Theology and Worship in Elam and Achaemenid Iran

am

Theology and Worship

in Elam and

Achaemenid Iran

HEIDEMAR1E KOCH

ELAM

It is very difficult to say anything certain about
Elamite religion. Elamite literature is not avail-
able and the Elamite language still poses many
problems and uncertainties. We do not know
anything about Elamite mythology. Our main
sources of information are the building inscrip-
tions of the kings and consecration texts. They
can indicate which of the gods was important
for certain kings and for their policy. Hints con-
cerning the beliefs of the people can be given
by all the personal names which are preserved
(personal names often contain names of gods).
But legal and administrative documents, which
also contain many names, are preserved only
sporadically. However, although there are many
difficulties, it is still possible to gain an impres-
sion of the Elamite pantheon if one takes into
consideration every occurrence of the gods'
names and looks at all the scattered material as
a whole.

The Elamites had close contacts with the in-
habitants of Mesopotamia over hundreds of
years, and for long periods they were ruled by
the Akkadians. Elamite kings brought statues of
gods back from Mesopotamia as booty. Akkadian
and Babylonian princesses came to the Elamite

court as a result of diplomatic marriages. These
are the reasons that several Sumerian and
Akkadian gods were also worshiped by the
Elamites.

Elamite Gods

The earliest attestations of Elamite gods go back
to the middle of the third millennium bce as
components of the names of kings. Under the
rule ofKingLukh-khisshan of A wan, a contempo-
rary of Sargon of Akkad (around 2334—2279), was
mentioned a vice-king of Elam, Sanam-Simut.
Thus, Simut is the first Elamite god to appear
in history. It is striking that he in particular was
called in later times "the god of Elam" (by King
Shilkhak-Inshushinak I [around 1150-1120]). In
another context he was addressed as "the power-
ful herald of the gods." Simut was mentioned
continuously over the centuries, especially in
names of the old Elamite period (up to about the
fifteenth century), but he never had an eminent
status. His wife was the goddess Manzat. Her
name has been taken as a loanword into Akkad-
ian meaning "rainbow." Like her husband's, her
name occurred in several old Elamite personal
names, some of them female. After 1050 she was
no longer mentioned as such but rather as NIN-
ali (or Belet-ali, "Lady of the city"). One of her

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possible functions was to protect pregnant
women, because the votive offerings found in
her temple in Dur-Untash (modern Chogha Zam-
bil) show women holding up their breasts. In
that case her main opponent would have been
the terrifying Lamashtu, who was responsible
for puerperal fever and infant mortality. In an
incantation text from Uruk, Lamashtu is called
" an Elamite." In Elam she functioned as guard-
ian of the temple.

Successor to King Lukh-khishan was Khishep-
ratep (about 2330), whose name means "the re-
nowned nourishers." Originally, this must have
been part of a much longer name, in which
Khishep-ratep took the place of a god-name in
similarly constructed personal names. Usually
the personal names were constructed as such:
"God X loves me" or "God X may protect me/
him." When these sentences, used as personal
names, became too long, they were short-
ened — and only the name of the god remained.
The plural "p" ending points to a group of gods.
And indeed there is known a group of gods for
whom king Untash-Napirisha (around 1275—
1240) more than a thousand years later built a
temple in his holy city, Dur-Untash. They are
called Nap-ratep, or "Nourishing Gods."

At the end of the twenty-third century, Eshba
(or Eshbum), governor of Susa (biblical Shu-
shan), consecrated a statue of his Akkadian over-
lord, Manishtushu (around 2269-2255), to the
goddess Narunde. She is to be found only in old
Elamite times. In Akkadian sources she is called
"the sister of the seven demons." There existed
two groups of demons, the evil and the good.
The good demons were also named the "Seven
Wise Men." Their sister was Narunde, who ap-
pears in incantation texts as resolved to fight
against the evil demons. In most cases she seems
to have been triumphant, for she became the
goddess of victory. Her accompanying animal is
the lion. A list of gods from Mesopotamia, called
"An-Anum," mentions a group of "Seven Gods
of Elam." Perhaps these are the seven good
demons, brothers of Narunde. In Akkadian texts
from Old Babylonian times onward, we also find
a group of seven (?) "Great Gods of the Sky"
called Igigi. This is a hypocoristicon (shortened
name or one of endearment) to the Elamite word
igi, "brother." Igigi also occurs as short name
and as component of a theophoric name (com-

posed with name of a god) (i-gi-gi-tu-ni-is, or
"Given from [the God(s)] Igigi"). It is tempting
to see in all of these terms the same group of
gods and their origin is Elamite.

In sum, Simut, "the God of Elam," and the
goddess of victory, Narunde, and two groups of
gods, the "Renowned Nourishers" (Khishep-
ratep) and the "Seven Wise Men" (Igigi), are the
first Elamite gods who are traceable in history.

A treaty between the Elamite king Khita and
Naram-Sin of Akkad (around 2254-2218) is the
earliest document preserved in the Elamite lan-
guage. At its beginning, thirty-seven gods are
called to witness, in first place the goddess
Pinengir and the "Divine Good of the Sky"
( d ba-ha-ki-ki-ip). Are these the "Great Gods of
the Sky," the "Seven Gods of Elam," the "Seven
Wise Men," the brothers of Narunde? It seems
likely. Perhaps they can be traced also during
the following centuries, when, for instance, King
Khumban-numena (around 1300-1275) men-
tions the "Divine Benefactors" ( d ba-ha-hu-ti-
ip-pe) or when King Adda-Khamiti-Inshushinak
(around 653-648) cites the "Divine Good"
( d ba-ha-ib-be).

