Cantors Assembly Journal of Synagogue Music

JOURNAL

OF SYNAGOGUE MUSIC

October 1977 /Tishri 5738

Volume VII

Number 4

The Influence of Salomone ROSSI'S Music (Part One)

Daniel Chazanoff 3

Commissioning Contemporary Composers To Write
For The Synagogue The Historical Contribution
of HAZZAN David Putterman Sam Pessaroff 7

The Influence of German-J ewish Composers On The

American Synagogue Herbert Fromm 15

Copyright : Protection for Intellectual Creativity

Norman H. Warembud 31

DE PARTME NT

Music Section

Compositions From The Repertoire of
Hazzan Gershon Shaposhnik

From Our Readers

J ournal of synagogue music, Volume VII, Number 4

October 1977 /Tishri 5738

editor : Morton Shames

managing editor : Samuel Rosenbaum

editorial BOAR D:J acob Barkin, Gerald H. Hanig, Morton Kula,
Abraham Lubin, Benjamin Z. Maissner, Saul Masds, Morton S.
Shanok, Abraham Shapiro, Pinchas Spiro, Max Wohlberg.

business manager : Yehuda M andd

officers of the cantors asse mbl y: Kurt Silberman, President;
Morton Shames, Vice President; Abraham Shapiro, Treasurer ;
Bruce Wetxler, Secretary ; Samuel Rosenbaum, Executive Vice
President.

journal of synagogue musiC is a quarterly publication. The sub-
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Copyright <© 1977, Cantors Assembly

3
THE INFLUENCE OF SALOMONE ROSSI'S MUSIC (Rait I)

Daniel Chazanoff

In spite of Leone de Modena's efforts to rally support and
acceptance for Rossi's synagogue works, the thirty-three psalms
faded into oblivion with Rossi's death C. 1628. The same was also
true of his secular works for a period of two hundred years. This
should come as no surprise, if one considers, that the works of the
great J ohann Sebastian Bach lay dormant for a period of one hun-
dred years, after his death, in 1750. Thanks to the work of Felix
Mendelssohn and his society, the Bach Gesellschaft, all of Bach's
works were collected and madeavailablethrough publication.
Locating Rossi's Vocal Works

Several people were responsible for the revival of interest in
Rossi's works. According to Sendrey, "... the musically inclined
Baron Edmond de Rothchild came upon a batch of scattered parts of
Rossi's vocal works . . " 1 during a trip to Italy. He brought these
to Paris and urged Samuel Naumbourg, cantor of the Great Syn-
agogue of Paris, to publish them.2 The availability of only isolated
parts and the lack of a complete score presentedobstacles to publi-
cation. It should be pointed out that only separate parts were printed
during Rossi's time.3

By chance, the Chief Rabbi of Mantua, Marco Mortara, learned
of Naumbourg's problem. He responded by placing, at Naumbourg's
disposal, an almost complete col lection of Rossi's works. The collec-
tion was housed in his synagogue's library which contained bundles
of ancient sacred music.4

Dr. Daniel Chazanoff is the former Director of Music for the
City School District of Rochester, New York. He has more than two
decades of experience as teacher, conductor, performer and admin-
istrator. He is a first-rate cellist, having served at the first desks of
The Birmingham Symphony, the Berkshire Music Festival among
others. His name and accomplishments have been included in the
8th edition of the "International Who's Who in Music", Cambridge,
London.

This is the seventh in a series of articles on the music of
Salomone Rossi. Dr. Chazanoff's studies on Rossi were made possible
by a grant from the National Foundation for Jewish Culture.

Another person who came to the aid of Naumbourg was Gaetano
Gaspari, librarian at the Library of Bologna, which owned two
collections of Rossi's madrigals. Both collections were lent to
Naumbourg. 5

With the help of the composer, Vincent d'lndy, Naumbourg
published the first modern edition of Salomone Rossi's vocal works,
in 1877. 6 It was in score form and used modern notation ; d'l ndy
takes credit for transcribing the notation.' The edition, in two vol-
umes, included Rossi's thirty-three psalms 8 and a collection of his
madrigals for five voices, drawn, eleven each, from the First and
Second Books of Madrigals. 9 Volume I contained the psalms and
Volume II, the madrigals. 10

Reactions to Rossi's "Hashirim"

In spite of any errors found in the edition, Naumbourg deserves
praise "... for having been the first to promote the revival of
Rossi's work . . . "11 From this beginning there developed an interest
in Rossi's instrumental works through musicological research.

Referring to the thirty-three psalms, Idelson says, "... for
if they have no practical value for J ewish music, they have historical
value as music by a Jew." 12 In saying this, Idelson echoed the senti-
ment of Heyman Steinthal, a distinguished scholar, whose essay
on J ewish music stated, "Let our descendants, the future generation,
know that our ancestors sang, be it even of foreign origin. Let the
future generations know the participation of our ancestors in gen-
eral culture and its influence upon them." 13

The statements of Idelson and Steinthal raise a number of
questions. To begin, neither statement grasps the implications of
Rossi's Hashirim as a landmark in the history of synagogue music.
From the standpoint of texture, Rossi's thirty-three psalms moved
Hebraic music from a purely monophonic texture to a polyphonic
texture. The church had a tradition of polyphonic music which began
in the 12th Century; in contrast, Hebraic music and a monophonic
texture were synonymous from Abraham, the first Jew, to the time
of Rossi. Small wonder that Rossi's psalms encountered resistance in
the synagogue; the impact of three to eight part writing must have
been staggering to the synagogue congregation of Rossi's time. In
this context, Cecil Roth says, "It is noteworthy that the composer's
sacred music is technically far more simple than his secular composi-
tions . . . perhaps to make easier its performance in the synagogue
by relatively untrained persons." 14 Roth's premise does not seem

likely because a number of J ews from the ghetto of Mantua par-
ticipated musically at the Court of the Gonzagas where Rossi's
madrigals were sung. It is more likely that Rossi had in mind the
untrained ears of laymen, in synagogues, who would listen to the
performances of his sacred music; instead of one sound at a time
they would have to listen to three or more sounds at once. In the
synagogue of Rossi's time, "... singing still consisted of a solo
performance'"" by the cantor, with the congregation singing in
unison. 16 Where a choir existed, "... it sang the responses or ac-
companied the cantor."" In all probability the sounds of polyphonic
music were alien to the synagogue service. Gradenwitz, in spite of
the resistance, feels that "... none of the greater 19th Century
composers have created works that had a decisive bearing on the
history of Hebrew music as did Salomone Rossi in 17th Century
Italy.""

Historically, two facets of tradition appear to be obscured by
the lack of acceptance given to Rossi's synagogue music in his day.
The first, is the requirement of a continuum which is necessary to
establish any new idea. As pointed out by this writer, the church
enjoyed a long tradition of polyphonic music which the synagogue
did not. The death of Rossi, around 1628, may have interrupted a
continuum of performance given to his synagogue works. The sec-
ond is the introduction of part singing, by Rossi, using non-Hebraic
motifs. His use of Italianesque Renaissance melodies probably dis-
turbed those in the synagogue who sought the roots of their tradition.

