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JOURNAL

F SYNAGOGU

MUSIC

April 1970/NISAN 5730

Volume II

Number 4

CONTENTS

The Days of Awe: A TRILOGY

From the High Holiday Music
ofBezazel Brun

Herman Berlinski 3

Salomon Sulzer and the

Seitenstettengasse Temple

Max Wohlberg 19

Some Reflections on the Design and

use of the Pipe Organ in the Synagogue Robert Swan 25

CHASIDISM in JAZZ

John Katz 28

DE PARTME NTS

Music Section

JOURNALOFSYNAGOGUEMUSIC, Volume II, Number 4

April 1970/Nisan 5730
Published by Cantors Assembly

editor: Morton Shames

managing edimr: Samuel Rosenbaum

editorial board: Baruch J. Cohon, Michal Hammerman, Gerald H.
Hanig, Arthur Koret, Morris Levinson, David J. Putterman, Moses
J. Silverman, George Wagner, Max Wohlberg, Arthur Yolkoff.
associate members: Arthur Yolkoff, Chairman; Harold Brindell,
Saul Z. Hammerman, Louis Klein, Abraham B. Shapiro, Gregor
Shelkan, Harry Weinberg.

officers of the cantors assembly: David J. Leon, President;
Morris Schorr, Vice President; Yehudah Mandel, Treasurer; Solomon
Mendelson, Secretary; Samuel Rosenbaum, Executive-Vice President.

journal of synagogue music is a quarterly publication. The sub-
scription fee is $5.00 per year; $10.00 per year for patrons. Second-
class postage paid at New York, New York. All articles, commun-
ications and subscriptions should be addressed to Journal of
Synagogue Music, Cantors Assembly, 150 Fifth Avenue, New York
10011.

THE DAYS OF AWE- A TRILOGY

H ERMAN BERLINSKI

My first assignment upon my appointment as director of music
of the Washington Hebrew Congregation in 1963 was the preparation
of the music for the High Holy Days. It was evident that the music
of this more than a century-old congregation rested upon two differ-
ent musical traditions. On the one hand, there was music in the
Lewandowski-Sulzer tradition, enriched, however, by a new score
composed especially for this congregation by Eric Werner. On the
other, there were innumerable manuscripts of music by Max Helfman
which reflected a much more eastern tradition. Eric Werner had
been commissioned to write his music for the High Holy Days by the
late Rabbi Norman Gerstenfeld in order to make it possible for the
congregation, which had outgrown its old sanctuary on Eighth Street,
to celebrate the High Holy Days at Constitution Hall. However,
Constitution Hall never had an adequate organ and for this reason
Werner was compelled to score; his music for brass, strings, and
percussion. Thus the use of an orchestra, in turn, became a tradition
in the Washington Hebrew Congregation and continues to be so even
now at the time when a new 64-rank major organ is at the disposal
of its music staff.

Max Helfman, who acted as part time music director until
1962, had very little affinity for Werner's music. His programs
showed that almost all the numbers of Eric Werner had been re-
placed by compositions of his own and in some cases by those of
A. W. Binder. Since the orchestra was available, Helfman must have
used it. Unfortunately, however, he did not leave a full score of
his orchestrations behind and only some vague indications written
in the vocal choir parts revealed that the orchestra was somehow
playing along with the choir and the organ.

During this first year there was little time to make a significant
change. A music director in a Jewish congregation has a twofold
task. He has to make his own creative contribution toward the
liturgy of our religion, and he should present all the creative and
valid forces and traditions within the body of J ewish liturgical music.
Therefore I reintroduced some of the best of the works of Eric
Werner and Max Helfman. In addition, I was able to introduce
works by Lazare Saminsky, Isadore Freed and Herbert Fromm.

My own music had to wait. I felt, at that time, that both in
style and basic approach to liturgy, my own music would have

startled a congregation which, up to this point, had hardly ever
come to grips with any contemporary sounds. There was, in addition,
a basically different emotional attitude between composers of my
generation and composers such as Lazare Saminsky and even those
before him in relation to the text of the liturgy of the High Holy
Days.