The fact that Pinengir is summoned first in
the treaty between Khita and Naram-Sin has led
to the assumption that she originally was the
main goddess in the Elamite pantheon. Proofs
even for an early Elamite matriarchy, perhaps
reflecting in heaven the situation on earth, have
been derived from that text alone. However, the
existence of a heavenly matriarchy cannot be
corroborated by other inscriptions. On the con-
trary it must be noted that, strangely, her name
occurred so rarely. Extremely few personal
names were composed with her name.

Not before middle Elamite times do we learn
anything about her character. King Untash-
Napirisha (circa 1275—1240 bce) consecrated in
his holy city, Dur-Untash, a temple for Pinengir,
among others, and donated a golden statue to
her. In addition he built an astam for her. This is
a loanword from Akkadian astammu and means
"inn." Such inns served beer, and they func-
tioned as brothels as well. Like the Sumerian
Inanna (Akkadian Ishtar), Pinengir was obvi-
ously responsible for love and sex life. And like
the goddess Ishtar in Mesopotamia, she ac-
quired motherly features during the second
millennium, as is demonstrated by the many

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terra-cottas with nursing mothers that have been
found in her temple in Dur-Untash.

Toward the end of Elamite history, two kings
in particular venerated Pinengir. Shutruk-
Nakhhunte II (around 717—699) called her
"Mistress of the Sky, my god," and Tempt-Khum-
ban-Inshushinak (around 668-653) a l so ad-
dressed her as "my god." After that time she was
no longer mentioned.

Another goddess, called Kiririsha, the "Great
Lady," is found in an old Elamite incantation
text from Mesopotamia, as well as in personal
names from the beginning of the second millen-
nium. It has been suggested that at a certain
time the name of Pinengir was put under a taboo
and that from this time onward, she was called
only "Great Lady." However, this cannot be
proven. It is also possible that Kiririsha was her
cognomen or that it designated a different god-
dess right from the beginning. Kiririsha had spe-
cial connections to the city of Liyan (modern
Bushehr) on the Persian Gulf. Perhaps she was
a local goddess who gained influence over all
the Elamite country. At least in middle Elamite
times she existed as an independent goddess
beside Pinengir and had obviously acquired
much more power than her rival. In the texts
she is called "Mistress of the Sky," "Mother of
the Gods," and "Great Consort." Kiririsha seems
to have been responsible for combat and battle,
judging, by the votive offerings that have been
found in her temple in Dur-Untash, which are
mostly battle-axes. Like Pinengir, Kiririsha dis-
appeared in late Elamite times.

Next to Pinengir and the "Divine Good of the
Sky" in the treaty with Naram-Sin, there follows
the god Khumban. In the Akkadian incantation
series Surpu, Khumban is equated with Enlil,
"Lord Wind," the main god of the Sumerian pan-
theon. He rules over the atmosphere and can
bring about disastrous storms against enemies.
His father was An (Akkadian Anum), the "Sky,"
originally the highest Sumerian god but re-
placed very early by his son Enlil.

In Elam the pattern was comparable. In Surpu
the god Yabru is called the "Anum of Elam."
His name is preserved only in a single place-
name (ya-ab-ru-^ 1 ) and in one old Elamite-
Akkadian personal name. Presumably he was a
very old Elamite god thrust aside by his son
Khumban. It might be that Yabru was hidden

behind the common expression Tempt, or
"Lord," which is found in many inscriptions.
Tempt was used as a designation for various
gods, for instance "a merciful Lord is god Khu-
tran" or "Inshushinak, Lord of the High Town."
But on other occasions it seems to have been
the name of a particular god. In such a usage
it appeared very often in old Elamite personal
names. The legal documents of Susa from the
beginning of the second millennium, for in-
stance, include seventy-eight personal names
composed with Tempt. On the other hand,
names with Khumban occur only three times,
and those with Pinengir five times.

Tempt is the Elamite translation of Akkadian
Bel. In Mesopotamia, Bel also appeared as lord
of different cities as well as a particular god. In
late Kassite times he was often equated with
Marduk, the city god of Babylon. The female
counterpart was Beltiya, "My Lady," who in mid-
dle Elamite times was a distinct goddess in
Elam, too.

A hint as to the function of Tempt is given in
a rather late text, where he is said to let flourish
water and earth. Therefore it is possible that the
name of the old god Yabru, like those of Pinengir
and Khumban, had once been taken under a ta-
boo, and that subsequendy he was called simply
Tempt, the "Lord." Since we know so little
about this very old god, we cannot say who his
consort was. It might have been the goddess of
the earth, who is designated in the texts only
with the Sumerogram ki, but whose Elamite
name is Murun. As a recipient of offerings, she
appeared only in Achaemenid times, and the
Achaemenid sources described her in a context
combined with the Median gods. But the exis-
tence of a mother goddess must be assumed for
the earliest times. Possibly the function of the
old mother goddess had devolved upon her
daughter (?) Pinengir. The son of Yabru and ki,
the mother goddess "Earth," was very likely
Khumban.