Influence of the "Hashirim"

In any event, Rossi's introduction of the Italian style in the
synagogue influenced congregations in Central and Northern Europe
during the 18th and 19th centuries "... through choral singing in
parts or in octaves and even instrumental music ...".18 It is not
far-fetched to say that Ernest Bloch's "Sacred Service," a 20th
Century Hebraic work for solo voice, chorus and instruments can
be traced to Rossi's innovations-given two musical styles which are
poles apart. While it happened on foreign soil, Rossi brought "... the
spirit of the musical Renaissance into the service of the synagogue." 19
Rossi's Madrigals as Models for Study

On the subject of Rossi's secular vocal works, it should be
pointed out that his madrigals were used as models for study by
Northern European composers, including the great 17th Century
German, Heinrich Schutz, who studied with Gabriel I i in Venice."

The most extensive view of Italian madrigal literature is found in a
two volume collection entitled, "Ciardino no/a bellisimo di varii
fiori musicali scidti ssi mi "of 1605-1606. 21 This collection was put
together by Melchior Borchgrevink, Court Kapellmeister to the
famed Danish King, Christain IV; Borchgrevink had studied with
Gabrielli in 1599.22 Salomone Rossi's madrigals are included along
with those of his colleague, Claudio Monteverdi and others. 23

According to Gradenwitz, the various editions of Rossi's madri-
gals and instrumental works ". .. reached the courts of all European
countries ... f 24 where they can still be found. One notable example
is the library of the King of Portugal which was unfortunately
burned in 1755; it contained the entire works of the composer as is
confirmed by the extant catalogue. 25

FOOTNOTES

1. Alfred Sendrey, The Music of the Jews in the Diaspora, (New York: Thomas

YosclolT. 1970'). P. 275.

2. Ibid

3. A. Z. Idelson, Jewish Music (New York: Tudor Publishing Company, 1948).
P. 265

4. Sendrey, loc. cit.

5. Ibid

6. Idelson, op. cit., P. 199

7. Sendrey, loc. cit.
8: Idelson. loc. cit.
9. Idelson, op. cit., P. 506, notes to Ch. X., 15

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11. Sendrey, loc. cit.

12. Idelson, op. cit, P. 265

13. Id I on i ins Si nulnl 1' 265-266

14. Cecil Roth, The Jews in the R enaissnee (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society
of America, 1959), P. 297

15. Rothmuller. loc. cit.

16. Ibid

17. Peter Gradenwitz, The Music of Israel (New York: W.W. Norton and Company.
1949). P. 162

18. Idelson. op. cit., P. 203

19. Roth, op. cit., P. 292

20. Hans Joachii i losei Heinriclt Schutz: His Life and Work, translated from the
Second Revised Eidition bv Carl F. Pfattcichcr (St. Louis: Concordia Publishins
House. 1959). P. 66

21. Ibid

22. Ibid

23. Ibid

24. Gradenwitz, op. cit., P. 137

25. Ibid

COMMISSIONING CONTEMPORARY COMPOSERS TO MOTE
FOR THE SYNAGOGUE: THE HISTORICAL
CONTRIBUTION OF HAZZAN DAVID PUTTERMAN

SAM PESSAROFF

My purpose in writing this paper, is to demonstrate to the
reader, an important method of perpetuating and refurbishing our
synagogue music. I will look at this practice through the eyes of
Hazzan David Putterman, a man who was totally committed to, and
laid the groundwork for, this method and, by his example, inspired
and motivated others to do the same.

When I first met with Hazzan Putterman, in his office at the
Park Avenue Synagogue, on May 20, 1976, I asked him how he
had conceived the idea. He responded that it was not original with
him, but was rather inspired by Salomon Sulzer, who commissioned
many composers to write for his synagogue, in Vienna, among these
Franz Schubert (Tov L'hodot, Psalm 92). Hazzan Putterman said
to me, "My primary purpose was to involve famous composers who
otherwise, would never have been interested in writing for the
synagogue." I felt I had to get these men of great repute to lend
their talents to enrich synagogue music."

Hazzan Putterman's first commissioned service was performed
on March 19, 1943, at the Park Avenue Synagogue. His goal was to
interest several composers to write a portion of a Friday Evening
Service. He gave each a prayer book and asked them to select those
prayers, in which they had a special, personal, interest, or which
attracted them from a purely compositional point of view. The com-
posers for this first service were: Alexander Gretchaninov (Rus-
sian), Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco (Italian-Jewish), Paul Dessau

Sam Peseroff is a recent graduate of the Cantors Institute of
the J ewish Theological Seminary of America and now serves as
Hazzan of Congregation Ner Tumid, of Pea body, Mass.

Based on an interview on May 20, 1976, with Hazzan David
Putterman, of the Park Avenue Synagogue, New York.

(now living in East Germany), Hugo Haim Adler, and Max Helfman.
The first service was performed from manuscript.

His next service was performed in 1944. The composers com-
missioned were David Diamond, Heinrich Schalit, Alexander Gretch-
aninov, Isadore Freed, Darius Milhaud, Max Helfman, J acob Wein-
berg, Paul Dessau, and finally Zavel Zilberts, who contributed the
M'ein Sheva.

In 1946, among others, Hazzan Putterman commissioned Kurt
Weill. Until this time, Weill showed no particular interest in writing
for the synagogue. I was curious to know just how Hazzan Putter-
man was able to interest Weill. Generally, in order to commission a
service, the first thing he did was to make a selection of composers
of whom he thought highly. Some he would merely telephone, others
he sent a letter, explaining his motivation, to bring into the syn-
agogue new music and creativity by contemporary composers of
renown. Each program was dedicated to "the enhancement of J ewish
worship, to a wider diffusion and utilization of the resources of
J ewish music, and to the encouragement of those who gave of their
lives and genius to its enrichment."

He telephoned Weill, who happened to be living in New York
at the time, and then went to see him at his home. Weill knew the
Friday Evening Service well (his father having been a Hazzan) , so
Hazzan Putterman simply asked what he wanted to write. Weill se-
lected the "Kiddush". Hazzan Putterman told Weill that he could
write in any idiom that he desired. Weill chose a style which combined
the Broadway musical comedy manner and the Negro blues which, of
course, is not surprising. He showed Hazzan Putterman the first
draft, and Putterman "fell in love with it." The answer to what I
thought a difficult question, was, after all, very simple. The point
that Hazzan Putterman was trying to make about the whole process
of commissioning was that it was very simple. "All you have to do
is ask." The composers are there, as it were, ready for the asking,
all one must do is to ask. Of course, there is a technique in asking,
which I will go into in greater detail.

In 1949, Hazzan Putterman commissioned a number of Israeli
composers in honor of the first anniversary of the State of Israel.
These composers lived in Israel, and since Hazzan Putterman did
not know them personally, he asked his friend Peter Gradenwitz,
the Israeli musicologist and composer who had written a book on
J ewish music, and was formerly the New York Times Israeli music
correspondent, to contact the following : Herbert Brun, Mark Lavry,
Paul Ben-Haim, Haim Alexander, Yehuda Wohl, Josef Rosenthal,

and Karel Salomon. It is interesting to note that Hazzan Putterman
was the first, to commission Israeli composers. This service was
performed on May 20. All of Hazzan Putterman's commissions, with
the exception of one, were for the Friday Evening Service.