In the traditional literature it is true that the music for these
holidays has unique characteristics. However, between composers of
my generation and those of the past, there was the Holocaust. To
us the Shofar Service, the Kol Nidre and the Une-sane Tokef have
become foreboding symbols of J ewish tragedy. The Shofar Service
represents the awesomeness of commitment to J ewish existence; the
Kol Nidre, the reminder of J ewish persecution throughout the ages;
and the Une-sane Tokef, the eternal see-saw of man's fate which is
determined mysteriously and unknown to him, and in the face of
which he has no other way of reacting but by the act of penitence
and "zedakah."

It was exactly this personal relationship to the High Holy Day
liturgy which moved me to proceed with utmost caution. And so the
composition of the trilogy was stretched over a period of almost
five years. Each time I felt freer to use a musical idiom which I felt
was completely and totally adequate to the expression I wanted to
impart to the work. And I am profoundly grateful that Rabbi
Norman Gerstenfeld, to whom this trilogy is dedicated, permitted
me to project these works into a congregation which received them
with attention and respect.

I. THE SHOFAR SERVICE

The real shofar had not been heard in this congregation for
many years. The Shofar Service by A. W. Binder uses a French
horn, and the one by Lazare Saminsky, which I used during my first
year, uses a trumpet. Reform objections to the use of a real shofar
were based primarily upon the assumption that the shofar sound
is ugly, that very few knew how to play it properly, and that it
could not be heard sufficiently in our large synagogues. Indeed, one
of the largest congregations on the east coast did not hesitate to
spend several thousand dollars to have an artificial shofar stop built
into the organ. Unfortunately, neither the organ builders nor, most
probably, the patrons of that organ as well, had ever heard a real
shofar. With this experience in mind, I was determined to plead

for the rei introduction of a real shofar. I found, in one of the dusty
closets of the Temple, no more or less than five shofarot of different
sizes. One of them, a truly magnificent instrument of extraordinary
length, was given to the first trumpeter of the National Symphony
Orchestra. After six weeks of practicing almost all the tones within
the octave could be produced chromatically, but the E flat above
middle C, its superior octave and the fourth above, were truly
magnificent and could be sounded with ease and any form of articu-
lation. It is true that the particular shofar was equipped with a
mouthpiece, but our continued experiments also demonstrated that
a truly virtuoso player could produces similar sounds on the instru-
ment without the mouthpiece. The mouthpiece facilitates the pro-
duction of sounds, but it doesn't basically change them. Mishnaic
sources reveal not only the use of mouthpiece-equipped shofarot in
the biblical temple, but relate also that two trumpets (chatzotzerot)
played alternately with the shofar. This trumpet-shofar constellation,
therefore, became the framework for the new shofar service. The
shofar preceded by the proper cantorial calls, appears always as an
isolated unit and is followed by the responses of the trumpets, the
choir and the organ. Thus two strata of expression were established
— the most ancient form of the shofar calls and the various psalm
texts which follow it in a musical language aimed to express the
feeling of the Akedah, the sacrifice of Isaac.

The formal aspects of this music were determined by the
ternary form of the liturgy itself, namely the Malchuyot, Zichronot,
and Shofrot. This form permits the composer-indeed forces the
composer — to utilize his basic musical materials in such a way
as to underline the deeper connections between each of the above
mentioned parts of the liturgy. The basic musical materials used are
traditional to the high holidays and their primary sources are found
in Abraham Baer's "Baal T'fillah," 1877 Gothenburg, reissued by
Sacred Music Press, New York, 1953.

One must bear in mind, however, that the cantorial recitative,
because of its melismatic and rhapsodic qualities, does not lend
itself easily to development into larger musical forms. Indeed long
melodies tend to suffice by themselves and very few larger forms in
the musical literature were successful if the basic motifs or themes
were too long. The materials, therefore, had to be submitted to a
treatment of fragmentation in order to become nuclei of larger
musical structures. This may lead to a form of abstraction which
does not always enable a tradition-minded congregation to recog-
nize its familiar musical elements. Each composer is confronted with

such a dilemma and he must solve it in his own way. If one analyzes
some of the motifs of the high holiday nussach, one finds quite
frequent intervallic progressions of the octave, the perfect fifth and
the major third. These are the natural overtones of the trumpet
and not necessarily of the shofar. (Example 1.)

The Missinai tunes, however, particularly the ones pertaining
to Bor'chu do not have these trumpet characteristics. They are
indeed of medieval origin and exhibit some of the pentatonic and
diatonic modal characteristics of Gregorian chant. (Example 2.)