Khumban too appeared very early in Elamite
history. It is possible that the name of the first
known Elamite king, who must have ruled at the
beginning of the third millennium, was derived
from Khumban. He is mentioned in the Epic of
Gilgamesh as Khuwawa. In later tradition he is
called Khumbaba. Over the centuries Khumban
occurred from time to time as a component of

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personal names, but he rarely appeared in the
inscriptions of the kings. As with most of the
gods, a temple was dedicated to him by the mid-
dle Elamite king Untash-Napirisha in his holy
city of Dur-Untash. He was next mentioned by
Adda-Khamiti-Inshushinak. We find here a phe-
nomenon comparable to what we have seen in
connection with the goddess Pinengir. Both are
old Elamite gods who initially were at the top
of the pantheon but lost influence over time and
regained only a portion of their original impor-
tance at the end of Elamite history.

There are also parallels from another point
of view. At the same time as Kiririsha, a god
Napirisha, or "Great God" — very often written
d GAL — makes his debut. In Surpu he is equated
with Ea, or Enki, the "Lord of the Earth," the
god of wisdom and incantations, who also sends
the streams of sweet water out of the earth. Illus-
trations depict him with jets of water coming out
of his shoulders. It is therefore also possible that
the Elamite reliefs, like those in Kurangun and
Naqsh-i Rustam, represent the Elamite equiva-
lent of this god, namely Napirisha. It is not cer-
tain if Napirisha was originally a taboo-name
for Khumban. We could assume a phenomenon
parallel to the case of Pinengir-Kiririsha and,
presumably, Yabru-Tempt. But Napirisha, too,
must have very early been regarded as a separate
god. The responsibility for the universe was di-
vided between the two gods. While Khumban
ruled over the upper regions of the air, Napirisha
was the master of the earth. In the latter function,
he rapidly grew in importance and superseded
his rival, Khumban. During all periods he must
have been a powerful god, and he was still wor-
shiped in Achaemenid times . Napirisha and Kiri-
risha formed a couple. Temples were often
devoted to both of them. In middle Elamite
times they were closely connected with Inshu-
shinak, with whom they constituted a triad, the
most powerful gods of Elam at that time. The
son of Napirisha and Kiririsha was Khutran. His
name probably means "Overwhelmer," so he
must have been a god of soldiers and fighters.

Let us return to the treaty with Naram-Sin. In
the text of the contract, following the enumera-
tion of gods called to witness, five gods are men-
tioned frequentiy, always in the same formula:
"Nakkhunte loves the king, to Inshushinak he
is subject, Siyashum, Napir(?), and Narunde the

king obeys." Obviously Nakkhunte was the fa-
vorite god of King Khita. Nakkhunte is also men-
tioned in one of the first places among the
witnesses. Nakkhunte was the sun-god of Elam.
He was equated with the Sumerian Utu and Ak-
kadian Shamash and had the same functions,
being, like them, responsible for law and justice.
The sun-god was regularly called to witness and
was guarantor of the observance of the judgment.
In malediction formulas he was asked to refuse
the evildoer any offspring.

In Mesopotamian mythology the sun-god was
the son of the moon-god, Nanna (Sumerian), or
Sin (Akkadian), and the brother of Inanna/Ishtar.
He was also closely connected with both of them
in his iconography. In Elam the moon-god was
presumably Napir, or "the God." If this identifi-
cation is correct, it would indicate that he once
had a very high standing. He is also mentioned
in the often-repeated formula of the treaty with
Naram-Sin (though in all occurrences partly de-
stroyed). Napir was a component of personal
names across the centuries, but not very often.
Writing with the logogram d EN.zu occurred
much more often.

We do not know much about the goddess
Siyashum. She may have been the "Keeper of
the Palace of the Gods." Besides having been
named in the treaty with Naram-Sin, she was a
component of two old Elamite personal names
and had a temple dedicated to her by King
Untash-Napirisha.

The most important god for King Khita seems
to have been Inshushinak, to whom he was sub-
ject. And at the end of the treaty, he puts the
entire agreement and the statue of Naram-Sin
made for commemoration of the event under the
protection of Inshushinak. So the importance of
this god is apparent in the earliest document in
the Elamite language. His name was derived
from Nin-shushinak, "Lord of Susa," and so he
was the city god of Susa. Therefore Susa must
in very early times already have been an extraor-
dinarily powerful city, since its god gained
influence over the whole country. For all the
Elamite kings as well as for the people, Inshushi-
nak was the most important god. He occurred
as a component of hundreds of personal names
and was invoked by every king.

In the list of gods, or "An-Anum," he is
equated with Ninurta. Ninurta was the city god

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of Nippur (modern Nuffar) and was believed to
be the eldest son of the god Enlil (who corre-
sponded to Khumban). Ninurta was responsible
for fertility and vegetation as well as for the wa-
ters abounding in fish. He caused the inunda-
tions in springtime that are necessary for an
ample harvest. Therefore he was of highest im-
portance for the farmers and was also called
"Lord Plough." On the other hand, Ninurta was
also leader in battle and a king. He was defender
against enemies from without and judge regard-
ing grievances within the country.

All these features fit Inshushinak, too. He had
a great variety of functions. He was addressed
not only as "Father of the Weak" but also as
"King of the Gods." For the general public, In-
shushinak was the most important god because
he determined its welfare. From the royal per-
spective, he was guarantor of the king's reign
because he fought the king's enemies and sup-
ported the king in his wars of conquest. Also, he
safeguarded right and order within the country.
In the legal documents from Susa from the first
half of the second millennium, he was, with the
sun-god, the first called to witness. Furthermore
both were also responsible for the execution of
the judge's decisions and for the protection of
votive offerings and buildings.