On May 7, 1948, he prepared a program called 'The Faith of
Israel and Zion's Dream". Part of this service was based on the
following liturgy, while another part, utilized poetry appropri-
ate to the concept of Zionism. The composers who wrote works
based on the liturgy were as follows: Yedidya Admon Gorochov
(Israeli), Max Helfman (American), Jacob Shoenberg (Israeli),
and Douglas Moore (American). The composers who wrote special
pieces were J acob Avshalomov, 'The Prophecy", David Diamond,
"Longing for J ersualem", Robert Starer, "Faith", Suzanne Bloch,
daughter of Ernest, wrote, "Credo for Peace". All were performed
on a Friday evening.

Hazzan Putterman continued in this fashion until 1950, when
it became difficult to get a variety of composers to write a com-
posite service. It was not that there were no new composers to
commission, but rather, he felt, that there were very few "composers
of repute, who could make a worthwhile contribution." Thus, he
began to commission one composer to write a complete service.

Some composers declined, while others accepted; the point
being that regardless of acceptance or rejection, the composer who
was asked, showed a genuine interest, despite his response.
Samuel Barber was written to in 1945. On December 17, 1945,
Hazzan Putterman received a response to his letter. Barber explained
that he had recently been discharged from the army, and could not
readily take on any commissions at this time. He praised Hazzan
Putterman for his idea and said that he only wished that the
churches had the same thought. This response was fascinating and
enlightening. While Barber did gracefully decline, he did not simply
reject Hazzan Putterman's endeavor, rather, he praised it, wishing
other religions would adopt the same practice. Marc Blitzstein re-
sponded to a letter in 1946, saying that he would like to be excused
from contributing because he felt he was not very good at religious
and sacred music. He only wished he were, so that he could con-
tribute. Hazzan Putterman showed me many letters from Ernest
Bloch, in his own hand, who declined, simply because he had already
written his Avodath Hakodesk, however, he hoped that Hazzan
Putterman would use his Service, or parts of it at the Park Avenue
Synagogue.

10

In a response from Aaron Copland, he said that he "regrets
having to send this letter because I know that you (Putterman), will
be as disappointed as I am in having to beg off from writing a
piece for the synagogue in the foreseeable future." Hazzan Putter-
man wrote again in 1945 (his third letter to Copland) and he re-
fused once again.

Norman Delia J oio, in 1945, wrote that he would have to de-
cline ; he just didn't have the time, but "thank you for considering
me." Hazzan Putterman contacted Lukas Foss, who was extremely
enthusiastic and wrote a Hamauriv Aravim, and Roy Harris, (non-
J ewish) who wrote a Ml Chamocha.

Hazzan Putterman wrote to Paul Hindemith, who responded, in
1945, that the project sounded extremely interesting, and if he
happened to be in New York by the end of March, he would certainly
like to meet with Hazzan Putterman. The interesting aspect of
Hindemith's letter, is his reason for declining. "... as I have not
the foggiest idea about J ewish ritual music, I would have to study
the subject thoroughly before I could start writing anything. Un-
fortunately, that can not be done in the near future." Further he
said that he was committed to other works at the time. However,
Hazzan Putterman was persistent, and wrote to him again, and in
1947, met with this response. 'Your softly urgent admonitions and
my good intentions are a team of excellent potentialities, but this
year fate seems to be more adverse than ever. . I will be in Europe
over the summer." This, of course, would be in conflict with the
service. So, even though Hazzan Putterman was unsuccessful, the
composer Hindemith was vitally interested in composing religious
music. One other interesting aspect: the composers I have men-
tioned, with the exception of those who contributed to the Israeli
commissioned service, would accept no money.

Douglas Moore, head of the Music Department of Columbia
University, showed extreme interest. He was not J ewish, and knew
nothing of Hebrew, but asked for a prayer book, and chose to write
a Vayechulu. Apparently, he did much research, because, accord-
ing to Hazzan Putterman, he somehow learned there was such a
thing as a Vayechulu mode and wrote the prayer accordingly, in
Hebrew, no less.

Bernard Rogers was contacted, and at first declined. Hazzan
Putterman must have sensed a genuine interest on the part of the
composer, because he met with success the second time around, when
Rogers composed a setting to the 99th Psalm.

11

Hazzan Putterman's correspondence with Arnold Schoenberg
was extremely interesting. Hazzan Putterman contacted him in
California in 1943 and received a response, in which Schoenberg
thanked him (Putterman) for inviting him. "It would be a pleasure
for me to write such a piece if only I would not have to work so
hard, in order to meet the demands of earning money to pay taxes,
etc. I cannot promise that I could find the time to do it in the

near future. Please send me the text, in English, since I do not know
enough Hebrew .. How long should this piece be? As you perform
16 pieces in one service, I assume it should not be longer than five
minutes. Is that right? Maybe, if the text produces, at once, a good
idea which I can carry out in a short time, I might do it." He en-
closed a hand-written P.S., in which he spoke of his "Kol Niclne 1 ',
which he advised could be arranged for a smaller orchestration.

Hazzan Putterman wrote again, and on December 15, 1943,
received a letter in which Schoenberg firstly apologized for being
tardy in responding, saying that it was partly because he had much
difficulty in deciding what to compose (Putterman sent Schoenberg
a prayer book as he had requested), and to the greater part, because
of much he had to attend to. He says, 'The texts you furnished me
are much too long and I am inclined to write something closer to our
present day's feelings." (It must be remembered that this was in
1943, during the war, in which he lost a niece in the concentration
camps). He continued, "I have succeeded in compiling some words
from various places, and in varying them, could produce something
which I might compose, if there is no objection from your side. It is
still subject to some changes and improvements." He then listed
specific verses from Exodus, Psalms, and the texts which are ap-
plicable to the Holocaust and to World War II. Hazzan Putterman
responded, telling him the only texts that he could use were those
which came from the M aariv service.

Hazzan Putterman admitted to me that "... I lost an oppor-
tunity. I should have said yes!! Compose anything you like and we
will do it." It must be remembered that this was the first year that
Hazzan Putterman began commissioning, so he was, in a sense, a
neophyte. He said, " . so I didn't have enough sense at the time."
Later, there was more correspondence between the two men. Haz-
zan Putterman wrote him, in October 1944, and in February 1945,
finally evoking a response from Schoenberg in November 1945, in
which he selected a piece to set, Mi Chamocha. However, in J anu-

12

ary 1946, Schoenberg wrote back to say that he was unable to com-
pose the Ml Chamocha. Hazzan Putter-man regrets that he "... lost
a classical opportunity."

Hazzan Putterman also wrote to William Schuman, then pres-
ident of the J uilliard School of Music, and received a response in
1947, in which he wrote, "Unfortunately pressure of my duties
here at the school, together with my desire to complete several com-
positions now in preparation, make it impossible for me to accept
any new commitments at this time."

