  "Behold,  I  come  quickly!"  yearningly 
responds,  "Even  so,  come,  Lord  Jesus!" 

The  influences  which  shaped  Labadism  must  be  sought 
in  the  theological  controversies  of  the  day — controversies 
which,  as  one  of  the  Dutch  writers  expresses  it,  "warmed 
the  head  and  cooled  the  heart."  The  Cartesian  and  Aristo- 
telian schools  of  philosophy  found  their  counterparts  in  the 
Church  in  the  adherents  respectively  of  John  Kock  and 
Gysbert  Voet.  The  Cocceian  was  the  more  influential,  the 
Voetian  the  more  evangelical.  The  Labadists  were  a  radi- 
cal development  in  the  Voetian  party,  until  their  separation 
from  the  Reformed  Church.  Labadism  emphasized  the  vig- 
orous protest  of  the  Voetian  party  against  the  moral  laxity 
and  spiritual  lassitude  countenanced  by  the  established 
Church. 

The  theology  of  Labadism  may  be  briefly  summarized 
from  the  catechism  prepared  by  du  Lignon,  a  prominent 
member  of  the  Labadist  community,  as  well  as  from  other 
contemporary  sources,  to  which  the  writer  has  had  access.1 

The  progressive  plan  of  God  for  the  salvation  of  the 
race  was  embraced  in  four  covenants.  The  first  was  one  of 
nature  and  of  works.  This  was  a  race  covenant  and  was 
based  on  the  laws  of  God  as  implanted  in  human  nature. 
Its  infringement  by  Adam,  produced  from  the  inexhaustible 
stores  of  God's  goodness,  the  second  covenant,  "more  excel- 
lent and  holy  than  the  first" — that  of  grace.  During  the 
continuance  of  this  race  covenant,  which  extended  up  to  the 
coming  of  Christ,  and  which  provided  for  the  salvation — 
through  the  merits  of  the  promised  Redeemer — of  all  who 
came  within  its  provisions,  there  was  established  a  special 
covenant  with  Abraham.  The  benefits  of  this  covenant 
extended  to  all  his  posterity,  and  to  those  who  became  his 
spiritual  children  by  entering  into  his  belief.     Its  sign  was 

XP.  du  Lignon:  "Catechismus  of  Christelyke  onderwyzinge,"  etc., 
pt.  III.  Koelman,  J  :  "Historisch  Verhael  nopende  der  Labadisten 
Scheuringh,"  Preface,  v. 


281]  Doctrines  of  the  Labadists.  11 

circumcision,  and  the  salvation  of  those  who  received  it  was 
no  longer  conditionally  provided  for  under  the  general 
covenant  of  grace,  but  was  assured  through  especial  calling 
and  election.  This  covenant  was  superseded  by  a  special 
covenant  with  Moses.  It  is  described  by  du  Lignon  as 
"typical,  ceremonial,  literal  and  entirely  external;  hence, 
only  designed  as  temporary  in  order  to  set  forth  the  grace 
and  truth  of  Christ  by  symbols."1  The  Israelites  were 
united  to  God  by  the  covenant  of  grace  and  the  outward 
covenant  as  well,  but  all  other  races  could  be  united  to  God 
only  by  the  outward  covenant.  But  this  ceremonial  covenant 
was  only  intended  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  reception  of 
Christ.  As  Christ  had  been  manifested  in  the  time  of  the 
patriarchs  by  sacraments,  promises,  visions  and  the  com- 
munication of  his  spirit,  so  now  under  the  covenant  with 
Israel  he  was  revealed  by  fuller  and  more  frequent  prophe- 
cies, by  sacraments  and  shadows,  by  revelations  and  appear- 
ances, and  by  the  outpouring  of  the  spirit. 

But  the  fourth  and  last  covenant  was  the  consummation 
of  the  revelation  of  Christ  and  of  the  plan  of  salvation.  It 
differed  from  the  covenant  entered  into  with  Adam  in  that 
it  was  not  hidden  under  a  cloak  of  ceremonials.  It  was  also 
a  covenant  of  fulfillment  instead  of  one  of  promise;  it  was 
clearer,  holier  and  more  exalted  than  its  predecessors. 
Faith  was  its  condition,  obedience  its  sign.  It  included  in 
its  gracious  provisions  only  the  elect.  The  heart  was  con- 
ceived of  as  a  tablet  on  which  was  inscribed  the  law  of  love. 
Pardon,  holiness  and  salvation  were  its  fruits.  This  cove- 
nant placed  the  renewed  spirit,  which  it  provided  in  contra- 
distinction to  the  works  of  the  law.  The  new  spirit  made 
possible  a  new  life.  The  symbols  of  this  covenant  as  insti- 
tuted by  Christ  were  baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper.  When 
the  Lord  had  sealed  this  covenant  by  his  death  and  ascen- 

1  "Catechismus,"  III,  16.  A.  M.  van  Schurman:  "Eucleria  Seu 
Melioris  Partis  Electio,"  p.  9,  v.  v.  "Historisch  Verhael,"  etc., 
p.  252.     Yvon:  "De  regten  aard  van't  oude  en  nieuwe  verbond." 


12  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [282 

sion,  he  sent  the  Holy  Spirit  to  lead  into  it  his  elect  and  to 
keep  them  under  its  provisions. 

The  Holy  Spirit  is  conceived  of  as  operating  through 
the  Scriptures  and  the  administration  of  the  sacraments,  as 
well  as  by  the  more  direct  way  of  immediate  communication 
to  the  souls  of  the  elect  or  faithful,  his  presence  in  the  heart 
being  indicated  by  the  conduct  of  the  believer.  The  Church 
was  to  be  a  community  of  the  elect  kept  separate  from  the 
world  by  its  pure  teachings.  This  Church  was  to  be  uni- 
versal and  holy,  comprehending  all  believers;  the  love  of 
the  truth  as  it  is  in  Christ  Jesus,  being  the  common  bond. 
Outside  of  this  Church  there  was  no  safety,  and  from  it 
there  could  be  no  severance.1  It  was  to  be  distinguished  by 
two  great  periods :  the  one  of  sorrow,  conflict,  work  and 
crosses ;  the  other  of  triumph  and  honor,  the  millennial 
reign  on  earth  of  the  Church  triumphant.2 

Those  who  were  uncircumcised,  impure,  and  abomina- 
tions of  desolation3  were  represented  to  have  crept  into  the 
fold,  but  with  such  the  members  of  the  true  spiritual  Church 
were  to  have  no  communion.  To  this  doctrine  of  the  sep- 
aration of  the  believer  from  the  unbeliever  is  directly  attri- 
butable the  communal  mode  of  life  of  the  Labadists.4  In  its 
rigid  application  it  made  it  the  duty  of  husband  and  wife 
to  separate  if  either  were  not  of  the  elect  Church.  The 
elect  Church  came  to  be  synonymous  with  the  Church  of  the 
Labadists,  so  that  a  Labadist  could  not  be  lawfully  united  to 
one  who  was  outside  of  his  belief.  This  necessary  conse- 
quence of  the  doctrine  of  the  separation  of  believers  and 
unbelievers  was  embodied  in  an  explicit  tenet,  as  follows : 
"Beide  personen  begenadigd  en  wedergeboren  zyn,  omdat 

1  "Het  Heylige  voor  de  Heyligen,"  p.  724.  "Eucleria,"  p.  152.  J. 
de  Labadie:  "Le  Heraut  du  grand   Roi  J6sus." 

2H.  van  Demeter,  "Saatste  monarchic, "  in  his  work:  "De  opend 
van  J6sus  Christ." 

3  "Eucleria,"  pp.  196,  202. 

4"Catechismus,"  III.  De  Labadie:  "Wedergeboren  of  geen 
Christen." 


283]  Doctrines  of  the  Labadists.  13 

anders  het  huwelyk  niet  heilig  kan  zyn  en  een  geloovige 
moet  geen  juk  aandoen  met  een  angeloovige."1 

Another  important  element  of  the  new  covenant  was 
freedom  from  the  dominion  of  law.  The  only  law  to  which 
the  believer  was  subject  was  the  new  law  of  Spirit  and  of 
love.  The  effect  of  this  doctrine  as  applied  by  the  Labadists, 
was  to  nullify  the  ceremonial  system  of  the  Old  Testament, 
and  to  reduce  to  a  position  of  incidental  importance  all  its 
specific  moral  injunctions.  With  this  conception,  the  law  of 
Sabbath  observance  lost  its  importance.  As  a  part  of  the 
old  Jewish  system  it  failed  of  honor  among  them.  But,  in 
effect,  the  Labadists  did  observe  the  Sabbath  as  a  rest  day, 
not  on  conscientious  grounds,  but  in  consideration  of  the 
scruples  of  others ;  in  other  words,  so  that  they  might  not 
render  themselvs  legally  amenable  to  the  civil  authorities2 
for  its  infraction. 

As  none  save  the  true  believers  were  included  in  the  new 
covenant,  so  evidently  no  others  had  a  right  to  the  signs  and 
seals  of  this  covenant.  This  was  the  basis  of  the  Labadists' 
doctrines  concerning  the  Lord's  Supper  and  baptism.  Bap- 
tism, according  to  the  Labadist  formula,  insured  the  wash- 
ing away  of  sins  and  the  sealing  of  a  new  covenant  of  grace 
with  God.3 

Infant  baptism  was  discountenanced,  because  it  could 
not  be  told  beforehand  whether  the  child  would  grow  up  as 
the  elect  of  God  in  grace  or  increase  in  sins.  Yet  the  bap- 
tism of  the  children  of  believers  was  not  actually  proscribed 
by  the  Labadists.  In  lieu  of  infant  baptism,  the  child  was 
brought  before  the  Church,  presented,  consecrated  and 
blessed. 

1  Both  persons  must  be  pardoned  and  regenerated  because  other- 
wise the  marriage  cannot  be  considered  holy ;  and  a  believer  may 
not  assume  the  yoke  with  an  unbeliever. —  "Catechismus,"  III. 
Yvon:  "  Le  Mariage  Chretien." 

2  "  Eucleria,"  p.  106,  v.  v. 

3  Yvon:  "Leer  van  den  h.  doop  en  deszelfs  zuivere  bediening,"  etc. 


14  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [284 

The  Lord's  Supper  also  was  limited  to  those  who  were 
beneficiaries  of  the  new  covenant.1  Even  such  as  they  could 
not  partake  of  it  when  conscious  of  sin.  Indeed  they  affirm- 
ed that  it  were  better  that  the  sacrament  should  not  be 
administered  at  all,  than  that  one  unworthy  person  should 
partake  of  it. 