In old Elamite times, Inshushinak and the
sun-god (Nakkhunte, or Shamash) were often ac-
companied by Nergal . This Sumerian and Akkad-
ian god was ruler of the underworld, meaning
supreme lord of the deceased. He caused fever
and epidemics and controlled the scorching heat
of the sun that ostensibly caused reed fires. But
he was also a great warrior. In Mesopotamian
mythology Nergal was the brother of Ninurta, to
whom Inshushinak has been equated. It seems
that in Elam, Inshushinak rather early combined
the functions of both brothers in his person.
Thus Inshushinak's power, as lord of the under-
world too, increased greatly. His symbol was the
snake, the animal that, as offspring of the dark
earth, demonstrates in a unique way the ambigu-
ous, perplexing (and dangerous) nature of
this god.

In middle Elamite texts, Inshushinak appears
as judge of the deceased, accompanied by
Ishme-karab and Lagamar. Both names are Ak-
kadian, meaning "He Who Grants the Prayer"
and "No Mercy," which indicates the disposi-

tion of each. Both occur as components of
personal names. Itis understandable thatlshme-
karab was much more popular. In Dur-Untash
he had a temple dedicated to him; it was side
by side with Kiririsha and was given comparable
votive offerings. In Assyria, Ishme-karab was
one of the seven judges, but he was more im-
portant in Elam.

The power and importance of the god Inshu-
shinak for all inhabitants of Elam, from the most
humble up to the king, is quite clear from the
earliest times onward. So it is a striking fact that
he disappeared completely in Achaemenid
times. It is understandable, however, since as
protector against enemies from outside, he had
failed. Babylonians and, above all, the Persians,
had gotten the upper hand, and the Elamites
had become subjects of foreigners. Thus with
the decline of the Elamite kingdom, Inshushi-
nak lost all of his influence. In this situation the
old god Khumban was able to regain some of his
original power, though he had to share his place
with the Babylonian weather-god Adad.

Aside from these major gods, there were a
great many lower gods who are mentioned only
rarely. Among them the god of the river ordeal,
Shazi, had a certain importance. His role was
passing sentence. He who committed a breach
of contract had to go into the waters: "May the
god Shazi smash his skull!" In Akkadian sources
(often legal documents) Shazi was said to be the
son of the river god, but we do not know his
name in Elamite.

In surviving texts, the goddess Mashti is once
addressed as "Good Mother of the Gods."
Mashti has been compared with dil.bad, the
"Venus Star," but it is more probable that
the latter was Narsina in Elamite. King Untash-
Napirisha built a temple for Rukhu-rater and
Hish-mitek. Rukhu-rater, the "Nourisher of the
Legal Offspring," was presumably the same god
mentioned in Surpu as Lakhuratil. There he is
equated with Ninurta. But Ninurta corre-
sponded otherwise to Inshushinak, as we have
seen. Therefore Rukhu-rater may have been a
local god with similar functions. Khish-mitek is
otherwise unknown. That is also the case with
the god Tirutir, or Tirumitir. The deities Upurku-
bak and Khaterishni formed a couple. Upurku-
bak is in one text called the "Mistress of the Way
of the Nobles." Her partner's name has been

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found only recently; it may be translated as "His
Love May Become Great."

In addition to the gods, the mythological
world of ancient Elam must have been popu-
lated by many fabulous creatures, many of them
hybrids, half man and half animal. We learn
about them only from illustrations, above all on
seals. There they are working in the fields or
appear as "Masters of Animals" or alternate in
their appearance on seals as either subduers of
other animals or victims of them. In most cases
they behave like men, but in others they func-
tion as animals on whose back a god is riding.

A great many gods are known only as compo-
nents of personal names. We can only hope that
future research will throw more light on the fasci-
nating world of Elamite gods.

Priests and Cult in Elam

The primary administrator of the gods on earth
was in all periods the king. He was the leading
hunter, the first in battle, and the highest priest.
In the time of the sukkalmakhs, at the beginning
of the second millennium, the kings obviously
were themselves regarded as divine. (See "Susa
and Susiana in Second-Millennium Iran" in Part
5, Vol. II, for further discussion.) We find several
names of kings written with the DiNGiR-sign that
is otherwise the determinative for the names of
the gods.

Next below the king was a high priest. We
know only his Akkadian title, pasisu rabu. It was
his duty always to accompany the king, even on
his campaigns.

A common priest was called satin. As we can
see from early representations, the priests per-
formed the divine services naked. Sometimes
they wore long hair, or perhaps wigs; otherwise
they had high crowns with horns on their heads.
We also meet with priestesses. It appears that
their position was quite equal to that of their
male colleagues. They sold houses, rented
fields, and loaned money that must have been
their own. One priestess transferred a certain
amount of silver to her nurse. In legal transac-
tions priestesses acted as witnesses. The girls in
the "inns" of Pinengir presumably were re-
garded as priestesses, too. The income of those
establishments went to the goddess. The gods
and goddesses usually owned large properties.
For instance Inshushinak, Shamash, Simut, and

the goddess Upurkubak were landowners who
leased their fields and rented grain for their
fields' cultivation. ("Renting grain" meant that
a certain amount of seed grain was handed over;
it had to be paid back with a fixed multiple
amount.) They also functioned like savings
banks and loaned money. The sun-god seems
to have been particularly active in this domain.
Thus the priests were not only responsible for
their religious duties but also had to be skilled
managers of property and funds.