These trumpet figures may or may not be reminders of the
temple tradition for, in spite of all theories about oriental micro-
tonism, the fact remains that the overtones of a tube of a given
length produce the octave, the perfect fifth, and the major third.

Thus I felt more than justified in retaining similar trumpet
motifs in my shofar service. (Example 3.)

The traditional Missinai tune which concludes the shofar service
has been reduced to a pentatonic formula. There is at least one
example in Abraham Baer where this motif appears in such a form.
In order to avoid a direct harmonic major implication, I treated
the melody with a fourth and fifth organum, giving it the flavor
of its own medieval origins. (Example 4, 5.)

The use of traditional materials reveals very little of the
inherent quality of a work. It does indicate, however, the composer's
desire to function within the framework of tradition. In this way
the composer opens up channels of communication between himself
and the congregation. Once this has been established, almost any-
thing in the realm of musical expression becomes possible. Modal
harmony, polymodality, counterpoint and even the fragmentation
of the melodic materials can be used without destroying the contact
between the composer and the congregation.

The ultimate goal in liturgical music is not music for the
sake of music. In the case of this shofar service, the goal is to
re-experience the awesomeness of the akedah, symbolizing the fate
of Jewish existence. However, it is not the composers's goal to
assess his own work and to determine the extent to which he has
succeeded.

II. THE KOL NIDRE

The Text
The exact origin of the Kol Nidre text is still shrouded in
mystery. It is now generally accepted that the text existed before

the tenth century. What is even more mysterious is the fact that
this stange, unpoetic, legalistic formula could have engendered a
melody of which the 19th century romantic poet, Nikolaus Lenau,
said as follows:

"Such a mysterious song, redolent of a people's suffering,
can hardly have been composed by one brain, however much
inspired."

The text, which is, with the exception of one single sentence,
Aramaic, consists of a sevenfold legalistic formula of denial. The
Kol Nidre, considered as liturature, is a unique phenomenon in the
entire Hebrew liturgy. It is obviously not a prayer.

In spite of this, the Kol Nidre has become a rallying point for
J ews all over the world who would go to great sacrifices in order
to be present among their fellow J ews on the Eve of Yom Kippur
when the Kol Nidre chant is chanted in a most solemn manner.

Early Reform J udaism attempted to eliminate the Kol Nidre.
The text had lost all meaning for J ews who live in countries which
do not restrain their liberty and which do not require by direct
or indirect pressure the act of conversion.

It was not realized, however, at that time that the text once
had its meaning and it was this historical meaning which in turn
engendered the melody. Music has the inherent capacity to detach
itself from its original models and meanings and attach itself to
new models and meanings. The general model, the basic theme of the
Kol Nidre, is not the denial of imposed transgression. The Kol
Nidre is the seal of oppression and persecution imprinted upon the
J ewish soul by centuries of suffering. It is for this reason that the
chanting of the melody has survived the early Reform banishment.
For as long as persecution and the memory of it lingers in the
Jewish mind, the Kol Nidre will be chanted.

For the composer, this understanding of the deeper meaning
of the Kol Nidre is of utmost importance. The melody is a symbol
of the torrents of J ewish blood shed throughout the centuries. This
awareness must keep him from "prettifying" the melody or creating
for the cantor just a piece which would enable him to display his
vocal histrionics.

Unfortunately, in many of our congregations, the chanting of
the Kol Nidre has become a most peculiar "show" and the composer
who attempts to penetrate into the depths of this wondrous melody,
who tries to detach it from its 19th century corruption, may find
himself in trouble with a congregation which is always ready to
postulate yesterday's bad habits and bad taste into a sacred tradition.

When Nikolaus Lenau expressed his doubts as to whether one
brain could have been responsible for the creation of the melody,
he may have perhaps sensed that the Kol Nidre is more a concatena-
tion of motifs than a single melody with melodic architectural curves.
I ndeed, there are hardly two versions of the chant in existence where
the motifs succeed each other in the same order and sequence.