In  addition  to  the  sacraments  and  preaching,  the  new 
covenant  provided  for  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  as  a 
medium  of  communication  between  the  Holy  Spirit  and  the 
Church.  This  was  strongly  insisted  on  by  the  Labadists. 
But  yet,  they  insisted  quite  as  strongly,  that  while  the  read- 
ing of  the  Bible  was  a  medium  of  communication  for  the 
Holy  Spirit,  the  Spirit  was  not  limited  to  any  medium,  and 
even  though  the  Bible  was  not  read,  the  believer  could  not 
fail  to  be  instructed  immediately  by  the  Spirit  in  all  Christian 
doctrine.  The  effect  of  this  teaching  was  to  cause  the  place 
and  importance  of  the  Bible  to  be  underestimated.2  Yet  the 
preaching  of  the  Word  was  obligatory  on  the  part  of  the 
teachers,  and  the  speaking  brothers  and  sisters  were  also 
commissioned  to  interpret  and  to  apply  it  to  their  hearers. 

Labadism  was  essentially  a  mystical  form  of  faith, 
teaching  supreme  reliance  upon  the  inward  illumination  of 
the  Spirit.  And  yet  the  wrorks  of  the  Labadists  disclose  a 
high  form  of  Christian  faith  and  aspiration.  Whatever  its 
defects,  and  the  opportunities  for  hypocritical  pretence 
which  it  offered,  Labadism  was  yet  a  standard  of  faith  and 
conduct  which  no  one  could  conform  to  without  at  the  same 
time  exemplifying  high  Christian  graces.  True,  Jean  de 
Labadie,  the  founder  of  the  faith,  was  a  profound  mystic, 
seeing  visions  and  hearing  voices,  receiving  revelations  as 
to  his  course  and  conduct,  and  thereby  discrediting  himself 
with  many  intelligent  admirers  of  his  fearless  eloquence 
and  reforming  zeal. 

1  Yvon:  "  Het  heylige  voor  de  heyligen." 

2  "  Declar.  fidei,"  p.  228. 


CHAPTER  II. 
GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  LABADISTS. 

In  its  government,  the  Church  of  the  Labadists  was  a 
strongly  centralized  church,  all  mission  communities  being 
directed  from  the  Mother  Church  at  Weiward.1  Pierre 
Yvon,  the  successor  of  de  Labadie,  was  regarded  as  the 
Supreme  Father  of  the  whole  Church.  With  him  were 
associated  a  number  of  governors  or  superintendents,  who 
met  in  an  assembly  for  the  transaction  of  business  of  im- 
portance. The  superintendents  comprised  the  speaking  bro- 
thers or  ministers  and  the  more  eminent  of  the  women. 
These  constituted  a  class  of  preachers,  teachers  and  Bible 
readers,  who  had  charge  also  of  the  instruction  of  the 
youth.  Sometimes  there  was  held  a  general  assembly,  includ- 
ing all  the  members  of  the  community  above  the  rank  of 
novice.  The  superintendents  constituted  an  advisory  council 
to  the  supreme  head  of  the  Church.  It  was  this  superior 
council  which  received  the  reports  from  the  heads  of  the 
various  daughter  churches,  and  it  was  this  council  that 
passed  upon  all  recommendations  for  elevation  to  the  rank 
of  full  brother  or  sister  of  those  who  had  been  received  into 
any  of  the  communities  as  novices.  Thus  the  community  in 
Maryland  was  kept  under  the  direct  controlling  influence  of 
the  Mother  Church. 

At  the  head  of  the  Maryland  community  was  Bishop, 
or  Superintendent  Sluyter.  Unquestioning  obedience  to 
those  placed  over  them  was  rigidly  exacted  of  every  member 
of  the  community.  Dittleback  (who  had  himself  been  a 
Labadist,  and  had  severed  his  connection  with  the  Church) 

xDu  Lignon :    "Catechismus,"  III,  chap.  9-13. 

15 


16  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [826 

assures  us,  in  his  "Verval  en  Val  Labadisten,"  that  Sluyter 
arrogated  to  himself  and  his  wife  absolute  authority  in  the 
Maryland  community,  without  regard  to  the  provision  in 
the  Labadist  system  for  an  assembly  of  the  brothers  and 
sisters  of  the  higher  order. 

Each  member  of  the  community  had  his  or  her  assign- 
ment of  work  and  duties.  Order  and  system  of  the  most 
admirable  character  prevailed  in  all  departments  of  the  com- 
munity.1 Some  were  in  charge  of  the  laundry,  others  of  the 
cooking ;  others  again  were  nurses  and  physicians.  To  such 
minute  detail  did  the  system  extend  that  Dittleback  assures 
us  that  a  register  was  kept  of  the  number  of  pieces  of  bread 
and  butter  consumed  at  a  meal.  The  different  families  had 
dwellings  according  to  their  needs,  though,  by  partitioning 
off  the  larger  compartments,  strict  economy  cf  space  was 
observed.  All  rooms  were  at  all  times  open  to  the  pastors 
and  to  those  who  held  oversight  in  their  name.  Those  who 
joined  the  community  resigned  into  the  common  stock  all 
their  possessions.  Individuality  in  attire  was  suppressed. 
"The  haughtiness  of  the  worldly  spirit  must  be  subdued" 
was  a  tenet  far-reaching  and  well  understood  by  each  mem- 
ber of  the  community.2  Degrading  tasks  were  assigned  those 
suspected  of  pride.  Samuel  Bownas,  a  minister  of  the  Society 
of  Friends,  in  the  record  of  his  visit  to  the  community 
gives  a  more  particular  account  of  their  table  discipline  than 
can  be  found  elsewhere.  He  says :  "After  we  had  dined  we 
took  our  leave,  and  a  friend,  my  guide,  went  with  me  and 
brought  me  to  a  people  called  Labadists,  where  we  were 
civilly  entertained  in  their  way.  When  supper  came  in,  it 
was  placed  upon  a  large  table  in  a  large  room,  where,  when 
all  things  were  ready,  came  in  at  a  call,  twenty  men  or  up- 
wards, but  no  women.  We  all  sat  down,  they  placing  me  and 
my  companion  near  the  head  of  the  table,  and  having  passed 


1H.  Van  Berkum:    Labadie  en  de  Labadisten,  part  II,  p.  113. 
2  "Catechismus,"  III,  chap.  9. 


287J  Government  of  the  Labadists.  17 

a  short  space,  one  pulled  oft  his  hat,  but  not  so  the  rest  till 
a  short  space  after,  and  then  they,  one  after  another,  pulled 
all  their  hats  off,  and  in  that  uncovered  posture  sat  silent 
uttering  no  word  that  we  could  hear  for  nearly  half  a  quar- 
ter of  an  hour,  and  as  they  did  not  uncover  at  once,  neither 
did  they  cover  themselves  again  at  once,  but  as  they  put  on 
their  hats  fell  to  eating  not  regarding  those  who  were  still 
uncovered,  so  that  it  might  be  ten  minutes  time  or  more 
between  the  first  and  last  putting  on  of  their  hats.  I  after- 
wards queried  with  my  companion  as  to  their  conduct,  and 
he  gave  for  an  answer  that  they  held  it  unlawful  to  pray 
till  they  felt  some  inward  motion  for  the  same,  and  that 
secret  prayer  was  more  acceptable  than  to  utter  words,  and 
that  it  was  most  proper  for  every  one  to  pray  as  moved 
thereto  by  the  spirit  in  their  own  minds.  I  likewise  queried 
if  they  had  no  women  amongst  them.  He  told  me  they  had, 
but  the  women  ate  by  themselves  and  the  men  by  themselves, 
having  all  things  in  common  respecting  their  household 
affairs,  so  that  none  could  claim  any  more  right  than  another 
to  any  part  of  their  stock,  whether  in  trade  or  husbandry; 
and  if  any  one  had  a  mind  to  join  with  them,  whether  rich  or 
poor,  they  must  put  what  they  had  in  the  common  stock,  and 
afterwards  if  they  had  a  mind  to  leave  the  society  they  must 
likewise  leave  what  they  brought  and  go  out  empty-handed. 
They  frequently  expounded  the  Scriptures  among  them- 
selves, and  being  a  very  large  family,  in  all  upwards  of  a 
hundred  men,  women  and  children,  carried  on  something  of 
the  manufacture  of  linen  and  had  a  large  plantation  of  corn, 
flax  and  hemp,  together  with  cattle  of  several  kinds."  The 
custom  of  beginning  the  meal  by  chanting  a  psalm,  which 
was  the  practice  at  Weiward,  seems  to  have  fallen  into  dis- 
use in  the  Maryland  community.  In  other  respects,  how- 
ever, the  observations  of  Samuel  Bownas  agree  very  accur- 
ately with  what  we  know  to  have  been  the  custom  of  the 
Mother  Church. 

The  following  extract  from  the  "Verval  en  Val  Laba- 


18  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [288 

disten,"  by  Peter  Dittleback,  affords  an  instructive  side- 
light upon  the  life  of  the  Maryland  Labadists,  particularly 
as  to  their  views  of  marriage.  The  writer  says :  "A  friend 
of  mine  arriving  from  Sluyter's  community  has  made  revela- 
tions  to   me   with   regard   to   their   doctrine   of   marriage. 

*  *  *  He  went  there  with  a  full  surrender  of  himself, 
family,  goods  and  effects.  His  penitence,  Sluyter  wrote, 
was  unusual.  The  letter  was  read  to  us  at  Wei  ward  and  we 
rejoiced  exceedingly  over  his  conversion;  but  now  since  he 
has  left  them,  they  charge  and  blacken  him  with  sin.  He 
was  compelled  not  only  to  submit  to  the  mortifications  im- 
posed by  Sluyter,  but  also  to  those  of  Sluyter's  wife,  who  had 
shortly  previous  arrived  from  YVeiward  and  took  a  little 
hand  in  mortifying.  What  they  thought  of  at  night  had  to 
be  done  somehow  during  the  day.  Indeed  they  made  it  so 
sharp  that  a  brother  who  had  been  sent  over  from  Weiward 
would  remain  with  them  no  longer,  but  returned  to  Wei- 
ward, where  also  he  was  humiliated.  This  abasing  cannot 
continue  a  long  time  among  these  people.  My  friend's  wife 
had  five  small  children  whom  she  brought  with  her  to  this 
new  cloister  discipline.  When  she  kissed  them  she  was 
rebuked   for  showing    so    naturally  her  fleshly   cleavings. 