A sculptured bronze plate, dedicated by King
Shilkhak-Inshushinak in the latter half of the
twelfth century, depicts a ceremony called sit
samsi, the Akkadian expression for "rising of the
sun." In the middle of the plate squat two priests
without clothing. One of them is about to pour
water over the hands of the other as they perform
the purification ceremonies at the beginning of
the day. The water may have been taken from
the ewer that is standing beside them together
with two basins. A table for the offerings is to
be seen between two columns. On both sides of
the priests are temples. In front of the smaller J
one extends a holy grove.

High temples were built in the main cities.
Usually they were stepped, one block upon the
other, the so-called ziggurats. We know them
from archaeological excavations — at, for in-
stance, Dur-Untash — and from many illustra-
tions on seals and reliefs. Often they are adorned
with large horns. As we learn from the consecra-
tion inscriptions, the horns were made of wood
or alabaster and were often gilded. Gold was
used in abundance. Not only were golden stat-
ues set before the gods, but doors, beams, and
bricks were gilded. Adding further visual rich-
ness, the luster of the gold was combined with
bright colors. We get an impression of the play
of colors from the many glass rods that once
adorned the doors of the temples.

Much more common than the brick-built tem-
ples must have been the holy groves. They are
mentioned frequently in the texts. The holy pre-
cinct was fenced in, and an altar formed the
cult center. Several altars or offering tables that
have been found had drains for the blood of
the victims. Obviously blood offerings were a
major element of the Elamite cult. The kings
instituted periodic offerings. For instance King
Kutik-Inshushinak (around 2250) promised the

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Theology and Worship in Elam and Achaemenid Iran

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god Inshushinak for his temple in Susa each day
one ram at the high sanctuary, one ram at the
lower sanctuary, singers in the morning and eve-
ning, twenty measures of oil to anoint the door,
and silver and gold. (Apparently there was more,
but here the text breaks off.)

In addition to these regular offerings, the great
feasts were of special interest to all the people.
The most important of those feasts must have
been the gusum, which was dedicated to the
"Lady of the High City." We are not sure who
this lady was. Presumably the feast was a very
old tradition and originally may have been estab-
lished for the old mother goddess. Then it may
have been passed to Pinengir and afterward to
Kiririsha. At least in middle Elamite times, it is
most likely that the offerings were intended for
this last goddess. Adult fattened rams were
slaughtered in a certain ritual manner and obvi-
ously in large numbers because the feast was
also called "Feast of the Pouring Offerings."
Streams of blood must have flowed down from
the altars. This feast always took place at the
new moon at the beginning of autumn. In the
early period, this was at the beginning of
the new year. After the official sacrifices, there
must have been a public festival with singers
and music. The meat of the victims was roasted,
and everyone received a piece of it.

Music was always part of the Elamite cult. We
have mentioned already the singers who at-
tended the daily offerings at the temples, and a
seal impression illustrating a religious proces-
sion depicts musicians with harp, lyre, and flute
accompanying the image of a god.

A characteristically Elamite phenomenon was
the kiden. Every god had his own kiden, his
special charisma, a boundary of magical protec-
tion. This numinous phenomenon found its ob-
jective expression in a taboo-emblem. Among
its uses was the touching of evildoers with this
emblem before they were executed. In many
cases they died at the very moment of contact
with the emblem as a result of their emotional
response. In a wider sense, the kiden was also
the room in which the taboo-emblem was kept.
There witnesses were led before they were
asked to take an oath. In most cases it was the
kiden of Inshushinak, but that of Simut is also
mentioned, as well as those of less well known
gods such as Rukhu-rater or Kubuzzi. The Elam-

ites believed that a man must die if a god re-
moved from him his protective kiden.

ACHAEMENID IRAN

The main source for Iranian theology is the
Avesta, the songs of the Zoroastrian priests. Its
oldest part was formed by the gathas, which are
ascribed to the prophet Zarathustra himself. He
taught that there is only one god, Ahura Mazda,
the "Wise Lord." But, he warned, everyone must
beware of the "Lie" or the "Servant of the Lie."
Every human being should aspire to come into
the eternal kingdom of god, he taught. On the
way a person is supported by three archangels:
Vohu Manah, the "Good Mind"; Rtam, the
"Right Order"; and Armaiti, the "Devotion."

Opinions about the religion of the Achaeme-
nids are still quite divided. The main question
is whether they were followers of the prophet
Zarathustra. Until now our sole sources on this
matter have been the Greek historians, above
all Herodotus, who lived in the fifth century at
the edge of the Achaemenid empire. The inscrip-
tions of the Achaemenid kings provide some
hints about the beliefs of the rulers. From them
we learn that for Darius and his successors,
Ahura Mazda, the "Wise Lord," the god of Zara-
thustra, was the highest of gods. (See "Darius I
and the Persian Empire" in Part 5, Vol. II.)

In 1933—1934, during the excavations of the
Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago
in Persepolis, the capital of the Persian Empire,
Ernst Herzfeld found an administrative archive
of nearly thirty thousand clay tablets. Six thou-
sand of them are more or less well preserved,
but little more than two thousand have so far
been published. These tablets are from the reign
of Darius I ("the Great") (522-486). They are
written in Elamite and constitute administrative
vouchers from the heartland of Persia, including
the Elamite district (later Elymais) up to the
borders of Susa. This new material provides in-
formation not only about the economy and ad-
ministration, but also about the daily life of the
inhabitants and their religious environment.
Thus with the help of these original sources, we
are able to make much more precise statements
about theology and cult in Achaemenid Iran than
previously.