He wrote Virgil Thomson and received this response. "I am
honored. . . if I were more familiar with the J ewish liturgy, I should
be delighted to do so. Unfortunately, it is a domain in which my
musical knowledge is less extensive than I wish it were. Many thanks
for the compliment all the same."

Another interesting matter is that Stefan Wolpe wrote a Yig-
dal for Hazzan Putterman which he (Putterman), had programmed
but could not perform, because the piece was too difficult. Hazzan
Putterman still has the work in Wolpe's own hand-written manu-
script. Hazzan Putterman told me that it would involve too much
work and rehearsal to perform it properly.

I then posed to him the following question. "I agree that all you
have to do is ask; but just how important are the credentials of the
commissioner?" I pointed out that Hazzan Putterman, at that time,
already had a considerable reputation. Were his reputation, and the
fact that he was the hazzan of the Park Avenue Synagogue, instru-
mental in producing his successes? To this Hazzan Putterman re-
sponded, "It's not for me to say whether my reputation was that
important to these composers, or whether they had heard of me, or
the Park Avenue Synagogue, or heard of my accomplishments. I,
don't know. It was the letter in which I approached them. My very
first letter took me a very long time to draft. I thought about it very
carefully. The letter to these composers was couched in such words,
as to say that to the best of my knowledge, composers of their caliber
should be interested in making a contribution by their works, to the
enrichment of synagogue music. There was a need to open doors and
windows of the synagogue and let a breath of fresh air (musically
speaking) come into our service."

13

Hazzan Putterman stressed that his purpose was to get world
renowned composers who were accepted as great composers by the
general musical world. "Why shouldn't they contribute something to
the enhancement of J ewish worship, to the enrichment of synagogue
music?" The people coming into the synagogue would know that they
were hearing music by renowned composers whose names were al-
ready known through their works in the realm of general music.
He also stressed that he did not intend for this music to replace the
nusah hatefillah. This is an entirely different thought as far as
Hazzan Putterman is concerned. His thought was to do what Sulzer
did when he commissioned Shubert. He told me that he is thankful
that what he started in 1943, is no longer new. Many synagogues,
today, do the same. Whether the music is J ewish is a totally different
subject, as far as he is concerned. He told me he is opposed to Rock
Services. "It ruins the sanctity of services and the Hebrew text, as
well as its dignity." In Leonard Bernstein's Hashkiveynu, he points
out that Bernstein used jazz rhythms when he set the words be-
ginning with oyev-dever, but Bernstein knows Hebrew and uses it
appropriately.

Next, I posed the question of whether a composer had ever ap-
proached him and asked to do a piece. He responded that "I 've heard
from many composers who were peeved that I did not invite them."
While several composers were anxious to do a work, he points out,
it was his own intuition which advised him not to do so. He couldn't
give me a reason, "because when I commission a composer, I say to
them. . . you write whatever you want to write. If you want to know
about certain prayer modes, if you want to select compositions in
which there must be the nusah hatefillah involved, I will be happy
to inform you and to notate the nusah, for that particular prayer;
however, if you feel that you want to write it as you see fit, that's
entirely up to you."

There were several composers who were concerned about writ-
ing a service which would be practical, useful, and partially based
on the nusah, Hazzan Putterman told me. Federick J acobi was one.
Hazzan Putterman told me that he showed J acobi where the nusah
was to be used, and in return, J acobi taught him composition. Also,
J acobi had a heart condition at the time and he said, as he wrote the

service, that this was his last will and testament tothej ewish people.
Thankfully, he lived to hear his service performed, but died shortly
thereafter.

In summary, one can see that the practice of commissioning
is not as mysterious as one might suspect. The talent is there; it has
become evident that most of the composers are willing to give of
their talents. They are like p'ri hagafen, ready to be picked, but they
must be motivated. One gains wisdom through experience. As Hazzan
Putterman told me, given the chance again, he would never have let
Shoenberg slip through his fingers. A composer is an artist, and
temperamental by nature. Hazzan Putterman's success was due to
his intuition, the gift of knowing how and what to say, and determina-
tion not to sacrifice his principles. And after all, his purpose was
to preserve the sanctity of the service.

THE INFLUENCE OF G ERMAN-J BMSH COMPOSERS
ON THE AMERICAN SYNAGOGUE

Herbert Fromm

The theme assigned to me for this Conference deals with the
German-J ewish contribution to the American scene. I take it for.
granted that the term "German-J ewish" also includes the works
of Austrian composers.

Proceeding in the customary order I should begin with Salomon
Sulzer. Before doing so, allow me a short digression, for the sake
of historic interest. Sulzer, born in 1804, was not the first Central-
European composer of J ewish importance. He was preceded by
Ahorn Beer, born 1783, hazzan in Berlin, and one of the first cantors
who, aside from a fine voice, possessed considerable musical knowl-
edge. His manuscript of close to 500 numbers contains music for
the holidays and 53 different services for shabbat. The reason for
this abundance of music for shabbat is given in Beer's preface
where he says among other things: "If a person hears a tune but
once a year, it will be impossible for him to sing with the cantor
during the service, and therefore he will not be able to confuse the
hazzan. It has become a plague to the hazzanim to have members
of the congregation join the song." This remarkable statement is
still worth quoting while we have to admit that Beer's influence on
the American synagogue may only be found, if at all, in orthodox
worship.

Returning to Salomon Sulzer, we repeat what is common knowl-
edge : the three volumes of his Shir Tsion are the first fully organized
and artistic realization of musical settings for the liturgical year,
exerting an unprecedented influence on the development of western
synagogue music. Sulzer, even today, is held in high esteem although
much of his output is neglected in the American Synagogue.

This lecture was delivered at the "Conference on the Music of
the American Synagogue," in New York City, on December 1,1975.

16

Eric Werner, in the preface to the 1954 edition by the Sacred
Music Press, elucidates some of the causes for Sulzer's gradual dis-
appearance. It is Werner's opinion that the most cogent reason
may have been "a disinclination toward his music on the part of
many East-European Jews who, often wrongly, considered it not
in accordance with the musical tradition as they knew it."

Sulzer's choral numbers are generally in the German style of his
time, and it is characteristic that the works he commissioned from
non-J ewish Viennese composers, fit in without a break. Franz Schu-
bert's Tov L'hodot (a piece unworthy of the composer's genius) and
Wilhelm Wiirfel's Adon 01am may serve as examples. Both com-
positions are still heard in our synagogues.

Sulzer's finely shaped, expressive recitatives, often indebted
to the Polish tradition, still offer a rewarding experience. The
Hashkiveynu (No. 39 in the Arvit L'shabbat section), written in
the Phrygian mode, could be cited in place of innumerable other
examples.

The famous Viennese critic Eduard Hanslick wrote a laudatory
article on the occasion of Sulzer's 50th anniversary as a cantor. All
of Vienna honored "den alten Sulzer" who-in Hanslick's terms-
was one of the most popular musical personalities in Vienna.

Discussing the composer's Shir Tsion, Hanslick claimed to detect
a J ewish-Oriental idiom throughout the work. The fact is that the
choral numbers rarely show a Jewish birthmark, and it is sur-
prising that a critic as learned and astute as Hanslick did not dis-
tinguish between Sulzer's recitatives and his choral music.