*  *  *  I  could  tolerate  Weiward  in  some  degree,  that 
there  should  be  no  fire  in  the  cells,  although  it  is  cold  there 
in  the  winter,  because  turf  is  dear,  and  so  many  families  could 
not  be  supplied  unless  at  great  expense,  but  this  friend  told 
me  that  Sluyter  would  not  allow  them  to  have  any  fire  in 
order  to  harden  them  and  to  mortify  and  subdue  the  sins  of 
the  body,  while  there  was  so  much  wood  there  that  they 
were  obliged  to  burn  it  in  the  fields  to  get  it  out  of  the  way : 
but  Sluyter  had  his  own  hearth  well  provided  night  and  day. 
My  friend  had  never  suffered  more  cold  and  hardship  than 
among  these  people,  and  he  frequently  made  a  fire  in  the 
woods  in  order  to  warm  himself.  His  wife  had  no  mind  to 
remain  in  this  cloister  under  such  an  abbess,  who  censured 
her  at  the  time  she  had  a  child  nursing  at  her  breast,  because 
she  drank  too  much  at  the  table,  and  when  afterwards  she 


289]  Government  of  the  Labadists.  19 

drank  less,  because  she  left  off  too  soon.  As  they  saw  these 
things  did  not  please  his  wife  they  began  to  talk  to  him 
more  plainly  and  freely  concerning  marriage,  arguing  that 
hell  was  full  of  ordinary  marriages,  saying,  among  other 
tilings,  these  abominable  words :  'It  was  for  God  alone  to 
judge  whether  he  cohabitated  with  a  harlot  or  with  his 
wife.'  The  wife  fearful  lest  they  should  take  her  husband 
away  from  her,  of  which  there  had  been  at  that  place  more 
than  one  instance,  sought  very  affectionately  to  speak  to  her 
husband  privately,  and  to  exhort  him  to  steadfastness,  as 
she  had  come  away  with  him  from  Amsterdam  and  was 
there  in  a  strange  land  with  her  little  children.  They  had 
succeeded,  however,  with  him  so  far  that  he  began  to  keep 
himself  away  from  her.  His  wife  being  very  angry  about 
it,  the  abbess  jeeringly  asked  her  if  she  could  not  be  one 
night  without  her  husband?  The  husband  finally  began  to 
attack  their  doctrine  about  marriage  out  of  the  Scriptures, 
showing  that  the  apostles  had  not  taught  so.  He  asked 
Sluyter  what  marriage  he  came  of?  Whether  his  parents 
were  not  married  in  the  ordinary  way?  They  began  to 
wonder  at  this  man's  opposing  them  out  of  the  Scriptures, 
until  finally  he  told  them  soundly  that  all  connection  between 
him  and  them  was  at  an  end.  They  were  confounded,  and 
went  at  him  in  another  way,  saying  we  have  several  times 
spoken  about  marriage,  which  is  a  delicate  subject,  but 
we  must  also  say  to  you  that  when  there  are  any  who  cannot 
conduct  themselves  that  way  in  the  marriage  relation,  we 
will  tolerate  them.  But  how  tolerate,  as  a  brother?  No; 
but  only  as  regards  community  of  goods  and  living  together. 
This  was  a  new  trick  to  get  him  in ;  but  they  had  already 
blabbed  too  much.  They  did  not  look  favorably  upon  his 
going  back  to  Holland,  and  attempted  to  frighten  him  from 
it,  asking  him  if  he  were  not  afraid  to  trust  himself  on  the 
sea,  and  fall  from  one  pit  into  another?  But  he  persevered, 
and  the  Lord  helped  him  and  his,  in  an  especial  manner,  to 
reach  the  Father-land  in  safety."1 

1  "Verval  en  Val  Labadisten,"  Letter  III. 


CHAPTER  III. 
LABADIE  AND  THE  LABADISTS. 

"Few  theologians,"  says  Dr.  J.  D.  T.  Schotel,  in  his 
"Anna  Maria  van  Schurman,"  "have  ever  lived,  concerning 
whom  their  contemporaries  have  spoken  and  written  with 
deeper  contempt  and  more  unstinted  praise  than  Jean  de 
Labadie."  But  with  all  the  diversities  of  opinion  concerning 
him,  there  was  a  general  concensus  of  opinion  as  to  his  wide 
and  varied  learning  and  his  matchless  pulpit  eloquence,  while 
his  sermons  and  treatises  remain  to-day  as  evidences  of  his 
theological  grasp. 

He  was  born  at  Bordeaux,  in  France,  February  10, 
1610.1  His  parents  entered  him  at  the  Jesuit  College,  where 
later  he  became  a  member  of  the  lower  order  of  the  priest- 
hood. His  mystical  views  and  eccentricities  finally  made 
him  objectionable  to  the  Jesuits.  For  this  reason,  as  many 
writers  believe,  though  ostensibly  on  the  ground  of  ill-health, 
he  secured  his  release  from  the  order  and  became  a  secular 
priest.  His  genius  and  talents  had  led  the  Jesuits  to  tolerate 
him  until  his  attacks  upon  salient  features  of  the  Catholic 
Church,2  added  to  his  fanaticism,  made  him  altogether  unde- 
sirable.    He  considered  himself  immediately  inspired  in  his 

^haufepie,  "Nouveau  Dictionnaire  Historique  et  Critique."  Some 
of  the  Dutch  writers  give  his  birth  as  February  13.  Dittleback 
declares  that  he  was  an  illegitimate  son  of  Henry  IV,  whom  he 
greatly  resembled.  The  more  general  and  credible  view  is  that 
his  father  was  a  French  noble,  Chaufepie.  Niceron,  Basnage,  in 
his  "Annals  des  Provinces  Unies,"  p.  52,  Spener,  et  al.,  hold  that 
the  father  of  Labadie  was  a  soldier  of  fortune,  who  rose  to  be 
Governor  of  Bourg. 

2 J.  de  Labadie:    "Grace  and  the  Efficacious  Vocation."     Mollerus: 
"Cimbria  Littera." 
20 


291]  Labadie  and  the  Labadists.  21 

utterances.1  He  attracted  the  attention  of  P.  Gondran,  sec- 
ond general  of  the  oratory  of  Paris,  and  received  a  call  to 
that  city,  the  whole  body  of  the  Sarbonne  uniting  in  the 
call.2  The  fame  he  acquired  there,  extended  beyond  the 
borders  of  his  own  country. 

Jesuitical  jealousy  persecuted  him  with  stories  of  gross 
immorality3  and  caused  him  to  leave  Paris  for  Amiens.4 
Here  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  come  under  the  notice  of 
the  courtiers  of  Louis  XIII,  who  recommended  him  to  the 
good  offices  of  their  sovereign  and  Cardinal  Richelieu.  Until 
the  death  of  the  latter  he  was  safe  from  attack.5  At  Paris 
he  had  united  with  the  Jansenists  and  had  been  unsparing  in 
his  crusade  against  the  Jesuits ;  but  not  alone  against  them, 
for  in  a  preaching  tour  throughout  Picardy,  he  had  severely 
arraigned  the  Catholic  Church  at  large. 

His  declared  intention  was  to  reform  the  Church,  and 
he  conducted  his  services  after  what  he  considered  the  apos- 
tolic model. 

On  the  death  of  Richelieu  and  the  succession  of  Car- 
dinal Mazarin,  the  Jesuits  obtained  an  order  cf  the  Court 
for  the  arrest  of  Labadie,  who  was  saved  its  execution  by 
the  death  of  the  King.  In  1645  ne  was  cited  to  appear  at 
Court  along  with  his  friend  the  Bishop  of  Amiens.  He  was 
sentenced  to  perpetual  imprisonment,  which  sentence  was 
modified  on  appeal  from  the  Assembly  of  the  Clergy  of 
France,  then  in  session.  He  was  ordered  to  renounce  his 
opinions  and  to  refrain  from  preaching  for  a  period  of 


1  "Declaration  de  la  Foi,"  p.  84;  "Historisch  Verhael  nopens  Laba- 
disten  Scheuringh,"  p.  109. 

2  "Declaration  de  Jean  de  Labadie,"  p.  122. 

Dutch  historians  discredit  these  stories;  many  French  writers 
affect  to  believe  them. 

*  Chaufepie  says :  "One  is  not  able  to  understand  the  motives  that 
prompted  Labadie  to  leave  Paris,,"  but  Labadie  seems  to  make  it 
clear  in  his  "Declaration,"  p.  122-123, 

5Mollerus,  p.  36:     "Declaration,"  124,  et  seq. 


22  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [292 

years.1  During  a  second  forced  retirement,2  he  obtained  and 
read  a  copy  of  "Calvin's  Institutes,"  which  had  a  determin- 
ing influence  on  his  after-career.  The  result  of  his  solitary 
reflections  is  summarized  in  these  words:  "This  is  the  last 
time  that  Rome  shall  persecute  me  in  her  Communion.  Up 
to  the  present  I  have  endeavored  to  help  and  to  heal  her, 
remaining  within  her  jurisdiction;  but  now  it  is  full  time 
for  me  to  denounce  her  and  to  testify  against  her."3 

In  1650  he  proceeded  to  the  Chateau  of  the  Count  of 
Tavas  where  he  adjured  his  former  faith,  adopted  that  of 
the  Calvinistic  system,  and  was  later  ordained  a  Protestant 
minister.  The  reception  of  the  famous  priest  was  heralded 
as  the  greatest  Protestant  triumph  since  the  days  of  Calvin.4 

Montauban,  Orange,  and  Geneva  were  the  scenes  of 
his  labors.  He  declined  to  consider  many  splendid  overtures 
for  a  renewal  of  his  Catholic  allegiance.5  At  the  Protestant 
center  of  Geneva,  his  services  were  attended  by  persons  from 
all  parts  of  France,  Holland,  Switzerland,  The  Netherlands 
and  England.  Among  his  converts  were  Pierre  Yvon  and 
Du  Lignon,  both  prominent  in  the  later  history  of  Labadism  ; 
also  Abraham  van  Schurman  and  his  sister  Anna  Maria, 
who  was  considered  the  foremost  literary  woman  of  her 
day.6 

De  Labadie  found  the  Protestant  Church  also  in  need  of 
a  reformer,  and  addressed  himself  zealously  to  the  work. 
Voetius,  Essenius  and  Lodenstein,  prominent  theologians  of 
Utrecht,  whither  Labadie  had  been  called  through  the  influ- 

*De  Labadie:    "Traite  de  la  Solitude  Chr^tienne." 
2"Cimbria  Littera,"  p.  37. 

3  Schotel :    "Anna  Maria  van  Schurman,"  p.  160. 

4  Among  the  treatises  he  published  at  this  time  were  the  "Declara- 
tion de  la  Foi"  and  the  "Practique  des  Oraisons  mentale  et  vocale." 

5"Nouveau  Dictionnaire,"  etc.,  Article,  Labadie. 