1965

Religion and Science

The Prophet Zarathustra (Zoroaster)

The exact years of the prophet Zarathustra are still
unknown, but he appears to have been active about
600 bce in Bactria (Bactriana), eastern Iran. He lived
among the Iranian nomads and their princely leaders,
who appear in his songs, the gaihas. Zarathustra be-
came a priest and began to teach that there was only
one god, Ahura Mazda, the "Wise Lord." Therefore
the magicians, the priests of the old Iranian gods,
were his greatest enemies.

Ahura Mazda is closely connected with a high per-
sonality called "Holy Ghost" or his "Son," who was
responsible for the "Right Order" in heaven and on
earth. The son is also the judge of the Last Judgment,
when the deceased must pass the bridge of decision

and either enter paradise or fall down into hell. From
this it is apparent that the teachings of Zarathustra
contain many "Christian" beliefs — six hundred years
before Jesus was born.

Under the reign of the Achaemenid kings Cyrus
"the Great" (559-530 bce) and Darius I ("the Great")
(522-486 bce), Zoroastrianism became the state reli-
gion of Persia. However, before long the evolution
of belief had brought about the reappearance of the
old Iranian gods. By the time of the Sasanian dynasty
(third-seventh centuries ce), whose rulers called
themselves Zoroastrians, the religion had altered in
many fundamental respects.

State Religion

Some of the tablets are concerned with expenses
for offerings. In this context several gods are
mentioned, various kinds of offerings are found,
and priests with Elamite as well as Iranian titles
are cited. At first glimpse the impression (differ-
ent names of gods and unknown terms) is quite
confusing, but one term, ( d lan), recurs very often.
The DiNGiR-sign ( d ) indicates that the term is
divine. Originally the Elamite word Ian meant
"divine presence," in the figurative sense of "re-
ligious cult" or in the concrete sense of "sacri-
fice." The tablets never say to whom the sacrifice
was given. Obviously it was well known to every
inhabitant of the Persian Empire and so did not
need any explanation. In divine lists the Ian has
the same status as the names of gods. Therefore
it is most probable that this special offering was
addressed to a particular god.

The Zan-sacrifice was the only one for which
regular rations were expended every month.
The amount of the rations differed from town to
town, presumably depending upon the impor-
tance of the temple or the size of the community.
Most common are thirty liters (27 quarts) of grain
or flour and ten liters (10.6 quarts) of wine per
month. That would be a daily amount of offer-
ings of one liter (1.06 quarts) of flour and one-
third liter (0.35 quarts) of wine. In some cases
fruits are mentioned instead of wine. On several
tablets the expenses for the Zan-sacrifice are

called "rations of the king." This term occurs
only in connection with the special cult offering.
Thus the king himself arranged the regular car-
rying out of this principal sacrifice. Therefore
we can conclude that it must have been the sacri-
fice for Ahura Mazda, the "Wise Lord," because
he is the only god emphasized (the one who
gave the king his power) in all the inscriptions
of King Darius.

The celebration of the Zan-sacrifice took place
over all the heartland of Persia. The Ian was
celebrated in the vicinity of the large cities of
Persepolis and Shiraz and to the southeast, south-
west, and northeast of Persepolis. Moving from
Persepolis westward toward Elam, it was found
with decreasing frequency. But in the border-
land and between Persia and Elymais, great festi-
vals for certain gods were held, apparendy once
a year. These festivals, which occurred only in
that region, must have had their roots in local
traditions. In the Elamite district of Elymais, the
Ian was found only in two places in the border
region. Otherwise there is no mention of this
special offering. This fact shows clearly that in
Achaemenid times, the Ian was no longer a gen-
eral expression for sacrifice but a particular of-
fering. And this sacrifice cannot have been
dedicated to an Elamite god, because the sacri-
fice obviously was extremely rare in that region,
where Elamites lived as the majority of inhab-
itants.

1966

Theology and Worship in Elam and Achaemenid Iran

The Priests

Various titles for priests are attested in the texts.
First there is the old Elamite word satin. Priests
with this designation were above all responsible
for Elamite and Babylonian gods, though they
also worshiped Iranian gods. The second and
most common title was magus, the "magician."
These Median priests venerated Iranian gods
but never Elamite or Babylonian deities. In addi-
tion they could sometimes be called framazdd,
or "outstanding memorizer," which was an hon-
orary title. It occurs only three times in the texts
that have been found, and in those cases, it was
in connection with old Iranian gods. Several
times a magician is called lan-lirira, "Celebrator
of the Zan-sacrifice." In such cases he was also
responsible for the Ian. That the administration
thought it necessary to emphasize this duty
shows clearly that originally the magicians had
quite different responsibilities.

The fact that they sometimes also were given
the title atrvaxsa points in the same direction.
This third title, meaning "He Who Lets the Fire
Grow," is purely Zoroastrian. A priest bearing
only this title was responsible just for the lan-
sacrifice, which is further proof that this offering
must have been for Ahura Mazda. The use of
the titles "magician" and atrvaxsa side by side
for one and the same person indicates that they
originally represented different cults. In the
time of Darius I, considerations of religious pol-
icy obviously induced the magicians to adapt
themselves to the Zoroastrian religion by includ-
ing it in their program. In this early period, how-
ever, they could not reach the high position of
the purely Zoroastrian priests who functioned
also as inspectors in the administration and were
called, for instance, to attest the correctness of
accounts.