Our first musical illustration is Sulzer's Avot, the beginning of
the A midah. It is in the major mode and has the ring of authentic
tradition. I used it in my Friday Evening Service Avodat Shabbat,
with melodic and rhythmic modifications and with disregard of
the bland accompaniment provided by Sulzer's son J oseph-well-
known first cellist of the Vienna Philharmonic Orchestra-who
edited his father's work in the belated centennial issue of 1905.

(Example No. 1)
[We give only the first page of each composition.]

11

Next in line would be Hirsch Weintraub, born in 1811 , son of
Salomon Weintraub who, according to contemporary reports, was
one of the great cantors in the history of J ewish music, and is still
known by his nickname, "Kashtan," in reference to his red hair.
Hirsch, also a cantor, turned into a composer of imposing skill. In his
work Shirey Beyt Adonai he kept and reshaped many of his father's
recitatives of distinctly East-European flavor. The choral pieces,
in spite of Weintraub's Ukrainian extraction, show him a faithful
follower of German music, as he knew and admired it in the works
of Sulzer. Weintraub indulges in fugues, canonic writing and cantus
firmus treatment of melodies, always with the sure hand of a pro-
fessional composer. Yet, every time I open these pages I get a musty
whiff of academic learning. The recitatives are genuine, but in mat-
ters of harmony, I cannot agree with Idelsohn, who vastly overrates
Weintraub's merit as an innovator.

It would be hard to determine how much of Weintraub's music
is still alive in the American Synagogue. Whatever the case, he is an
important figure and perhaps the best representative of a Jewish
liturgical composer who was comfortably at home in the traditions
of East and West.

To a lesser extent, both in quality and quantity, something sim-
ilar can be said of Eduard Birnbaum who succeeded Weintraub as
cantor, in Konigsberg, East Prussia. The first part of his awkwardly
titled work Amanut Hahazanut is mostly filled iwth recitatives, the
second volume offering extended choral pieces, generally simpler
in texture than those of Weintraub. Birnbaum's Hashkiveynu is still
a favorite with our cantors, in spite, or because, of its robust attempt
at a dramatic interpretation of the text. As a musicologist, Birnbaum
has a secure place thanks to his fine, sometimes pioneering, essays
on different aspects of J ewish music.

Louis Lewandowski, born in 1821, is without doubt the most
successful German-J ewish composer of Synagogue music. Sulzer not-
withstanding, his hold over the European and American synagogue
was without rivalry in the late 19th century. Even to this day, much
of his music has remained a staple in the repertoire of our synagogues.

What accounts for this favored position? The answer is four-
fold.

First:

Second :

Third :

Fourth :

a well-balanced mixture of traditional material with
freely invented pieces,

a musical craftsmanship not encountered in Jewish
music since the days of Salomone Rossi in the early
17th century,

for the first time in our history, the appearance of
fully worked out organ accompaniments which in
many instances do more than just duplicate the choral
parts,

and perhaps most importantly: a sweet and natural
flow of melody, schooled on the model of Felix
Mendelssohn.

It is this latter point which in more recent times has brought
forth criticism as to the J ewishness of Lewandowski's music. On this
score, I recommend reading what Hugo Chaim Adler said in his
introduction to the reissue of Lewandowski's high holiday volume.
"Lewandowski's style no longer finds universal acceptance. But a
J ewish composer and his work must be judged by the standards of
his time and the climate of opinion of his generation."

Here is a truth, that also applies to the J ewish composers in our
own time, who for the past forty years have followed new stylistic
trends, far removed from Lewandowski's ideals. No matter how free
the contemporary Jewish composer may flatter himself to be, he
cannot help being nourished by the musical environment in which
he happens to find himself.

I have always found great pleasure in some of Lewandowski's
stylized recitatives in his first publication Kol Rinnah Ut fillah, 'The
Voice of Song and Prayer". The second of the four settings of
V'shamru has long been one of my favorites. As with all pieces in
this volume, it is unaccompanied. I adopted the melody with slight
changes and arranged it for cantor, choir and organ.

(Example No. 2)

19

Siegmund Schlesinger, born in 1835, came to America in 1860
and gained enormous popularity by filling the needs of the early
reform movement. He provided complete services for the official
Union Prayerbook, but his music will hardly be found today, in the
repertoire of self-respecting synagogues. Without, discrimination,
he wrote in the style of second or third rate opera, not even ashamed
of putting Hebrew words under the music of Italian composers,
such as Donizetti. But let it be said in Schlesinger's honor that he
used the traditional tune for the high holiday Avot and gave it a
simple and sympathetic accompaniment in support of the voice.

A much more serious musician was Edward Stark, born in 1863,
who was active as cantor at San Francisco's Temple Emanu-EI. He
introduced traditional motifs to the reform movement, especially in
his high holiday services, showing himself an altogether capable
composer. His music suffers from broad-shouldered pompousness
and rhetorical gestures which are probably indicative of a sociologi-
cal phenomenon: the economic flourishing of the American Jewish
communities, in the early years of this century.

When mentioning earlier new stylistic trends that have been
pursued for the past forty years, I had especially one composer in
mind who added a distinctive and novel voice to the music of the
synagogue. The man is Heinrich Schalit, a venerable composer, now
approaching his 90th year*. Having served in Munich as organist
he was exposed to the music of the synagogue's cantor -composer,
Emanuel Kirschner, a conservative follower of Lewandowski, dedi-
cated to the preservation of the southern German tradition. Chal-
lenged to seek new ways, Schalit gave up an already recognized
career in the field of secular music, and began to write liturgical
works. It turned into a sacred calling dominating his life to the almost
complete exclusion of any other music forms. His basic achievement,
called Fretag Abend Liturgie, appeared in Germany in 1932 and
was revised and newly published in this country in 1951, under the
title Liturgiah Shel Leyl Shabbat.

Schalit was the first composer of consequence to grasp the im-
portance of the material accumulated byAvrahamZvi Idelsohn in his
collection of Oriental J ewish chants. The imprint of these melodies,
perfect in their lofty objectivity, permeates Schalit's work, be it
in direct quotations, such as L'cha Dodi, Tov L'hodot, V'ahavta,
Y'varechecha, or in the composer's own invention. Schalit's pref-
erence is clear but he did not neglect the Ashkenazic tradition either,

♦Editor's Note: Heinrich Schalit died 1976, shortly after his 90th birthday.

20

as shown in his settings of L' chu N'rannenah, Adonai Malach and
Vay'chulu. It is significant that in his preface Schalit speaks of "our
ancestral memory," and I see it at work when, without folkloristic
models, the composer must rely on the infallibility of that memory.

For all this melodic material Schalit avoided the harmonic
idiom of the 19th century, as exemplified by Lewandowski. He forged
his own language, a tart diatonicism which he treats in contrapuntal
fashion, as in L'cha Dodi, or in homophonic textures, tellingly dis-
sonant, as in TovL'hodot

It strikes me as pertinent to observe that Schalit's name turns
out to be more than a coincidence. We pronounce it Schalit (stress on
the first syllable), but as a Hebrew word, Schalft (stress on the
second syllable) means leader, master. We could hardly find a better
name for a man who initiated a stylistic change in western synagogue
music and became a master of his craft. The second of our two ex-
amples is based on a chant of the Babylonian J ews, as recorded by
I del son n.