6  Those  unfamiliar  with  the  famous  "Mithradates  of  the  Seven- 
teenth Century"  are  referred  to  the  following  sources :  "Nouveau 
Dictionnaire  Historique  et  Critique,"  Article,  Schurman.  Schotel : 
"Anna  Maria  van  Schurman."  Tschackert:  "Anna  Maria  von 
Schurman." 


293]  Labadie  and  the  Labadists.  23 

ence  of  Anna  Maria  van  Schurman,1  were  not  altogether 
favorably  impressed  with  him.  To  them  he  was  not  only 
the  brilliant  divine,  but  also  an  irresponsible  visionary,  not 
only  the  eminent  theologian,  but  an  arrogant  egotist.  Hence 
his  stay  at  Utrecht  was  short.  At  Middleburg,  Zealand,  his 
previous  successes  were  repeated.  Among  his  converts  was 
the  Ch.  de  Rochefort.2  Such  an  aggressive  personality  dom- 
inated by  a  sincere  conviction  of  a  call  to  attempt  a  great 
work  of  reform  in  the  Church  could  not  but  eventually 
antagonize  the  established  ecclesiastical  order.  Such  was 
the  case.  He  became  embroiled  with  the  ecclesiastical  and 
civil  authorities  and  was  formally  deposed  from  the  minis- 
try.3 In  this  position  he  felt  the  alternative  thrust  upon  him 
of  founding  an  independent  church,  which  should  illustrate 
the  pure  principles  and  practices  of  the  Christian  faith,  as 
he  conceived  them.  Being  driven  out  of  Middleburg,  he 
established  at  Veere,  a  church  which  he  styled  the  Evangel- 
ical.4 The  States  of  Zealand  again  ordered  him  to  move  on, 
After  a  demonstration  on  the  part  of  the  burghers  which 
nearly  precipitated  an  armed  conflict,  Labadie  removed  to 
Amsterdam,  where  he  had  an  interval  of  peace,  and  an  op- 
portunity to  establish  a  communal  society,  theories  of  which 
had  always  been  cherished  by  Labadie.5 

The  Church  at  Amsterdam  grew  and  prospered.  Over- 
tures of  union  were  received  from  various  sectaries,  nota- 
bly the  Society  of  Friends,  all  of  which  Labadie  declined 
to  consider.6    Labadism  as  an  independent  ecclesiastical  sys- 

1  Schotel :  ,  "Anna  Maria  van  Schurman,''  p.  167. 

2  The  eminent  cartographer. 

3  Ypey  en  Dermout :  "Geschiedenis  der  Nederlandsche  Hervormde 
Kerk,"  vol.  Ill,  p.  88,  note  128;  vol.  II,  note  751.  "Historie  curieuse 
dela  vie,  Sr.  Jean  Labadie,"  p.  22,  etseq.  "Nouveau  Dictionnaire," 
Article,  Labadie.  "Historisch  Verhaelnopensder  Labadisten  Scheur- 
ingh,"  2d  edition,  1770,  pp.  14,  15. 

4  De  Labadie:  "Declaration  Chretienne,"  etc.  "Historisch  Ver- 
hael,"  etc.,  p.  15. 

5  A.  M.  a  Schurman:  "Eucleria  Seu  Melioris  Partis  Electio," 
p.   147. 

6  "Nouveau  Dictionnaire,"  Article,  Labadie. 


24  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [294 

tern  became  the  subject  of  a  great  deal  of  polemical  writing 
on  the  part  of  its  founder,  his  friends  and  his  adversaries. 

After  a  long  period  of  uninterrupted  and  peaceful  devel- 
opment, some  disorders  occurring  at  their  services  fur- 
nished a  reason  for  the  civil  authorities  to  place  such  restric- 
tions upon  the  society  as  practically  to  cripple  the  Church. 
In  this  emergency,  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  daughter  of 
Frederick  the  Elector  Palatine  and  King  of  Bohemia,  who 
was  a  friend  of  Anna  Maria  van  Schurman,  became  their 
patroness.  She  tendered  them  the  Abbey  of  Herford,  in 
Westphalia,  of  which  she  was  abbess.1  But  here  also  they 
were  denied  a  permanent  asylum.  Their  immediate  offense 
was  certain  excesses  which  were  indulged  in  by  some  of 
their  number,  and  which  resulted  in  the  withdrawal  of  many 
of  the  more  sober  and  intelligent  members  of  the  commu- 
nity.2 

The  Princess  being  ordered  by  the  Imperial  Diet  to 
cause  the  removal  of  the  Labadists  from  Herford,  the  whole 
company  sorrowfully  embarked  for  Altona,  Denmark,  in 
1672.  Here  Labadie  died  two  years  later.  His  death 
evoked  estimates  of  his  work  and  worth  from  high  ecclesias- 
tical sources  and  it  is  significant  to  note  that  the  general 
expression  was  in  a  high  degree  laudatory. 

His  evident  fanaticism  and  strong  personal  ambition 
were  recognized  and  deplored,  but  his  bold  and  fearless 
attacks  upon  immorality  and  upon  lassitude  in  the  Church, 
had  an  awakening  influence  upon  the  ecclesiastical  organ- 
ization, which  long  survived  him.  Indeed,  the  Dutch  his- 
torians are  disposed  to  regard  Labadie's  chief  work  the 
leavening  of  the  old  lump,  by  the  many  hundreds  of  his 
converts  who  remained  in  connection  with  the  Reformed 
Church,   and   the   Labadists  after  Labadie   who  were   re- 

1"Eucleria,"  pp.  182-184. 

3  On  one  occasion  of  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  a  spir- 
itual dance  was  indulged  in  by  men  and  women  promiscuously,  with 
the  accompanying  excesses  of  indiscriminate  kissing  and  embracing. 
"  Historisch  Verhael  nopens  der  Labadisten  Scheuringh,"  p.  73, 
et  seq. 


295]  Labadie  and  the  Labadists.  25 

ceived  back  into  the  Reformed  Communion  upon  the  disin- 
tegration of  their  own  society.  Pierre  Yvon  succeeded  to 
the  position  of  Father  of  the  community.  The  problem  of 
properly  provisioning  a  large  community  led  the  Labadists 
to  remove  to  Weiward,  in  Friesland,  where  they  became 
established  in  an  estate  called  Thetinga  or  Waltha  House, 
which  was  tendered  to  them  by  the  three  daughters  of 
Francis  Aarsen,  Lord  of  Sommeldyk.  There  in  the  depths 
of  a  thick  grove  of  stately  trees  they  lived  in  rigid  accord- 
ance with  the  practices  which  had  been  left  them  by  their 
late  lamented  leader  for  the  regulation  of  their  religious 
lives.  From  the  simple  people  of  the  neighboring  hamlet 
they  received  the  name  of  Bosch-lieden,  "people  of  the 
woods."1 

If  communal  Labadism  was  born  at  Amsterdam,  it  was 
at  Weiward  that  it  attained  its  full  measure  of  strength, 
declined  and  died.  For  more  than  half  a  century  this  place 
was  the  seat  of  the  new  Church,  and  from  it  jurisdiction 
was  exercised  over  the  few  feeble  communities  planted  at 
other  places.  From  Weiward  also  proceeded  the  colonists 
who  settled  in  Maryland,' and  from  Weiward  proceeded  the 
voice  of  authority  that  controlled  these  colonists. 

At  Weiward  the  Labadists  were  still  subjected  to  eccle- 
siastical persecution.  Synod  after  synod  furnished  oppor- 
tunities for  forensic  declamation  against  them  on  the  part 
of  ill-disposed  ministers.2  The  Estates  of  the  Provinces, 
however,  maintained  their  tolerant  attitude  towards  the  oft- 
persecuted  sect. 

The  return  of  the  Labadists  to  The  Netherlands  had 
been  marked  by  large  accessions  to  the  community.  Among 
those  received  at  this  time  was  Peter  Dittleback,  the  trans- 
lator into  Dutch  of  Anna  Maria  van  Schurman's  "Eucleria," 
and  the  author  of  the  work,  entitled  "Verval  en  Val  Laba- 
disten,"  to  which  reference  has  been  made. 

1  "Geschiedenis  der  Nederlandsche  Hervormde  Kerk,"  note  149. 
a  "Acts  of  the  Synod  of  Friesland  for  the  Year  1675,"  Article  44. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
COLONIZATION   IN   AMERICA. 

Two  distinct  sets  of  forces  were  operating  to  link  Alary- 
land  with  a  movement  which,  though  modest  in  its  local 
development  and  influence,  is  yet  recognized  by  Dutch  writ- 
ers as  one  of  the  most  significant  developments  in  the  Re- 
formed Church  of  The  Netherlands.  Having  considered 
the  history  of  Labadism  prior  to  its  planting  in  Maryland, 
and  having  studied  the  doctrines  and  practices  which  the 
Maryland  Labadists  held  in  common  with  the  mother  com- 
munity, we  must  now  notice  the  course  of  events  which  gave 
the  name  ''Labadie  Tract"  to  the  nomenclature  of  the  State. 

Whatever  may  be  the  theories  concerning  the  source 
and  motives  of  religious  toleration  in  Colonial  Maryland, 
certain  it  is  that  where  religious  toleration  has  been  practiced 
the  result  has  been  the  attraction  or  development  of  sects 
reflecting  the  various  shades  of  religious  opinion.  Whether 
or  not  Maryland's  attitude  in  this  respect  attracted  the  Lab- 
adists to  her  shores,  it  is  a  fact  that  their  experience  of 
repeated  persecutions  in  Europe,  had  led  them  to  turn  their 
eyes  longingly  towards  the  New  World,  in  the  hope  that 
they  might  there  discover  a  haven  of  refuge,  where  they 
might  practice  the  principles  of  their  faith  without  let  or 
hindrance. 

The  particular  circumstances  which  favored  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Labadists  in  Maryland  lead  to  a  consideration 
of  the  manorial  grant  of  Lord  Baltimore  to  one  Augustine 
Herrman  j1  for  it  was  upon  the  lands  thus  granted  that  the 
settlement  of  the  Labadists  was  made. 

1  There  are  various  spellings  of  the  name,  and  on  these  spellings 
hinges  the  controversy  of    Herman's  nativity,  the  Germans  claim- 
ing him  for  themselves  and  asserting  that  Bohemia  was  his  adopted 
country,  while  the  Bohemians  claim  that  he  was  a  native  of  Prague. 
26 


297]  Colonization  in  America.  27 

Augustine  Herrman,  ''first  founder  and  seater  of  Bohe- 
mia Manor,"  was  a  Bohemian  adventurer  who  made  his 
way  to  America  in  the  service  of  the  West  India  Company. 
He  is  generally  believed  to  have  been  a  native  of  Prague, 
Bohemia,  and  to  have  been  born  about  the  year  1608.  A 
fair  education,  supplemented  by  the  opportunities  of  an 
adventurous  career  had  made  him  conversant  with  French, 
Dutch,  German  and  English.  He  was  also  an  excellent 
surveyor  and  something  of  an  artist. 