In reconstructing the chant, I have used a method developed
by Dr. Joseph Yasser, formerly Professor at the Seminary College
of J ewish Music at the J ewish Theological Seminary of America.
Using the tools of archaeology, Dr. Yasser attempts first to deter-
mine the age of any given melody or parts of it. This of course can
be done in music only through the method of stylistic comparison.
Based upon this method of stylistic stratification, as Yasser calls it,
an examination of the oldest existant manuscript of the Kol Nidre
(Ahron Beer, 1765) reveals the original modal character of the
melody and shows quite clearly to what extent the melody was cor-
rupted in the 19th century in order to accommodate the song to the
esthetical standards of the German romantic school (which, by the
way, did not fail to influence many cantorial writers in Eastern
Europe). It was not too difficult to revert the melody back to a
purer modal version (Example 6). The congregation would perhaps
not have become conscious of these melodic changes if they were
not also accompanied by rather drastic harmonic concepts which,
after all, must now render justice to the purified nature of the
melody. The simple Tonic-Dominate-Sub-Dominant Harmonic
Minor concept of a Lewandowski could not suffice here any more.

The Form
It stands to reason from the above mentioned that one cannot
talk about a specific form of the melody as such. The text, however,
shows a somewhat formal organization and it is rather surprising
that this has been overlooked by almost all authors who have set
this melody The text can be divided into three sections:

Section A: The opening statement: Kol Nidre Veesore Vacha-
rome Vekonome, etc.

Section B: Starting with the Din Darno and culminating with
the Hebrew statement: Mi Yom Kipurim Zeh etc.

Section All The closing statement which is a reiteration with
a most significant variant of the opening statement: Nidrono-Lo
Nidre Veesorono-Lo Esore Ushevusono-Lo Shevuos.

The form of the text calls actually for the use of the classical
A-B-A- form. In the setting under discussion, such a formula has
been used. All the authentic motifs are used in proper sequence.
However, the characteristic opening motif of the Kol Nidre is used
in pairs at the opening and at the conclusion of the chant. This
cyclical use of the main motif creates not only a feeling of structural
unity, but it also obviates, since the motif is used so frequently, the
threefold repetition of the chant in orthodox practices.

Harmony

With the exception of the opening motif (Example 6A) itself,
all motifs in the chant exhibit the modal characteristics of the Mogen
Avot (Example 6C) and less frequently the Adonai Malach mode.
(Example 6B.) The descending D sharp in the opening motif is
treated in this setting as an "expressive variant" of the D natural,
and does not call for an Ahava Rabba or even a harmonic minor
(Lewandowski, Binder, Helfman, etc.) treatment. There is good rea-
son to assume that the opening motif, which has become to represent
almost the whole chant, is the least ancient of all other motifs. This,
however, does not change the fact that the Kol Nidre is recognized
and identified by its opening motif and that its degree of antiquity
matters very little in this context. The harmonization of this setting
takes the basic modal character of the melody into consideration.
But creative harmony must go beyond the simple tasks of the
arranger. In this case the harmony attempts to capture also the
tragic, mystical and almost magical qualities of the liturgical act
itself. In most cases this is attempted through the use of small frag-
mented counter motifs and contrapuntal juxtaposition. (Example
7A, 7B, 7C.) These fragmented elements are all, without exception,
drawn from the authentic motifs. They are incorporated into the
fabric of the choir texture and the organ accompaniment. Great care
was taken, however, not to disturb the continuity of the cantorial
sequences as such.

Conclusion

The first presentation of this setting of the Kol Nidre had a
startling effect upon the congregation. Many complained that they
heard something which was different from that to which they were
accustomed. The following year a more "traditional" Kol Nidre was
used. In 1969, however, this setting was used for a second time (not
without a preceding comparative lecture). This time the new setting
was accepted not only as "traditional" but also as music which con-
tributed greatly toward a religious experience.

III. THE UNE-SANE TOKEF

Its Place In The Reform Prayer Book

The Une-sane Tokef is found in the Reform Prayer Book at
the beginning of the afternoon service for Yom Kippur. The Hebrew
text is severely trunctuated and the accompanying English text is
more of a homiletic interpretation than an exact translation. All
references to the trembling angels in heaven, the mystical dimension,
are missing and the English text does not have a translation of the
awesome, rythmical see-saw of: Mi yehihyeh — U-mi yomus. With
these two elements missing, the most important stimuli for the com-
poser had been eliminated. This may not have been felt as a great
loss for the majority of a congregation which is mostly absent from
the Sanctuary during this part of the service.