If one takes into consideration all the facts
cited, it becomes quite clear that the Zan-sacri-
fice was the most important element of the offi-
cial religion. And it is rather certain that this was
the state sacrifice for the god Ahura Mazda, the
"Wise Lord." The religious policy of the
Achaemenids tolerated several other gods, and
they too received offerings from the state. Yet
the influence of these gods was of only local
importance. To point out the differences of the
above-mentioned gods from the official state reli-

gion represented by the Zan-sacrifice, we will
take a closer look at these gods.

Iranian Gods

The Visai Baga Most often mentioned in the
administrative tablets from Persepolis is the Vi-
sai Baga, a group of gods whose name means
"All Gods." They appear as early as the Indian
songs of the Rigveda, where they are called
Vishve Devah, which has the same meaning.
In the doctrine of Zarathustra, the Devah were
regarded as evil demons, and the gods were now
called baga. A memory of this group of gods may
have survived among the people. Thus the old
group reappeared with a new name, baga in-
stead of devah, and was worshiped once more.
Perhaps Darius referred to this special group
when he says in his inscription, "Ahura Mazda
with all the gods." Though the Visai Baga are
the most frequently mentioned old gods, in com-
parison to the Ian their occurrence is very rare.
The tradition of venerating them was preserved
in only one region, as they received offerings
in eight places in the district situated west and
southwest of Persepolis.

Several scholars have proposed to read not
Visai Baga but Mica Baga, meaning "God
Mithra." But such a reading is excluded by the
Elamite writing. Thus there is no proof that
Mithra received any offerings during the reign
of Darius. Mithra, who was originally the god of
"contract," the literal meaning of his name, later
became, as sun-god and victorious god of war,
the most favored god in the Indo-Aryan world.
His worshipers arranged festivals in dark caves
at night, during which they slaughtered bulls
and became drunk with hauma. This intoxicat-
ing drink was made from dried mushrooms; it
did not lose its effect until it had passed up to
eight or nine times through the human body.

The female counterpart of Mithra was Anahita,
the goddess of love and fertility. Zarathustra
fought a fierce battle against both of them, and
the fact that they did not receive any offerings
under the reign of Darius demonstrates that they
were outlawed in Darius's time, quite in keep-
ing with Zarathustra's doctrine. Both would re-
gain their former power only after some time
had passed, reappearing in the inscriptions of
King Artaxerxes II (405—359).

1967

Religion and Science

Zurvan, Hvarira, and Naryasanga The old
Median god Zurvan appears in the later Avesta
(texts from late medieval times) as god of infinite
time and as father of Ahura Mazda and his evil
counterpart, Ahriman. On the tablets from Per-
sepolis he occurs only in connection with three
places that lay close to each other. In the same
villages, the Visai Baga were also worshiped.
And in two places of the same region, offerings
were made to Hvarira, the "Genius of Sunrise."
In two others we find the veneration of Narya-
sanga who in the Avesta is called the "Messen-
ger of the Gods." The area in which these gods
were venerated lay west and southwest of Per-
sepolis, which must have been a stronghold of
the old Median gods.

Mountains and Rivers In the same district,
mountains and rivers were worshiped as gods.
There is no trace of this practice in any other
region of the Persian heartland. The reason must
be sought in geographical circumstances. In the
area in question, southwest of Persepolis, are
extremely high mountains and many important
rivers. In some instances the same mountain re-
ceived offerings in two or three villages, so it
can be assumed that they must all have been
situated in the neighborhood of the mountain.
Places in which the same river was worshiped
may have been situated farther from each other,
but in any case on the same river. The names of
the mountains and rivers regarded as gods sound
Iranian. Therefore this veneration of conspicu-
ous natural phenomena must have been an old
Iranian tradition, but it obviously had survived
only in this limited area.

Mizdushish, Brtakamya, and Thaigracish
In addition to the Iranian gods mentioned above,
only a few additional, and even more poorly at-
tested, gods occurred in the adjacent district to
the north. In two places on the Persian highway
leading from Persepolis to Susa, just before it
reached the border of the Elamite region, we
meet the goddess of fate, Mizdushish. She was
responsible for the welfare of the human beings,
and it is therefore astonishing that we do not
find her more often. But by Darius's time, all the
functions of the old Iranian gods had presumably
been concentrated in the one god, Ahura Mazda,

as a result of the teaching of Zarathustra. In one
case the goddess Mizdushish was celebrated to-
gether with the third month, Thaigracish. This
name can be translated "(the Month) of the Gath-
ering of Garlic." The fact that the month was also
worshiped suggests that other personifications
existed too. Indeed names of months were some-
times attested with the DiNGiR-sign.

In two other places, the god Brtakamya, the
"Fulfiller of Wishes," is mentioned. But the few
old Iranian gods who were to be found here
received not regular rations but only cereals,
wine, and fruits for a special festival, perhaps
held only once a year. Thus we can state that
Median or common Iranian gods were still wor-
shiped in Achaemenid times. They received of-
ficial rations for their offerings, but they were
very few in number and restricted to small areas.