As  a  soldier  he  had  seen  active  service  under  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  and  upon  retiring  engaged  in  various  commercial 
undertakings  in  the  service  of  the  West  India  Company1 
and  thus  made  his  way  to  New  Netherlands.  New  Amster- 
dam, where  he  made  his  home,  felt  the  impress  of  his  strong 
personality  in  many  ways.  He  was  an  original  member  of 
the  council  of  nine  men  instituted  by  Governor  Stuyvesant 
in  1647,  and  his  name  appears  in  various  important  trans- 
actions, while  serving  as  a  member  of  this  council.2 

His  connection  with  Maryland  matters  dates  from  his 
appointment  by  Governor  Stuyvesant  as  a  special  commis- 
sioner, along  with  Resolved  Waldron,  to  negotiate  with 
Governor  Fendall,  of  Maryland,  relative  to  the  disputed 
eastern  boundary  of  Lord  Baltimore's  Province.3  As  an 
instance  of  his  acute  discernment,  he  pointed  cut  that  Lord 
Baltimore's  patent  only  invested  him  with  such  lands  as  had 
not  Been  previously  inhabited  by  any  persons  save  the  bar- 
barous people  called  Indians.  This  interpretation  of  the 
terms  of  the  charter  was  not  acceptable  to  the  Maryland 
authorities,  and  the  dispute  was  referred  to  the  respective 
governments  for  adjudgment. 

1  Johnston:  "History  of  Cecil  County,"  p.   15. 
2 "Ancient  Families  of  New  York,"  in  New  York  Genealogical  and 
Biographical  Record,  April,  1878,  p.  54. 
3  "New  York  Colonial  Documents,"  vol.  II. 


28  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [298 

Waldron  returned  to  New  Amsterdam  to  submit  their 
report,  and  Herrman  proceeded  to  Virginia  to  clear  the 
Dutch  of  the  charge  of  inciting  the  Indians  in  the  Accomac 
to  hostilities  against  the  English.  Returning,  he  passed 
through  what  is  now  Cecil  County,  Maryland.  So  favorably 
was  he  impressed  with  the  beauty  and  advantages  of  the 
section,  that  he  commenced  negotiations  with  Lord  Balti- 
more, which  resulted  in  his  receiving  an  extensive  land 
grant  in  consideration  of  his  making  a  map  of  Maryland 
and  Virginia,  which  would  be  valuable  to  Lord  Baltimore  in 
the  settlement  of  the  boundary  dispute  pending  between  the 
two  colonies.1  Thus  Herrman  was  invested  with  about 
twenty-four  thousand  acres  of  the  most  desirable  lands  of 
what  is  now  Cecil  County,  Maryland,  and  New  Castle 
County,  Delaware,  which  he  elected  into  several  manors, 
called  by  him,  "Bohemia  Manor,"  "St.  Augustine  Manor," 
"Little  Bohemia,"  and  "The  Three  Bohemian  Sisters." 

Among  the  titles  of  Acts  passed  by  the  Maryland  As- 
sembly, is  one  dated  1666,  which  provides  for  the  naturaliza- 
tion of  several  persons  therein  named,  and  including  "Au- 
gustine Herrman  of  Prague,  in  the  Kingdom  of  Bohemia, 
Ephraim,  Georgius  and  Casparus,  sons  of  said  Augustine, 
Anna  Margaritta,  Judith  and  Francina,  his  daughters."2 

It  was  the  design  of  Lord  Baltimore  to  erect  a  county 
that  should  bear  his  name,  so  that  one  of  the  specifications 
of  Herrman's  grant  was  that  he  should  erect  a  County  of 
Cecil  with  the  town  of  Cecilton.  Herrman's  lands  were 
at  that  time  included  in  Baltimore  County,  which  embraced 
all  the  head  tributaries  of  the  Chesapeake.  The  year  of  his 
settlement  in  Maryland,  the  year  1661,  he  mentions  that  he 
was  engaging  settlers  to  unite  to  form  a  village.  It  is  not 
probable  that  he  succeeded  in  his  purpose.    The  County  of 

lA  reprint  of  this  map  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Maryland  His- 
torical Society. 

2 Bacon,  sub  Anno  1666.  This  was  the  first  naturalization  act 
passed  by  any  of  the  Colonies. 


299]  Colonisation  in  America.  29 

Cecil  was  subsequently  erected,  and  until  that  time  Herr- 
man  was  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  of  Baltimore  County. 

The  alliance  of  his  eldest  son,  Ephriam,  with  the  Laba- 
dists,  who  made  their  appearance  in  America  in  1679,  leads 
us  to  consider  the  circumstances  and  motives  which  led  the 
Labadists  to  Maryland  and  effected  their  settlement  on 
"Bohemia  Manor."  The  circumstances  were  industrial  and 
economic,  the  motives  were  religious.  Along  with  a  desire 
to  find  in  the  New  World  an  asylum  where  they  might 
peacefully  pursue  their  communal  life,  they  were  actuated 
by  a  praiseworthy  zeal  for  the  conversion  of  the  Indians. 
But,  perhaps,  the  scheme  of  colonization  found  its  greatest 
strength  in  the  industrial  needs  of  the  community  at 
Weiward.  The  problem  of  sustenance  for  a  community  of 
above  one  hundred  persons  was  one  not  easy  of  solution; 
and,  indeed,  at  the  time  of  its  highest  development  this 
problem  was  magnified  four-fold. 

At  the  time  of  their  greatest  prosperity  they  received 
a  visit  in  1667  from  William  Penn  and  his  associates,  Fox, 
Barclay  and  Keith,1  who  renewed  the  overtures  of  union 
which  William  Penn  had  made  to  Labadie  in  Amster- 
dam. But  the  Friends  left  without  accomplishing  their  pur- 
pose, though  with  pleasant  impressions  of  the  people  so  like 
themselves  in  the  mystical  elements  of  their  faith. 

The  community  the  Quakers  visited  at  Weiward  was  an 
eminently  industrious  one.  Each  member  had  an  assign- 
ment of  work,  the  returns  for  which  went  into  the  general 
coffer.2  Of  this  industry,  Anna  Maria  van  Schurman  says : 
"It  is  nearly  incredible  with  what  splendid  order,  with  what 
comfort  and  ease  even  the  heaviest  and  most  difficult  work 
is  performed  by  us,  where  the  Christly  love,  which  maketh 
not  ashamed,  goes  before  and  directs  everything.  By  the 
singular  blessing  of  God,  it  sometimes  happens  that  we  do 

1  "Penn's  Travels,"  4th  ed.,  p.  98,  "De  Labadie  en  de  Labadisten." 
Gough :  "History  of  the  People  called  Quakers,"  p.  9,  492 ;  part  II, 
p.  12. 

2  "De  Labadie  en  de  Labadisten,"  pp.  118-119,  part  II. 


30  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [300 

more  work  in  a  single  day  than  other  workers  of  the  same 
kind  in  three  or  four  days."1 

The  lands  at  Weiward  were  chiefly  valuable  for  graz- 
ing, but  Dittleback  ascribes  their  failure  for  agricultural 
purposes  to  indifferent  cultivation.  Besides  sheep-raising 
and  agriculture,  various  other  pursuits  were  engaged  in. 
There  were  complete  facilities  for  printing  and  publish- 
ing books  and  tracts,  the  sale  and  circulation  of  which 
devolved  on  some  members  of  the  community.  Soap  manu- 
facture was  followed  with  indifferent  success ;  the  sale  of 
Labadie  pills  brought  considerable  profit  to  the  commu- 
nity, while  the  Labadist  wool  was  a  celebrated  brand  of  the 
times.  There  were  also  in  the  community  tailors,  shoe- 
makers, bricklayers,  carpenters,  etc.  But  the  revenues  from 
all  sources  were  insufficient  to  provide  more  than  the  scan- 
tiest subsistence  for  the  whole  company  of  men,  women  and 
children.2 

The  policy  pursued  was  to  relieve  the  mother  com- 
munity by  successive  subdivisions  and  the  establishment  of 
communities  at  other  places.  The  Labadists  had  discovered 
that  the  plan  of  concentrating  a  very  large  force  at  any  one 
point  was  impracticable  in  communal  relations,  unless 
forms  of  remunerative  employment  sufficient  to  meet  their 
needs  could  be  originated.  So,  as  the  community  increased 
in  number,  daughter  churches  were  established  at  Rotter- 
dam, The  Hague,  and  elsewhere.  They  considered  this  form 
of  Church  organization  to  be  primitive  and  apostolic,  and  as 
in  all  things  they  endeavored  to  foster  the  ideal  of  their 
illustrious  founder — the  reproduction  of  the  living  image 
of  the  early  Church — they  endeavored  to  model  their  Church 
organization  and  adapt  its  administration  to  the  sacred  pat- 
tern, just  as  in  practice  they  sought  to  reproduce  the  customs 
of  the  early  Church. 

The  attention  of  the  Labadists  had  been  first  directed 


1  "Eucleria,"  p.   145,  et  scq. 

1  "Korte  onderrichtinge,  rakende  den  staet  en  maniere  van  het  der 
Labadisten." 


301]  Colonisation  in  America.  31 

to  the  New  World  by  the  three  sisters  of  the  Lord  of  Som- 
melsdyk,1  who  was  also  the  Governor  of  Surinam,  which 
had  passed  into  possession  of  the  Dutch  by  the  treaty  of 
Breda,  in  1667,  in  compensation  for  New  York,  which  was 
ceded  to  the  English.  This  seemed  to  be  the  most  desirable 
place  in  the  New  World  for  the  establishment  of  their 
colony,  as  it  was  the  only  possession  remaining  to  the  Dutch 
in  America,  and  their  colony  would  be  under  the  patronage 
and  protection2  of  the  friendly  Governor.  A  deputation  that 
was  to  report  on  its  availability  found  that  the  Governor's 
representations  were  colored  by  his  desire  to  have  such  pious 
and  industrious  people  as  his  colonists,  and  in  reality  the 
Eden  which  they  expected  to  find  approximated  more  closely 
to  a  hospital. 

The  Labadists  next  considered  New  York  for  their 
purposes.  The  objections  to  this  place  were  that  it  had  now 
become  an  English  possession,  and  its  Governor,  Andros, 
was  a  Roman  Catholic,  and  they  were  afraid  that  under 
him  they  would  not  enjoy  the  measure  of  religious  liberty 
they  craved.3  Another  objection  to  New  York  was  that 
tobacco,  which  was  a  staple  product,  was  interdicted  by  the 
rules  of  their  society.  Especially  solicitous  were  they  as 
to  the  probable  measure  of  success  with  which  they  might 
preach  the  evangelical  faith  to  the  natives. 