(Examples No. 3 and No. 4)

Heinrich Schalit came to this country as a refugee from the
catastrophe that befell European J ewry in the fatal year of 1933.
Other J ewish composers, devoted to the music of the synagogue, also
arrived and added their talents to the rejuvenation of our liturgical
music that was already in progress in America.

Cantor Hugo Chaim Adler, a prolific composer, had a fine sense
of tradition and knew how to set his material in a modestly contem-
porary, truly liturgical, style. A typical example is his El Maley
Rachamin.

(Example No. 5)

His son, Samuel Adler, enjoys a considerable reputation in the
field of general music, having composed in all forms, from chamber
music to symphony and opera. Still, synagogue music is an important
aspect of his oeuvre. As a small sample, we show his Barechu from a
service for solo voice, titled Shiru L adonai.
(Example No. 6)

J ulius Chajes, mostly known for his Hebrew songs, has written
a slim volume of music for Er&/ Shabbat, consistent in style and of
an all but vegetarian purity in matters of harmony.

Eric Werner has given us valuable music for the high holidays,
based on the Ashkenazic tradition, and excelling in finely wrought
organ accompaniments.

Herman Berlinski owns the distinction of having created a
sizable body of organ music which may well be the foundation of a
new literature for reform worship.

21

Frederick Piket wrote a number of complete services for shabbat
and holidays. His one-page TsurYisrael, a fleeting moment of lyrical
inspiration, shows him at his best.

(Example No. 7)

It would be a serious omission not to speak of Arnold Schoenberg,
Austrian composer of world fame. Baptized in his early years in
Vienna, he later returned to J udaism as a fervent baal t'shuvah. A
letter written in 1932 to his friend and pupil Alban Berg shows his
position : "I know perfectly well where I belong. I have had it ham-
mered into me so loudly and so long that only being deaf could I have
failed to understand it. And it's a long time now since it wrung any
regrets from me. Today I am proud to call myself a J ew."

Schoenberg produced a number of important works on J ewish
subjects: the opera "Moses and Aaron," an unfinished oratorio,
Die J akobsleter ("J acob's Ladder"), the cantatas Kd Nidre, and
"A Survivor of Warsaw." Shortly before his death he contemplated
a series of Psalms to German words of his own writing, but only one
of them was finished. On commission for Chemjo Vinaver's anthol-
ogy he wrote a single work, in Hebrew, for the Synagogue: Psalm
130-M i ma-amaki m keraticha Adonai, From the depths I have
called Thee, Lord. It is an a capella work in six part writing, con-
ceived in Schoenberg's twelve tone idiom and, like all works of the
composer, extremely difficult. Stressing the esoteric attitude of the
work, Schoenberg notated the voices in the old clefs that have not been
used for more than a hundred years.

As things are at the moment, when guitar and simple-minded
folksong imitations have conquered many a pulpit, the acceptance of
Schoenberg's music in the synagogue looks doubtful, as, for that
matter, does the resurrection of a whole literature of contemporary
music which now lies dormant, waiting for a new day.

At the beginning of this article you could examine my recasting
of material by Sulzer and Lewandowski (Examples 1 and 2). Let me
now close with two pieces of mine, not drawn from other models. They
are V'ahavta from my shabbat morning service Chemdat Yamin and
the sacred song "Grant us Peace", text from the Union Prayerbook.
In both cases you'll notice a kinship with cantillation and prayer
modes, not quoted verbatim, but recreated from that reservoir of our
ancestral memory, of which I spoke before.

(Examples No. 8 and No. 9)

SULZER-FROMM

V'SHOMRU

For Cantor (Tenor or Baritone), Mixed Voices and Organ

EXAMPLE 2

After a Mdodyby
LOUIS LEWXNDGMSKI,

Stdy transcribed by
HERBERT FROMM

Music Corporation. New York

24

111. Sabbath Eve Service (ARVEES l'shabbos)

EXAMPLE 3 8 BOR'CHU

Slowly and solemnly
(Introduction is optional)

Q* ^

3

- -1

^ , ■ ~~~

- n

'

..

2^f>

:

— =

■

f^tt^

^?* '

*The "Bor'chu" may also atart hers.

EXAMPLE 4

10. V'OHAVTO

With fervor

Rccit. * CANTOR

H. SCHALIT

fl - J '

- 3 * -.

3

L -, |

b'-chol V

^r^

v- chol naf -sh'- cho u\

o- de

cho.

— - -

^ Jt*~*

=*>it— -

^

J3> '

*<^zz

^5^=

=EzfI3

* Oriental mode, Source: A. Z. Idelsohn "Songs of the Babylonian
Copyright © 1935 by Heinrich Schalit

EXAMPLE 5

EYL MOLtill KACIIAM1M

FOR CANTOR, MIXED CHOIR AND ORGAN

nii<;o cm. ai>u;u

EXAMPLE 6

SAMUEL ADLER

EXAMPLE 7
For Tenor or Baritone c* TSUR \ISKAEL

Slowly but lilting { J =66)

f.,nl„r »»,

m

mum

' j j I -i j j jJ.j j ^j I j j i

Copyright © 1960 by F. Picket
Used by permission

J-'n -^V-^-

•--— -

6 - chi me - tsa - v e

al l e - vo -

4^ ^^£^

EXAMPLE 9

Grant Us Peace

ERBERT FROMM

31
COPYRIGHT: PROTECTION FOR INTELLECTUAL CREAWnY

Norman H. WAREMBUD

On J anuary 1st, when the new copyright law (PL 94553),
signed last year by President Ford takes effect, it will be the first
major general revision of American copyright law, relating to
music, since 1909, when the present law came into being. Technologi-
cal advances in the last half century, including the advent of motion
pictures, records, radio, television, communications satellites, cable
television and other media have made the 1909 laws obsolete. The
new act, generally, will extend the term of copyright protection,
increase statutory royalty to be paid for recording of music com-
positions ; and provide for composers and authors to share in royal-
ties to be collected, for the first time, from juke box fees, per-
formances on public television, and cable television.

We have all become aware of the hapless plight of the com-
poser, who, after a lifetime of poverty and devotion to his creative
art, dies penniless, while others, years later, reap the benefits. Al-
though the manner in which creativity is being "ripped off" today is
not quite as poignant, it still exists, despite the voluminous body of
copyright law which dates back to the very founding of the Republic.

Article I of the Constitution, from which all subsequent copy-
right laws derive, endowed Congress with the power "to promote
the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times
to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective
writings and discoveries."

The need for a system of protecting an individual's intellectual
creativity was recognized in biblical days, but was made more acute
in 1476, when William Caxton's press, in England, made possible
the multiple reproduction of text matter. The Crown, fearing po-
litical criticism by this means, sought a method of controlling this
new medium. In 1557, a "Stationer's Company" was chartered, whose
function it was, to maintain records of all copies of books printed
and sold by its member booksellers and printers. The charter also
provided for a Court to adjudicate claims of priority and piracy. By
1594, these and various other means of control having failed, there
ensued several years of uncontrolled literary piracy, which caused
Rabbi Leone (Aryeh) de Modena, a noted scholar, musician and

Norman H. Warembud is a music publisher, writer, record
producer and media consultant.