Elamite and Babylonian Gods

Because of the Persian king's tolerance, Elamite
and Babylonian gods received rations for offer-
ings, too. However, they were venerated only
by the Elamites. Therefore they were found
mainly in the Elymais and in some isolated
places in the Persian heartland. (We should bear
in mind that Elamites lived all over the country.)
The old Elamite god Khumban, who was re-
sponsible for the atmosphere and for storms, ap-
peared side by side, or with the same amount
of offerings, with the Babylonian weather-god
Adad. In several places they were worshiped
together. On some tablets it is stated that the
offerings are destined "for the gods." In one case
"the gods" are described as Khumban and Adad.
Therefore one can perhaps assume that the
scribes always thought of these two when they
wrote "for the gods" in an Elamite context. Out-
side of the Elymaen region, Khumban was wor-
shiped in some places in the Elamite-Persian
border region, where he was the only Elamite
god receiving sacrifices. He also was associated
with just one village in the district southeast of
Persepolis. In another place in the same district,
the sole appearance of Adad outside of the Ely-
mais is attested. Together with him is mentioned
a god Napazapa, who is otherwise unknown but
whose name sounds Elamite. Napirisha, the
"Great God," rival of Khumban, was venerated
in three places in the Elymais and in four places

i 9 68

Theology and Worship in EJam and Achaemenid Iran

in the district southwest of Persepolis, which
must have been an enclave of his worshipers. A
number of other Elamite gods, who cannot be
identified, also appeared in a handful of places.
Some of them seem to have been responsible
for abundance of water and fertility.

Of the highest importance for the Elamites in
Achaemenid times must have been the special
sacrifice called kusukum, in which rams were
slaughtered. It may have had its origin in the
old Elamite gusum, which was celebrated for
the "Lady of the High City." As we have learned
above, the most important element of this festi-
val, too, was the sacrifice of rams. Yet here, we
find a decisive difference. As a general rule, the
Achaemenid administration never dispensed an-
imals for offering purposes, only grain or flour,
wine or beer, or fruits. However, the slaughter
of the rams was obviously very important for the
Elamites in celebrating their kusukum. There-
fore in all known cases where victims were
needed, the Elamite priests saved the grain that
they had received from the state and bought
rams with it. This practice clearly shows that
the sacrifice of animals was not intended by the
administration.

Outside the Elamites the kusukum is men-
tioned only once, and there the priest received
nothing but wine.

Summary

On the basis of the Elamite clay tablets from the
archive of Darius I in Persepolis, some funda-
mental questions of Achaemenid religion can be
elucidated. On the one hand, there clearly was
a state religion that found its expression in the
Zan-sacrifice. This was the official offering for
the god Ahura Mazda, which was arranged by
the king himself. The Zan-sacrifice was the one
that occurred most frequendy and was the only
one celebrated regularly. It was practiced
throughout the Persian heartland but occurred
at only two places in the Elymais. Aside from
the Zan-offering, some old Iranian, and above all
Median, gods were also worshiped, but their
influence was restricted to small areas where

they obviously represented remnants of local tra-
ditions.

The state distributed offerings for all of them,
as well as for Elamite or Babylonian gods, the
veneration of whom was centered in the district
of Elymais. But while there was considerable
religious tolerance, certain basic principles had
to be observed. Only grain or flour, wine or beer,
or fruits were dispensed, never animals for offer-
ing purposes. Thus we can say that, judging by
the sources currently available to us, the early
Achaemenids must have been followers of the
faith taught by Zarathustra and that sacrifices of
animals did not comport with their beliefs. In
this context, a god such as the bull-killing Mithra
was not worthy of worship.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

walther hinz, Lost World ofElam: Re-Creation of a
Vanished Civilization, translated by Jennifer barnes
(1972), "Religion in Ancient Elam," in The Cambridge
Ancient History, vol. 1, pt. 2, Early History of the
Middle East (3rd ed. 1971), and Darius und die Perser,
vols. 1 (1976) and 2 (1979); Walter hinz and heide-
marie koch, Elamisches Worterbuch, vols. 1 and 2,
Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, Erganzungs-
band 17 (1987); Stanley insler, tra ns., The
Gathas of Zarathustra, Acta Iranica 8 (1975); heide-
marie koch, Die religiosen Verhdltnisse der Dareios-
zeit: Untersuchungen an Hand der elamischen
Persepolistafelchen, Gottinger Orientforschungen
III. Reihe: Iranica, Bd. 4 (1977), "Gotter und ihre Ver-
ehrung im achamenidischen Persien," Zeitschriftfur
Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archaologie 77,
no. 2(1987), VerwaltungundWirtschaftimpersischen
Kernland zur Zeit der Achameniden, Beih. zum Tii-
binger Adas des Vorderen Orients, Reihe B Nr. 89
(1990), "Zu Religion und Kulten im persischen Kern-
land," in La Religion iranienne a I'epoque acheme-
nide: Actes du Colloque de Liege 11 decembre 198/,
edited by jean kellens (1991); and Es kundet Dareios
der Konig . . . Vom Leben im persischen Grossreich,
Kulturgeschichte derAntiken Welt, Bd. 55 (1992); and
Ursula seidl, Die elamischen Felsreliefs von Kuran-
gun und Naqs-e Rustam, Iranische Denkmaler, Lie-
ferung 12, Reihe 4, Iranische Felsreliefs (1986).

See also Theology, Priests, and Worship in Ancient Egypt (Part 8, Vol.
Ill); Theologies, Priests, and Worship in Ancient Mesopotamia (Part 8,
Vol. Ill); and Theology, Priests, and Worship in Hittite Anatolia (Part
8, Vol. III).

-^969