The Une-sane Tokef of this Trilogy was composed only after
the death of Rabbi Gerstenfeld. However, a number of things had
already been established during his tenure. The original text was
almost completely reconstituted by Eric Werner and set most effec-
tively into what could be described as a post-Lewandowski-Sulzer
style of music. The placement of the Une-sane Tokef was changed
from its obscure place in the afternoon service to the center of the
Kol Nidre service and repeated, eventually, also as the opening
liturgy for the Memorial and Concluding service. These tradition
defying changes helped to focus a great deal of attention on this
monumental piece of the liturgy of the Days of Awe.

There are in the Reform Prayer Book some timid tendencies to
elevate the Memorial Service from the strictly private family devo-
tion to a more general level of remembrance. Indeed the initial ele-
ments of a martyrology are already present in the text of the
Memorial service. The placing of the Une-sane Tokef at this point
underlines well the new martyrological aspect of the Memorial
Service.

The legend of the origin of the prayer as well as the words of
the text itself reveal the Jewish religious response in the face of
man's fate, his commitment in spite of adversity and the only dimen-
sion of action left to man: namely, Teshuvah and Tsedakah. The
Une-sane Tokef thus became a summing up and climax of the Yom
Kippur service.

Text

In the Une-sane Tokef under consideration here the complete
Hebrew and English text, as found in H. Adler's Machzor for Rosh
Hashonah has been used. (pp. 146-147) The reasons for this bilingual
approach were as follows:

The Shofar service in form and liturgy follows the Reform
model which, with the exception of the Shofar calls, does not have
any Hebrew text at all. The Aramaic- Hebrew text of the Kol Nidre
does not lend itself to a meaningful English translation. The text of
the Une-sane Tokef, however, is as powerful in the English transla-
tion as it is in the original Hebrew. Thus an opportunity arose to
bring this text back to the attention of the congregation. Indeed a
printed version of the Une-sane Tokef was inserted into the Reform
prayer book for this performance. The bilingual approach involves
also the Rabbi into the liturgical act. It adds drama to its presen-
tation and it corresponds also to the oldest tradition in the use of
the vernacular in conjunction with the Hebrew liturgy.

There has been some objection of a music esthetical nature to
the use of the spoken word over a music background. The only ac-
ceptable criterion in this respect is the effectiveness with which this
particular technique is used. However one should bear in mind that
all melodramatic techniques tend to become form-dissolving. It is
for this reason that a great deal of attention was paid to the formal
aspect of this movement.

Form

One of the strictest forms in music, the Passacaglia, was used
in order to accommodate the Hebrew and English text on the one
hand, and to create a viable musical unit on the other. The Passa-
caglia offers, as a form, the possibility of symbolical interpretation.
The recurring theme in the bass represents the eternal and un-
changeable cycle of life itself. The variations arched over the basic
theme represent the possibility of change and renewal. The charac-
teristics, inherent in the form of the Passacaglia, correspond well to
a text of such cosmic magnitude.

The theme of the Passacaglia, in typical 3/4 rythm, is taken
from the opening motif of the Kol Nidre itself. (Example 8) It is
stated at first quietly, mysteriously and of course unaccompanied.
Each of the variations which follows is based upon thematic material
derived from the Yom Kippur Nussach. In this manner a kaleido-
scopical picture of the whole day is produced. A Coda which is based

upon the most moving melody of the "Rachem No, K'hal Adas
Yeshurun" (see Baer: p. 343 No. 1483), (Example 9) brings the
work and with it the Trilogy to its conclusion.

The Une-sane Tokef was performed for the first time in 1968.
Again it must be pointed out that it is not the composer's role to
assess the impact of his own work. It has become quite clear to me
that those who are moved by a work will express themselves spon-
taneously. Others, however, who do not like a given composition may
prefer not to express any opinion at all. It has therefore been my
policy as Director of Music not to repeat such works from season
to season. On Yom Kippur 1969, this Une-sane Tokef was replaced
by the Une-sane Tokef by Milner. However in 1970 it is planned
to use the work under discussion again and only at this time will it
be possible to arrive at a clearer assessment of the impact of the
work. The Trilogy, each piece of which has a definite liturgical assign-
ment, evolves now into a symphonic form using large orchestra and
choir. In this new form the Trilogy will actually become an Oratorio
and it is this writer's profound hope that it may in this form lead
to concert hall performances, and prove to be meaningful in a uni-
versal way beyond its original liturgical assignment.

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SALOMON SULZER AND THE
SBTENSTETTENGASSE TEMPLE

Max Wohlberc

As was true of most European countries, the history of the J ews
in Austria was highly varied. Periods of persecution and pogroms
alternated with those of tolerance and laissez-faire.