32

chief Rabbi of Venice, in his foreword to Salomone Rossi's "Ha-
shirim" to warn that "any reprint or sale of unauthorized copies of
Rossi's sacred compositions is strictly prohibited." It was, however,
more than a century later, when the Statutes of Queen Anne pro-
claimed the first legal protection for the creator, to form the basis
for modern copyright laws.

A copyright is a franchise of exclusivity granted by the govern-
ment to authors, composers, painters, map makers and artists, now
also including dramatic and musical performers, which provides in
the United States, that upon compliance with certain statutory re-
quirements, they may enjoy the exclusive rights to print, publish or
otherwise disseminate, sell, perform, combine with other material
or otherwise use, their literary, graphic, musical or artistic creation,
monopolistically, for the period of years, fixed by the copyright act.
Previously, in the United States, the Copyright Act of 1909 decreed
this period at a total of 56 years, including a renewal of copyright
during the 28th year. The new copyright law will provide, generally,
for a term equal to the life of the creator plus 50 years. In addition,
the life of present copyrights has been extended to 75 years by
adding 19 years to the last 28 year renewal term.

The copyright is a general term applied to a collection of rights
or exclusivities that is enjoyed by the creator. The right to print is
one of those rights, as is the right to publicly perform as in the case
of a dramatic work or musical composition. Thus, for example, the
purchase of a copy of the sheet music, does not automatically confer
the right to perform the piece publicly, for profit. Generally, the
rights of public, non-dramatic, musical performances are held, on
behalf of the copyright owner, by one of the major performing-
rights organizations, such as ASCAP (American Society of Com-
posers, Authors and Publishers) or BMI (Broadcast Music, Inc.).
In addition to administering and collecting the performing fees for
their members, in the United States, these societies have reciprocal
arrangements with performing rights organizations throughout the
world, enabling American creators to enjoy worldwide protection
of their performance rights. Similarly, the rights of creators from
all over the world are protected in the United States.

In each country, the right of copyright is firmly established.
Although copyright protection, as to term and other legalities vary
from country to country, it is now possible, since the advent of the
Universal Copyright Convention, to copyright in any member coun-

33

try, and secure protection in all member countries. This now also
includes the U.S.S.R., for a long time, a copyright reciprocity hold-
out. Thus the© symbol is a representation of a world-wide endless
ring of copyright unity.

The new American copyright act will correct several short-
comings of the old laws. In the first place, the "for profit" limitation
in the old law has been eliminated. However, performances of musical
works given in direct, face-to-face, educational teaching activities,
in regular schools, or as part of an established worship service, in a
church, synagogue or temple will continue to be exempt from license,
as will certain performances given without any purpose of direct,
or indirect commercial advantage, and where no performer, pro-
moter, or organizer is paid.

New industries such as Cable Television, Public Television and
J uke Box which were not even thought of, and so, not included in the
old law will now pay statutory rates under compulsory licenses,
which will be established by a Royalty Copyright Tribunal. This
new government agency, will periodically survey and adjust these
licensing fees. In addition, the new Act grants a modest increase in
the statutory compulsory license for sound disc recordings; the
new rate will be 2%^ per song, per record or 14 cent per minute,
whichever is greater.

While the new copyright law remedies some of the existing
defects of the old law, it has provided no easier means for the en-
forcement of the creator's rights than was available under the old
law. The new Royalty Copyright Tribunal will make itself receptive
to the needs for adjusting license fees at reasonable intervals. But
would it not have been prudent for a section of this tribunal to
deal also with the problems of piracy, bootlegging, infringement
and the like, so as to keep them out of Federal courts, where the
price of justice is tremendously costly and tediously time consuming?

As modern civilization moves ahead the vistas of human cre-
ativity are vastly enlarged. Already, in music, there is composition
for electronic synthesizers. The large staff and the system of music
notation that has served us for many centuries no longer suffices
to contain the musical thoughts of present-day composers who have
developed new and individual systems of putting their musical ideas
on paper. There is composition in the twelve-tone scale and variations
and mutations, This is to say nothing of the tape recorders, which in

34

combination with the electronic instruments, is used as a medium
of both composition and notation. Therefore, flexible copyright laws
that are reviewed at least every decade are in order.

Finally, some attention should be paid to the morality of copy-
right protection. It was designed to protect the creator's products
and by so doing, to encourage further creativity which would benefit
all the people. It follows, that good and decent men should respect
the products of the intellects of others. Never before has mankind
defined, in more certain terms, its needs for a continuation of
creativity, and never before has there been as much creative pro-
ductivity to protect.

MUSIC SECTION

Very little is known here about the remarkable Ashkanazi
hazzan of Istanbul, Gershon Shaposhnik. He was, for many decades,
the Oberkantor of the Ashkanazic Jewish community of Istanbul,
serving his fellow J ews with consummate artistry, dignity and de-
votion. His hazzanic style is remarkably free from any Sefardi in-
fluence in spite of the fact that he served in a community where the
Eastern traditions were all pervasive.

Somewhere, he had acquired a sound basic training in the funda-
mentals of music theory and hazzanut. That he was a highly knowl-
edgeable J ew is apparent from his treatment of the prayer texts
in the few works by him which are available to us.

These are three in number. One, "Tefi 1 1 us Gershon," an original
hazzanic anthology for Sabbath, festivals and holy days. There are
also two pamphlets, 'T 'fil ah W'zimirah," containing original set-
tings for hazzan for 'Sefirat Ha-Omer," "Hanukkah B'rakbat" and
"HanerosHalolu," selections from the wedding service, as well as a
four part arrangement of "Hatikvah."

'Tefillus Gershon" was republished by the Cantors Assembly
some 18-20 years ago from the original Turkish edition. Unfor-
tunately, the publication was not dated, nor did it contain any bio-
graphical information. It shows every sign of a hazzan-composer
steeped in east-European hazzanut ; a hazzan who was able to trans-
mit to our generation, in a more modern, less virtuoso style, its
authentic essence undiluted. Shaposhnik must certainly have pos-
sessed an extraordinarily fine hazzonish moyl, a unique interpretive
ability, although we know little about his voice itself.

On a visit to eastern Europe, early in the 1960's, Hazzan Arthur
Koret, a past president of the Cantors Assembly, visited Istanbul,
searched out and met Hazzan Shaposhnik. Koret reported, at that
time, finding an imposing figure of a man, well into his seventies,
finishing out his long career in the one Ashkanazi synagogue in
Istanbul. He was alert, gracious and eager to get news of American
Jewry and American hazzanut. He reported that his congregation
was a dying one, and that upon his retirement or death, it would
disappear entirely. While still in reasonably good physical condition,
he was losing his eyesight, thus precluding any additional written
creativity.