It  was  determined  by  the  Weiward  assembly  to  send 
two  of  their  number  to  New  York  at  once  to  secure  land  for 
a  colony.  Peter  Sluyter  and  Jasper  Danckers,  both  promi- 
nent men  of  the  community,  were  selected  for  the  task.  The 
journal,  which  was  kept  by  these  two  men,  constitutes  an 
important  source  of  information  concerning  the  Labadists 
in  America.4  For  some  prudential  reasons  they  traveled 
under  the  aliases  P.  Vorstman  and  J.  Schilders.  Their 
departure  for  America  is  thus  noted:     "On  the  eighth  of 

1Kok:  "  Vaderlandsch  Woordenboek,"  subject  Aarrsens. 

2  "De  Labadie  en  de  Labadisten,"  part  II,  p.  132. 

3  "De  Labadie  en  de  Labadisten,"  part  I. 

4  "Memoirs  of  the  Long  Island  Historical  Society,"  vol.  I. 


32  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [302 

June,  1679,  we  left  home  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
taking  leave  of  those  with  whom  God  had  joined  us  fast  in 
spirit,  they  committing  us  and  we  them  with  tenderness  of 
heart,  unto  the  gracious  protection  of  the  Highest."  They 
arrived  at  New  York  on  Saturday,  the  twenty-third  of  Sep- 
tember. The  next  day  they  attended  church  "in  order  to 
avoid  scandal,  as  well  as  for  other  reasons."  On  the  follow- 
ing Thursday  they  received  a  call  from  one  Arnold  de  la 
Grange,  to  whom  they  appeared  to  have  brought  letters. 
They  thanked  him  for  an  invitation  to  accompany  him  to 
the  South  River,  and  replied  that  they  would  await  the 
Lord's  will  as  to  their  future  course.  Their  journal  is 
instructive  as  showing  the  manner  of  life  of  the  American 
Colonists,  unless  the  experiences  they  relate  were  excep- 
tional. A  night  spent  on  the  estates  of  a  fellow-countryman 
from  Utrecht  is  thus  described:  "After  supper  we  went 
to  sleep  in  the  barn  upon  some  straw  spread  with  sheep- 
skins, in  the  midst  of  the  continual  grunting  of  hogs,  squeal- 
ing of  pigs,  bleating  and  coughing  of  sheep,  barking  of  dogs, 
crowing  of  cocks,  cackling  of  hens,  and  especially  a  goodly 
quantity  of  fleas  and  vermin,  of  no  small  portion  of  which 
we  were  participants ;  and  all  with  an  open  barn  door 
through  which  a  fresh  northwest  wind  was  blowing." 

They  sought  in  a  quiet  way  to  insinuate  their  doctrines 
into  the  minds  of  those  whom  they  met  in  familiar  converse. 
Remembering  one  of  the  declared  purposes  of  their  com- 
mission, they  also  sought  every  opportunity  to  acquaint 
themselves  with  the  religious  conceptions  of  the  Indians,  and 
expressed  themselves  in  terms  of  indignation  at  the  frauds 
perpetrated  upon  the  natives.  "Although,"  sav  they,  "it  is 
forbidden  to  sell  drink  to  the  Indians,  yet  every  one  does  it, 
and  so  much  the  more  earnestly,  and  with  so  much  greater 
and  burning  avarice,  that  it  is  done  in  secret.  To  this  extent 
and  further  reaches  the  damnable  and  insatiable  covetous- 
ness  of  most  of  those   who  here  call  themselves  Christians." 

Shortly  after  the  date  of  this  observation  an  event 
occurred  which  determined  Maryland  as  the  place  of  the 


303]  Colonization  in  America.  33 

Labadist  settlement  in  America.  This  event  is  recorded  in 
the  journal  as  follows :  "From  this  time  (October  18) 
to  the  twenty-second  of  October,  nothing  especially  took 
place,  except  that  we  spoke  to  one  Ephraim,  a  young  trader, 
who  was  just  married  here,  and  intended  to  go  to  the  South 
River,  where  he  usually  dwelt,  for  which  purpose  he  was 
only  waiting  for  horses  and  men  from  there."1  Thus  is 
described  the  meeting  of  the  Labadist  commissioners  with 
Ephraim,  the  eldest  son  of  Augustine  Herrman.  They 
thankfully  accepted  his  invitation. 

Their  journal  of  daily  events  during  this  journey  is  not 
noteworthy  for  the  purposes  of  this  study,  save  as  it  com- 
ments upon  and  characterizes  the  Quakers,  for  whom  they 
express  the  greatest  contempt,  notwithstanding  the  high 
esteem  in  which  the  Society  of  friends  was  held  at  Weiward. 
They  speak  of  their  experience  at  Burlington,  a  Quaker  vil- 
lage, as  follows :  "We  went  again  to  the  village  this  morn- 
ing, and  entered  the  ordinary  exhorter's  house,  where  we 
breakfasted  with  Quakers,  but  the  most  worldly  of  men  in 
all  their  deportment  and  conversations.  We  found  lying 
upon  the  window  a  copy  of  'Virgil,'  as  if  it  were  a  com- 
mon hand-book,  and  also  Helmont's  book  of  medicine,  whom, 
in  an  introduction  which  they  have  made  to  it,  they  make 
pass  for  one  of  their  sect,  although  in  his  lifetime  he  did 
not  know  anything  about  Quakers,  and  if  they  had  been  in 
the  world  or  should  have  come  into  it  while  he  lived,  he 
would  quickly  have  said  no  to  them ;  but  it  seems  these  peo- 
ple will  make  all  those  who  have  had  any  genius  in  any 
respect  more  than  common,  pass  for  theirs,  which  is  great 
pride,  wishing  to  place  themselves  far  above  all  others; 
whereas  the  most  of  them  whom  I  have  seen  as  yet  are 
miserably  self-minded  in  physical  and  religious  knowledge."1 

Further  in  their  journal  they  again  describe  their  ex- 
perience with  the  Quakers:  "In  the  evening  there  also 
arrived  three  Quakers,  one  of  whom  was  the  greatest  pro- 

1  "Memoirs  of  the  Long  Island  Historical  Society,"  vol.  I,  p.  153. 
2 Ibid.,  p.  176. 


34  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [304 

phetess,  who  traveled  through  the  whole  country  in  order 
to  quake.  She  lives  in  Maryland,  and  forsakes  husband 
and  children,  plantation  and  all,  and  goes  of!  for  this  pur- 
pose. She  had  been  to  Boston,  and  was  there  arrested  by 
the  authorities  on  account  of  her  quakery.  This  worthy 
personage  came  here  in  the  house  where  we  were,  although 
Ephraim  avoided  her.  They  sat  by  the  fire  and  drank  a 
dram  of  rum  with  each  other,  and  in  a  short  time  afterwards 
began  to  shake  and  groan  so  that  we  did  not  know  what  had 
happened  and  supposed  they  were  going  to  preach,  but 
nothing  came  out  of  it.  I  could  not  endure  them  and  went 
out  of  doors."  The  next  day  the  journalist  continues,  "The 
dinner  being  ready  I  was  placed  at  the  table  next  to  the 
before-named  prophetess,  who,  while  they  all  sat  at  the  table, 
began  to  groan  and  quake  gradually  until  at  length  the 
whole  bench  shook,  then  rising  up  she  began  to  pray,  shriek- 
ing so  that  she  could  be  heard  as  far  as  the  river."1 

The  following  day  they  record  their  arrival  at  New 
Castle,  where  they  were  welcomed  to  Ephraim  Herrman's 
home2  by  his  sister,  whom  they  describe  as  "a  little  volatile, 
but  of  a  sweet  and  good  disposition."  Here  they  met  Mr. 
John  Moll,  a  man  of  considerable  distinction  in  the  affairs  of 
Delaware,  and  with  whom  they  had  previous  acquaintance 
in  New  York,  and  who  became  one  of  their  converts.  Con- 
cerning- Ephraim  and  his  wife,  they  confidently  expressed 
the  hope  that  they  would  yet  bring  forth  the  seed  the  Lord 
had  sown  in  them  in  his  own  time.  A  devout  hope  which 
was  realized  in  the  case  of  Ephraim  to  the  sorrow  of  his 
wife. 

The  two  Labadists  next  lepaired  to  the  home  of  Mr. 
Moll,  expecting  to  be  met  there  by  servants  of  Casparus 
Herrman,  who  were  to  conduct  them  to  their  master's  plan- 
tation. They  digress  enough  in  their  journal  to  describe 
the  system  of  indented  servitude  which  they  found  on  Mr. 
Moll's  plantation  and  which  they  strongly  denounce. 

1  "Memoirs,"  pp.    182-183,   186.  2  Ibid.,  p.  188. 


305]  Colonization  in  America.  35 

They  proceeded  to  Casparus  Herrman's,  and  in  his 
absence  they  examined  into  the  suitability  of  the  "Manor" — 
St.  Augustine's — for  their  purposes.  The  next  day  they 
visited  Augustine  Herrman's,  meeting  Casparus  Herr- 
man  on  the  way.  They  describe  "Bohemia  Manor''  as  a 
noble  piece  of  land,  and  speak  of  Maryland  generally  as 
the  most  fertile  portion  of  North  America,  and  add  that  it 
could  be  wished  that  it  were  also  the  most  healthy.  They 
presented  to  Augustine  Herrman  letters  of  introduction 
from  his  eldest  son.1  The  worthy  Bohemian  appears  to 
have  been  attracted  to  the  two  Labadists,  and  assured  them 
that  while  he  would  not  consent  to  sell  or  hire  his  land  to 
Englishmen,  yet  they  might  buy  what  they  desired  cheap. 
Without  entering  into  a  definite  contract  for  the  transfer 
of  land  to  the  Labadists,  Augustine  Herrman  rendered 
himself  legally  liable  for  such  a  transfer,  so  that  on  the 
return  of  the  Labadists  to  America  with  colonists,  the  con- 
summation of  the  sale  of  a  portion  of  his  estates  to  them 
was  enforced  by  law.  "Bohemia  Manor"  was  free  from  the 
objection  which  they  made  to  the  plantation  of  Casparus 
Herrman,  viz :  that  it  lay  along  a  road  "and  was,  therefore, 
resorted  to  by  every  one,  especially  by  these  miserable 
Quakers." 