In modern times the oppressive reign of Maria Theresa (1740-
1780), whose vicious anti-J ewish bias bordered on the psychopathic,
was succeeded by the comparatively enlightened and benevolent rule
of J oseph 1 1 (1780-1790).

After the short, relatively pleasant "interregnum" of Leopold II,
Francis ascended the throne and he chose to emulate the qualities
of his evil grandmother, Maria Theresa, rather than those of his
kindly father, J oseph II. As a result he succeeded in bringing about
the ultimate ruin of his country and much suffering to the J ews.

Exposed to the vagaries of dukes and princes, J ews frequently
had to uproot their homes to seek friendlier havens. Thus, toward
the end of the eighteenth century the Levy family had to leave the
little town of Sulz, near Feldkirch, and journey northward toward
the southern shore of Lake Constance. There J oseph and his wife
Fanny settled in the town of Hohenems near the Rhein.

The Jewish community of Hohenems, in existence since the
beginning of the 17th century, enjoyed at this time a period of
tranquility. Since some of the J ews expelled from Hohenems in 1676
had settled in nearby Sulz, it is not unlikely that the Levys now
immigrating to Hohenems were in fact returning home.

Having established a small manufacturing plant, the Levys
to them. Already at an early age the lad gave evidence of innate
fared modestly, and in 1804 (March 30) a boy, Salomon, was born
musical ity and displayed a fine soprano voice. His favorite game
was to don a tall it and imitate the chanting of the Cantor. On one
occasion when his parents frantically searched for him he was
found thus engaged in the Synagogue. Indeed his grandfather,
Mendel, predicted a great future for him as a Cantor.

A well-nigh tragic incident proved to be a deciding factor in
the choice of his career. Venturing too close to the flood-swollen
Emsbach, the 7-year-old Salomon fell into the turbulent river and
was carried precipitately and struggling downstream. A farmer, Karl

Dr. Max Wohlberg is professor of Nwach at the Cantors Institute
of the Jewish Theological Seminary and Hazzan of Malverne Jewish
Center in Malverne, New York.

Hugler, who witnessed the scene, jumped into the stream and rescued
the frightened lad. (Some years later Sulzer established a life-
pension for him.)

The fortuitous rescue of Salomon resolved his parents to dedi-
cate the boy to the service of God. As a constant reminder of this
resolution the boy was, whenever possible, dressed in white.

He commenced his musical studies with the local cantor, Salo-
mon Eichberg, and thereafter he was apprenticed as a choir-boy to
the cantor in Endingen (Baden district in North Switzerland.) For
advanced studies in music the young boy was set to Karlsruhe,
Germany.

So gifted was he both musically and vocally that, as a result
of his leading the service on the day of his Bar Mitzvah, he was
engaged as Cantor in Hohenems. However, in consideration of his
youth he was granted a three years' leave during which time he
could pursue further studies in music, voice and hazzanut.

Sulzer served as a cantor in Hohenems for five years. At the age
of 21 (in 1825) he was invited for an interview to Vienna with a view
to assuming the position of Cantor in the prominent Seitenstetten-
gasse Temple. Accompanied by a bass and soprano Sulzer led the
Sabbath services and was promptly engaged as Chief Cantor of the
Kehilla in Vienna. Here new vistas opened before him.

Officially, the number of J ews in Vienna increased at a snail's
pace. In 1787 there were 66 tolerated J ews there. By 1820 they had
increased to 125 and by 1844 they numbered only 197.

However, unofficially it was estimated that by the middle of
the 19th century there were in the city 5,000 clandestine J ewish
residents active in commerce, the stockmarket, in the import and
export of food products, in printing, and in the clothing industry.
The government, cognizant of the considerable economic advantages
accruing to it from these activities, turned a blind eye to their
illegal residence.

The first house of worship, a converted residence, was dedicated
in 1812. The services were noisy, the room was overcrowded, the
women behind a high glazed window could neither see nor hear what
transpired in the sanctuary. On festivals the Hazzan, Koppel Mark-
breiter, assisted by a bass and boy-soprano, led the service. The
music, heard with difficulty over the din, alternated between "old-
fashioned Polish sing-song and opera arias."