At the time of the publication of 'Tefillas Gershon, " the officers
of the Cantors Assembly made every attempt to find Shaposhnik.
Failing that, the royalties from the publication were put in escrow
until such time as a proper recipient could be found. Shortly after
Koret's visit, the Cantors Assembly was able to send Hazzan Shapo-
shnik his earned royalties.

In gratitude, Shaposhnik sent in return, some one-hundred
each of the above-mentioned pamphlets. "P'ninei Haxaxanut" is re-
printed here. It contains modified arrangements of the great recita-
tives of Novakovsky, Blumenthal, Razumny, Nissi Belzer, Belalel
Odesser, Yaakovin, Weintraub and others. Published in 1939, this
small volume shows Shaposhnik to have been a hazzan of elegant
taste, a refined skill for understatement which only makes more bril-
liant the important climaxes of each work, and one deeply concerned
for hazzanim and hazzanut.

It is our hope that this short essay and with the reproduction
of "P'ninei Hazazanut," we may begin to repay the already long over-
due debt to him.

S.R.

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nr pxa? B7"ia?~ yiT o .ntn lain nx ira?y cmn aa"? x?a? lain ;aia

.liraia c^inn n:pn?" pi i;x ..-[an? ex ^ ,nn ?a? pay
i? miaya aniry 7"y jxai'Jx: t'bt' nn^i c-iann flx"? nn mia ^n
;x csnnavn easy a^anan ^a mix ryaa; -arx c"ir:na annx ^ a^aaa
.z-nnxi lyraxa /poaipra .y;aityi .^yrrya p^ a^tnn t\*n arnica una
irx rf-x -xi , ,s ? iiaaa? 'sa , naa?i rTc^i- *?ya c^ianan mac? nx
.jainn ax -a ^-•'yn acn x'Ja? ^ r^ ,n;pn"? xanf fine: ,maca mya

t* * Jl I ^ 3 1 p ji t ffj. $* £) ru r I Tj L

' e mek Ha bo - cho V hu . yachmol

:h chem loch.

* f g m r rj-jri-g^-J i J' i r " r uH 1 "f b i

ku - kol - m val

ich yo sis o la . ich e lo

And'-conmoto l"^) ^^ ™

?

N. Blumenthal.

i.'cho do di lik ras _ ka

loh

p- nei sa -

a I- — l '* "* ^-" ' 2

N '

loh kab * .

$onoor;

tr\\U . da§ me - lech ir ___ m'lu _ cho ir m' lu — cho

bo i v'$o lorn bo 1 v$o — . lom ate res ba a lo

fiii in i nh 1 1 1 K\1iH \ Hii\

ku mi z' i _ mi ioch ha ha t"e cho rav loch $e ves rav loch $e ves.
fan b' sir* cho _ uv zo _ ho _ jsi?^ t° c ' 1 miJ |iei a m s 'gu 'c _

5a i _, r.' W a b'_

Con Affetuoso

^nn t&

mi a ni yei a mi _ lo — se vo $i v Jo . 51

±i=±). a j 'j j i r p^uJ i w j j j i

ma , te _ he

bcchye ch' su a ni vei

boch_ ye ch' SU a ny vei a mi v'nivn' so In al ti loh.

i m vei a m t

J j j i ju_ji JiVJ m j j> ji i

cho o hov to to

vo5 _ chu

And'* gush

Grave comodo

i?a-n

loch ge us lo V€$

L t, r r Jif^H. i r i r l f^i ' ^^

lo Ve$ a do nol

I ves cho no a _ vo ko des ado noi

Mod*- con moto

TDK*!

0,

vaa si

sem $orr\ .

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50 5U

ru 3

cha rei le

vav chem

*±±u r 1 1 iiii

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rei ei

ei chem

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, j-jx^ „

^T

emzonim acha rei _ hem I'rhaan tiz'k ru va a Si5em va a si semes k'l mizvosji

i. es uemm'e rez niiz ra im li hi yos iodieml'lo him a donoi e loheictam-

Un poco lento

lawn

M. Goldstein.

pr* r g g I jl^gi | Q- 1 j * ^^

cho tas ti

i,_ h i I g g r l i' r- M-- ' b i r r,r,ijf jf-« Jr^

ze sei

Kvanto con espressione

nav\

i^tm fi m^Ir^ ' <'* r - f ' "£w*

vas $o _ va$ va y no _ Fs$

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to

'• * -—^ Polakow

chu lu ha $o ma im v'ho

fr^ r; i> t i. r ? p ( ii r) m I g pi H r Lr ft p i

hei av ro- hom e lo hei

chok v' lo he i__ ya_ _a l<nu ho

And te radolcendo

rafc pD

d f ° Ferrhento Up7K

sei nu b t\z vo 6

p'trrt'l G-H-r r j cJfVr p LLC^j r^T'l

i Lu vc chc v'sa 1

to a do nor

m'Ua 3e$ ha §3 bo$

And'-* religiose

-pipQC

Set do vid do vd mo fi — _ ach al ye del do vidroe 51' ach xid kc cho

Ti^an 'oki n n

cha to oh _ v' na ,_ keh a do noi a . do

HtD

veh- m' kom- k

do a veh _

a £er lo — ha yom v' hu o so , \\u v'ya be $es yo dov _ yo _

jjJA fl r h "i i ra rf L iu nj- -J.i r -BL.I "i'I

b'yo do ne fes l<o! choi

:h l<ol b'saf i$

linim ^> hu to — chen _ k'lo

.so_ r' rim. v'cholmae mi

aoh IVo z-os k<

j^tj lt g i ip n i i * n 1 p^Tj> pT>

lo -- j aoh _ Poz b' mos hi

b' t)U xjo mi dat

yo . — ^uvmi yad i'kab lo im _ yo ? uv.

im _ iy(i_ $uv myadt' Uab . lo e mes - e mes

e mo* l<i a to

_ to yo de a it

\ w Mrrr r j^ iirr[j^jii L ^^

u^son ^aoi

U mi p' neicha to ei _ nu yo li nu m' ar ze\ _ .nu

ye c h o lirh la a Jos vie ro os u I' hi? tach'

ra chero

al mik do$ cho b' ra cha

' i U' S)<J rom - - b m u _

sei hu V mi dim U' s><J rom

b m u _ so frm k' hil cho som

o_ lom.ku_ lo bich'vo de cho v' hi no sei V hi no

3ei al _ kol _ ho _ o

(* Fficff ? 1 P p Bi fi pT^ ^ir r» p !>ff "' *

ye da kol po \j\ ki a to fe al to v ya vim kol \/e

{1^7ijwirf'W l ''*'W W g^^

ki a to vezar to v'YO-markol

ys ro el v ' yom ha zi Uo >

FROM OUR READERS

Dear Colleagues :

I wish to express my deepest appreciation to Hazzan Samuel
Rosenbaum and Hazzan Morton Shames, members of the Editorial
Board of the J ournal of Synagogue Music, for dedicating the
recent issue to me on the occasion of my seventieth birthday. My
sincerest thanks are extended to all who contributed to it or wrote
to me privately. I am also indebted to the officers of the Cantors
Assembly for the beautiful plaque presented to me at our last
convention.

With every good wish for my friends and colleagues, I remain
Sincerely,
Max Wohlberg