The  Labadists  proceeded  to  New  Castle,  Delaware, 
where  they  were  cordially  received  by  their  friend  Ephraim 
Herrman.  The  following  Friday,  Augustine  Herrman  was 
sent  for  by  his  father,  the  Labadists  supposing  the  sum- 
mons to  have  reference  to  their  proposed  land  transaction 
with  the  elder  Herrman.2  In  view  of  Ephraim's  friend- 
ship for  them  they  congratulated  themselves  that  this 
augured  well  for  their  prospects.  But  in  view  of  subsequent 
developments  it  is  probable  that  Augustine  Herrman's  sus- 
picions had  been  aroused  as  to  the  Labadists,  and  that 
he  sent  for  his  son  in  order  to  sever  his  connection  with 
them.     This  is  abundantly  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  the 

1  "Memoirs,"  p.  195.  %Ibid.,  p.  225. 


36  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [306 

Labadists  had  subsequently  to  resort  to  law  to  compel  Herr- 
man  to  hold  to  his  engagement  and  to  transfer  to  them 
the  land  for  which  they  had  negotiated.  Besides  this,  in  a 
codicil  to  the  will  of  Augustine  Herrman,  which  was  made 
not  a  great  while  subsequent  to  this,  provision  is  made  for 
the  appointment  of  three  of  his  neighbors  as  his  executors, 
instead  of  his  son  Ephraim,  the  motive  assigned  for  the 
change  being  that  Ephraim  adhered  to  the  Labadist  faction, 
and  was  using  his  best  efforts  to  proselyte  his  brothers  and 
sisters,  and  he  feared  the  Labadists  would  become,  through 
Ephraim,  sole  owners  of  all  his  lands.  Nor  were  his  fears 
groundless. 

Having  accomplished  their  mission  to  America,  the 
Labadist  commissioners  returned  to  New  York  to  embark 
for  their  own  country.  Until  their  departure  their  journal 
is  prolix  with  conversations  held  with  various  persons  on 
the  subject  of  religion,  some  of  whom  are  afterwards  met 
in  connection  with  the  Labadist  settlement  in  Mary- 
land. The  policy  of  the  Labadists  was  to  enlist  converts 
by  personal  converse,  and  not  by  preaching.  They  attended 
church  service  whenever  possible  on  Sundays,  for  pruden- 
tial reasons  alone,  as  they  themselves  admit.  They  studi- 
ously avoided  bringing  themselves  into  public  notice,  as 
though  fearful,  lest  the  object  of  their  visit  to  the  country 
becoming  known,  their  plans  might  miscarry.  While  await- 
ing a  ship  in  which  to  take  passage,  they  received  a  visit 
from  Ephraim  Herrman  and  his  wife  in  fulfillment  of  a 
promise  made  them  on  their  departure  from  New  Castle. 

A  notable  event  which  occurred  during  their  waiting 
was  a  visit  paid  to  the  Labadists  by  Pieter  Beyaert,  "a 
deacon  of  the  Dutch  Church,"  wThom  they  describe  as  "a 
very  good  sort  of  a  person,  whom  God  the  Lord  began  to 
teach  and  enlighten,  both  ir  regard  to  the  destruction  of 
the  world  in  general  and  of  himself  in  particular."1  This 
was  an  ancestor  of  the  Bayards,  of  Delaware.    He  later  left 

1  "Memoirs,"  pp.  343-344- 


307]  Colonisation  in  America.  37 

New  York  and  removed  to  the  vicinity  of  Casparus  Herr- 
man's  home,  and  was  subsequently  a  member  of  the  Laba- 
dist  community. 

On  June  19  the  Labadists  embarked  for  Boston,  intend- 
ing to  visit  that  place  before  starting  for  Weiward.  While 
at  New  York  their  reticence  with  regard  to  themselves  and 
their  apparent  lack  of  definite  purpose,  had  awakened  sus- 
picions and  surmises  concerning  them,  so  that  they  were 
variously  credited  with  being  Roman  Catholic  priests, 
Quakers,  Brownists  and  David  Jorists.  At  Boston  they 
surrounded  themselves  with  the  same  air  of  mystery  and 
were  suspected  of  being  Jesuits. 

John  Eliot,  the  missionary  to  the  Indians,  to  whom  they 
sold  copies  of  their  publications,  enjoyed  the  exceptional 
distinction  of  being  the  only  religionist  outside  of  their  own 
faith,  of  whom  they  had  a  favorable  word  to  say ;  due,  per- 
haps, in  some  measure  to  the  fact  that  work  among  the 
Indians  was  one  of  the  avowed  purposes  of  their  own  com- 
ing to  America.  They  represent  Eliot  as  expressing  him- 
self as  highly  pleased  with  the  principles  of  their  faith  and 
as  profoundly  grateful  to  God  for  sending  such  pious  people 
to  the  New  World.  On  the  twenty-third  day  of  July,  the 
Labadists  set  sail  for  Europe. 


CHAPTER  V. 
LABADISTS  AND  THE  MANOR. 

In  1683  the  two  Labadists  returned  again  to  Mary- 
land.7  bringing  with  them  the  nucleus  of  a  colony.  As  has 
been  stated  already,  Augustine  Herrman  refused  to  con- 
summate the  sale  of  his  land  to  them,  and  they  only  suc- 
ceeded in  obtaining  what  has  since  been  known  as  the  Laba- 
die  tract,  by  recourse  to  law.  The  deed  is  executed  to  Peter 
Sluyter  (alias  Vorstman),  Jasper  Danckers  (alias  Schil- 
ders,  of  Friesland),  Petrus  Bayard,  of  New  York,  and  John 
Moll  and  Arnold  de  la  Grange  in  company.  This  deed  is 
dated  August  11,  1684.1  The  tract  conveyed  embraced  four 
necks  of  land  eastwardly  from  the  first  creek  that  empties 
into  Bohemia  River,  from  the  north  or  northeast  to  near 
the  old  St.  Augustine  or  Manor  Church.  It  contained 
thirty-seven  hundred  and  fifty  acres. 

Those  who  were  associated  with  Sluyter  and  Danckers 
in  this  land  transaction  are  all  persons  who  have  been 
referred  to  before  in  this  paper.  They  were  all  professed 
converts  to  Labadism.  Soon  after  they  had  received  the 
deed  of  the  land,  Moll  and  la  Grange  conveyed  their  inter- 
est in  it  to  Sluyter  and  Danckers.  Bayard  retained  his 
interest  until  1688,  when  he  seems  to  have  left  the  commu- 
nity and  returned  to  his  wife.2 


1  "Baltimore  County  Records." 

2  He  and  Ephraim  Herrman  had  both  separated  from  their  wives 
on  embracing  Labadism.  There  is  a  tradition  that  Augustine  Herr- 
man pronounced  a  curse  upon  his  son  Ephraim  that  he  might  not 
live  two  years  after  his  union  with  the  Labadists,  and  he  actually  did 
die  within  that  time,  but  not  before  he  had  repented  of  joining  the 
Labadists,  and,  like  Bayard,  returned  to  his  wife. 

38 


309]  Labadists  and  the  Manor.  39 

The  advent  of  the  Labadists  into  Maryland  does  not 
seem  to  have  attracted  great  attention.  The  aggressive 
spirit  which  characterized  the  Labadists  in  The  Netherlands 
did  not  manifest  itself  in  the  New  World.  The  additions 
to  the  community  were  made  largely  from  converts  among 
their  own  countrymen  of  New  York. 

The  industrial  activities  of  the  Labadists  show  the 
influence  upon  them  of  new  conditions.  Slave  labor  and 
the  cultivation  of  tobacco  had  been  two  objections  advanced 
against  the  planting  of  a  colony  in  America,  yet  notwith- 
standing the  virtuous  indignation  expressed  in  their  journal 
against  these  practices,  we  find  the  Labadists  engaged  in 
cultivating  tobacco  extensively,  and  using  for  the  purpose 
the  slave  labor  that  was  so  abhorrent  to  them.  In  addition 
to  the  cultivation  of  tobacco,  the  culture  of  corn,  flax  and 
hemp,  and  cattle  raising  were  prominent  among  their  indus- 
tries. 

But  the  main  purpose  of  the  community  was  not  rapidly 
accomplished.  Their  maximum  development  but  slightly 
exceeded  a  hundred  men,  women  and  children.1  The  feel- 
ing of  detestation  for  them  expressed  by  Herrman  in  a 
codicil  to  his  will,  seems  to  have  been  very  generally  shared 
by  their  neighbors.  This  was  doubtless  in  part  due  to  the 
distrust  engendered  by  their  peculiarities  and  their  seclu- 
siveness  of  life.  The  peculiar  forms  of  the  Labadists  were 
not  favorable  to  the  propagation  of  their  faith ;  so  that  there 
seems  to  have  Been  no  attempt  whatever  by  energetic  public 
preaching  or  by  missionary  efforts  among  the  Indians,  to 
realize  the  hopes  of  the  mother  community  in  sending  them 
out.  The  spirit  of  zeal  for  the  salvation  of  men  that  gave 
rise  to  Labadism  was  not  manifested  by  the  Church  in  Mary- 
land. It  may  be  that  the  report  of  the  decline  of  their  faith 
at  Weiward  had  a  disheartening  effect  upon  them.  But, 
however  this  may  be,  the  fact  remains  that  the  Maryland 
Colonists  whom  the  Labadists  in  their  journal  describe  as 

1  Samuel  Bownas :   "Life,  Travels,  Experiences,"  etc.,  p.  g. 


40  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [310 

very  godless  and  profane,  were  little  bettered  by  the  coming 
of  the  Labadists  among  them.  Their  efforts  in  this  direc- 
tion were  confined  to  endeavors  at  proselyting  individuals, 
and  frequently  those  were  selected  for  their  proselyting 
attempts,  who  would  bring  some  substantial  material  bene- 
fits to  the  community. 

In  1698  a  division  of  the  "Labadie  Tract'"  was  effected. 
Sluyter  conveyed,  for  a  mere  nominal  rent,  the  greater  part 
of  the  land  which  he  possessed  to  a  number  of  the  promi- 
nent men  of  the  community.  He  reserved  one  of  the  necks 
of  land  and  became  very  wealthy.  In  1722  he  died.  Though 
up  to  that  time  there  was  still  kept  up  some  sort  of  organi- 
zation among  the  Labadists,  yet  the  division  of  1698  marked 
the  disintegration  of  the  community,  as  did  a  similar  division 
at  Weiward,  at  about  the  same  time.  There,  however,  the 
dissolution  came  by  consultative  action,  the  Labadists  return- 
ing to  the  Reformed  Church  became  a  leaven  of  profound 
spirituality,  and  their  influence,  it  is  affirmed,  never  died. 
The  dissolution  in  Maryland  came  by  the  logic  of  events. 
The  community  dwindled  into  extinction.  Five  years  after 
the  death  of  Sluyter,  the  Labadists  had  ceased  to  exist  as  a 
community;1  and  were  it  not  for  certain  prominent  families 
descended  from  them,  whose  genealogy  has  been  carefully 
traced  by  the  Rev.  C.  Payson  Mallary,  in  his  excellent 
monograph.2  the  community  on  "Bohemia  Manor''  would 
be  but  a  memory. 

"When  we  come  to  examine  into  the  cause  of  the  failure 
of  Labadism  to  permanently  establish  itself  in  the  New 
World,  we  find  it  to  be  attributable  to  that  assertion  of  indi- 
vidualism which  has  proved  destructive  to  all  attempts  at 
founding  religious  or  industrial  communities,  subsequent  to 
this  first  community  ever  attempted  in  America.  But  be- 
sides this  weakness,  inherent  in  the  communistic  system, 
there  were  particular  contributing  causes  for  the  failure  of 
the  Labadist  ideal.     Of  these  particular  causes  those  result- 

1  Samuel  Bownas :  "Life.  Travels."  etc. 

2  C.  Payson  Mallary:    "Ancient  Families  of  Bohemia  Manor." 


311]  Labadists  and  the  Manor.  41 

ing  from  the  system  itself  were  more  potential  than  those 
due  to  the  environment  in  which  it  was  placed.  It  was  con- 
cerned more  with  intensive  spiritual  cultivation  than  with 
extensive  propagation.  It  could  operate  more  successfully 
upon  those  who  were  longing  to  separate  themselves  from 
worldiness,  and  were  thus  responsive  to  the  profound  pietis- 
tic  aspirations  which  were  the  breath  of  the  Labadist  faith. 
The  Labadist  Church  was  not  a  pioneer  but  a  reforming 
church.  But  besides  this  it  had  as  a  heritage  from  its  foun- 
der, formularies  and  disciplinary  methods,  which  militated 
against  it  even  in  those  countries  where  it  was  originally 
developed.  The  communistic  form  of  religion  is  not  suited 
to  longevity  or  large  accomplishments,  and  must  ever  re- 
main a  Utopian  ideal. 

The  personal  character  of  those  at  the  head  of  the  com- 
munity would  of  itself  have  operated  against  its  success. 
Sluyter,  though  a  man  of  almost  morbid  religious  tendencies, 
was  yet  a  man  of  strong  mercenary  instincts ;  and  the  merce- 
nary motive  seems  to  have  gained  the  ascendency  in  the 
community. 

Had  Sluyter  been  possessed  of  the  strong  traits  of 
character  which  presaged  success  to  the  pioneers  of  Puritan- 
ism, Catholicism,  Quakerism,  or  any  of  the  other  vigorous 
systems,  which  had  already,  or  which  subsequently  came 
with  a  strong  hand  to  possess  the  New  World  for  God, 
Labadism  might  have  wrought  itself  into  the  religious  life 
of  the  Colonies  as  effectively  as  did  any  of  these  systems  of 
faith.  Yet  the  decline  of  the  Mother  Church  at  Weiward, 
not  only  had  a  disheartening  effect  upon  the  Maryland 
Church,  but  so  intimately  connected  were  they  by  the  Laba- 
dist polity,  that  the  downfall  of  the  communal  fabric  at 
Weiward,  meant  assuredly  dissolution  in  Maryland,  as  the 
Labadist  system  had  in  it  no  latent  possibilities  of  adaptation 
to  new  conditions. 

And  now,  perhaps  this  paper  cannot  find  a  more  fitting 
close  than  is  offered  by  a  glance  at  the  declining  fortunes  of 
"Bohemia  Manor."    Augustine  Herrman,  its  founder,  had 


42  The  Labadist  Colony  in  Maryland.  [312 

cherished  the  ambition  of  perpetuating  his  name  through  a 
line  of  male  descent,  and  desired  that  each  of  his  male 
descendants  in  the  line  of  primogeniture  should  incorporate 
in  his  name,  the  name  of  Augustine,  on  coming  into  pos- 
session of  "Bohemia  Manor.''  The  free  use  of  his  name,  or 
that  of  his  native  country,  all  point  to  the  supreme  passion 
of  the  worthy  Bohemian. 

He  made  fiis  last  will  in  1684,  and  did  not  long  survive. 
The  stone  which  once  marked  his  resting-place  is  now  en- 
cased in  a  wooden  box.  But  the  place  of  burial  of  Augus- 
tine Herrman  is  beyond  the  possibility  of  accurate  location. 

His  burial  on  his  manorial  estates  carried  out  a  pro- 
vision of  a  will  which  he  made,  and  which,  though  never 
proved,  is  preserved  among  the  land  records  of  Baltimore 
County.  It  is  as  follows:  "I  do  appoint  my  burial  and 
sepulchre,  if  I  die  in  this  bay  or  Delaware,  to  be  in  'Bohemia 
Manor/  in  my  garden  by  my  wife,  Johanna  Varlett's,  and 
that  a  great  sepulchre  stone  shall  be  erected  upon  our  graves, 
three  feet  above  the  ground,  like  unto  a  table,  with  engraven 
letters  that  I  am  the  first  seater  and  beginner  of  'Bohemia 
Manor,'  Anno  Domini  1660,  and  died,"  etc.1 

Besides  the  slab  of  oolite  bearing  this  inscription,  the 
devastation  of  fire  and  the  ravages  of  time  have  left  few 
traces  of  the  glory  of  other  days,  while  the  knowledge  of 
the  Labadists  has  become  such  a  fading  tradition  in  the 
locality  where  their  history  was  developed,  that  very  many 
who  have  been  born  and  reared  in  the  vicinity  of  "Bohemia 
Manor,"  have  never  heard  of  the  sect  which  once  flourished 
in  a  mild  way  under  the  broad  toleration  of  the  religious 
policy  of  Maryland's  proprietaries. 


'Baltimore  County  Land  Records,"  Book  I.  S.,  No.  I.  K. 


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Abrege   du   Veritable   Christianisme,   ou   recoeuil    des   maximes 
Chretiennes,  etc.    1685. 
Lamb,  Martha  J. :    History  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Mollerus :     Cimbria  Littera.     Tome  III. 

McMahon:    History  of  Maryland. 

Mosheim :    History  of  the  Christian  Church. 

Maudict :     Avis  Charitable  a  M.  M.  Geneve,  touchant  la  vie  de  Sr. 

Jean  Labadie,  etc.     Lyons,  1664. 
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Neil:    Terra  Mariae. 

Penn,  Wm. :  Travels,  4th  ed. 

Scharf  :   History  of  Maryland. 

Smith,  Wm. :    History  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Sjoerds,  Foeke:  Kort  Vertoog  van  den  Staaten  der  Geschiedenissen 
der  Kerke  des  N.  T. 

Strauch,  Herman:  Selbst-verlougnung  oder  dem  Selbs  und  dessen 
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Schotel,  J.  D.  T. :    Anna  Maria  van  Schurman.     1853. 


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VII 


An  Expert  Report  on  the  Philippines  by  the  recently   ap- 
pointed Commissioner,  Professor  Dean  C.  Worcester. 

"Every  page  is  hot  with  interest  and  full  of  plums."  —  The  Independent. 

The  Philippine  Islands 

AND  THEIR  PEOPLE. 

H  Record  of  personal  Observation  and  Experience  with 
H  Short  Summary  of  the  FHstory  of  the  Hrchipelago. 

BY 

DEAN  C  WORCESTER, 

Assistant  Professor  of  Zoology,  University  of  Michigan. 
Recently  appointed  Commissioner  to  the  Philippines,  etc. 

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have  just  brought  out  the  fourth  large  edition  which  has  been  called  for  since  October. 
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exciting  chronicle  of  events,  varied  and  entertaining  as  a  story,  with  numerous  excellent 
and  unique  pictures." — The  Transcript. 

"  It  comes  from  a  trained  observer,  who  speaks  not  for  himself  alone,  but  for  the 
two  expeditions  to  which  he  belonged,  and  a  third  to  whose  traditions  he  succeeded. 
.  .  .  As  a  mirror  of  the  islands  and  their  people,  nothing  could  be  better,  more  life- 
like, or  crowded  with  more  of  the  human  interest  of  real  life." — The  Independent. 

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The  Lesson  of  Popular  Government. 

By  GAMALIEL  BRADFORD,  A.B.  (Harvard). 
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This  book  might  be  called  a  Defence  of  Democracy.  It  points  out  that  govern- 
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The  Development  of  English  Thought. 

A  STUDY  IN  ECONOMIC  INTERPRETATION  OF  HISTORY. 

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STALWARTS  AND  MUGWUMPS.— In  the  English  race  the  most  prominent 
psychic  distinction  relates  to  the  sensory  and  motor  development  of  men.  The 
stalwarts  love  activity  and  are  impressed  by  clear  ideals  and  bold  principles. 
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stalwarts  are  religious  and  economic.  The  political  and  social  struggles  of  the 
present  time  are  due  to  these  opposing  views,  and  the  direction  of  future 
progress  depends  upon  which  of  them  becomes  dominant. 


Mr.  Watson's  Story  of  France, 

From  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Consulate  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 
By  the  Hon.  THOMAS  E.  WATSON. 

In  two  Volumes,  Medium  8vo.     Vol.  I,  $2.50.    Vol.  II  in  Press. 

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the  interest  steadily  grows." 

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"The  public  will  await  it  impatiently.  Therein,  of  course,  the  author  will  describe 
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MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT  IN  ENGLAND.    By  Dr.  Albert  Shaw. 

SOCIAL  WORK  IN  AUSTRALIA  AND  LONDON.    By  William  Grey. 

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XII 


NEW  EXTRA  VOLUMES 

JOHNS  HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY  STUDIES 

IN 

HISTORICAL  AND  POLITICAL  SCIENCE. 
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400  pages,  8vo.     Cloth,  $2.00. 


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XIII 


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IN 

Historical  and  Political  Science. 

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PROSPECTUS  OF  SEVENTEENTH  SERIES 
1899. 


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50  cents. 

History  of  Slavery  in  North  Carolina,    By  J.  S.  Bassett. 

History  of  Slavery  in  Virginia,    By  J.  C.  Ballagh. 

The  Separatists  of  Zoar,    By  George  B.  Landis. 

Early  Development  of  the   Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal 
Project,    By  George  W.  Ward. 

The  Admission  of  Iowa  into  the  Union,     By  J.  A.  James. 

The  Colonial  Executive  Prior  to  the  Restoration,    By  P.  L. 

Kaye. 

The  History  of  Suffrage  in  Virginia,    By  J.  A.  C.  Chandler. 

EXTRA  VOLUMES.     1899. 

The  Financial  History  of  Baltimore,    By  J.  H.  Hollander. 
#2.00. 

Studies  in  State  Taxation  with  Particular  Beference  to 
the  Southern  States,    Edited  by  J.  H.  Hollander. 


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