The municipality maintained strict supervision over the func-
tions and finances of the J ewish community. The detailed reports
submitted to the government included such minute items as "2

krohnen for charity" and "36 pfenig for stationery." Deaths of
tolerated J ews had to be promptly reported as their widows and
orphans had to leave the city.

These harsh rules notwithstanding, a considerable number of
Viennese J ews gained in prominence and a larger number acquired
a status of permanence. Soon there arose among them a desire for
the erection of a suitable house of worship.

Property was purchased at Dampfingerhof am Katzensteig 598
(later known as Seitenstettengasse) and, not without difficulty, a
permit was received for the building of a synagogue. Among the
stringent stipulations of the permit were the requirement to build
the synagogue in the courtyard behind the private dwellings facing
the street and that no sign be posted on the doorway leading from
the street into the courtyard. After a few years this latter restriction
was lifted.

The architect Kornhausel, who also built the Lichtenstein castle,
proved more than adequate for the task. He was neither afraid of
new ideas nor restrained by his employers from adopting them.

The Temple (thus named-not Synagogue) was oval shaped.
It seated 550; standing room was provided for an additional 200.
The Bima was moved from the center to the Ark. Above the Ark
were the artistically designed Two Tablets. The women in the gallery
enjoyed an unobstructed view of the sanctuary. The accoustics were
excellent. The beautiful crystal chandeliers and the tastefully exe-
cuted reproductions of palms and myrtles created an atmosphere of
refreshing repose. In April 1826 the Temple was dedicated.

The community was fortunate in obtaining the services of Rabbi
Isaac Noah Mannheimer. Formerly in Copenhagen, Mannheimer
was, in August-September 1823, invited to preach three trial ser-
mons in Vienna. These were received with enthusiasm. In the follow-
ing year when the local principal and teacher Salomon Herz died,
Mannheimer, endowed with fine delicate features, fiery eyes, a
mellow ringing voice and elegant manners, was promptly engaged.

At first he only preached on special occasions and the wor-
shippers flocked to these services. Consequently he preached more
frequently. After the dedication of the Temple he preached every
other Sabbath.

The J ews of Vienna eschewed the rationalistic and universal istic
ideas of extreme Reform and preferred the milder nationalistic and
historic views that were later crystallized by Leopold Zunz, Abraham
Geiger, Zechariah Frankel and even Samson Raphael Hirsch. Paren-
thetically it may be noted that for decades the practical application

of the ideas of the Reform movement was limited to the manner and
content of worship. At the Seitenstettengasse Temple, piyutim and
such texts as Bameh Madlikin and Av Ha-Rachamin were removed.
Appropriate selections in German replaced Berich Shemei and Yekum
Purkon.

As one of his first moves, Mannheimer had recommended the
engagement of Salomon Sulzer, the reputation of whose artistic and
intellectual gifts had already gained wide notice.

In his aim: "den Synagogengesang zu veredeln" to refine the
song of the synagogue Sulzer had no precursors. The music of
Salomone Rossi composed in the 16th century bore in neither text
nor style any relation to the liturgy of central Europe in the 19th
century. The modest efforts of the Parisian cantor Israel Lowy
(1773-1832) remained unpublished until 1862.

Lacking an adequate choral repertoire, Sulzer commissioned a
number of non-J ewish composers to compose music particularly for
the longer texts of the Sabbath and Festival services. Among these
were I. R. Seyfried, F. Schubert, F. Volkert, W. W. Wurfel and
J . Drechsler. Later he also invited the J ew, J oseph Fischof.

As Sulzer avoided in his recitatives bathos and sentimentality,
some of his "traditional" listeners were disappointed. However,
Hanslik, the foremost, music critic of Vienna, as well as other note-
worthy musicians, found his well-planned and beautifully executed
recitatives most impressive and inspiring. In truth, Sulzer did retain
in his recitatives an adequate quantity of the florid poignant motifs
favored in "Polnisch" hazzanut. Numerous selections from his monu-
mental Schir Zion (1840-1866) were, and still are, sung throughout
the occidental J ewish world. They served as models for countless
J ewish composers.

Many of Sulzer's compositions, especially those for the High
Holy Days, are imbued with touching phrases and profound insights
encountered only in the finest examples of our repertoire. His set-
tings for Vese-erav, the Unesaneh Tokef sections, Ono Tovo, Teka,
Meloch, Al Naharos Bovel, to mention but a few, are excellent.

The patterns he set-as in the Kedushas for example — are
copied to this day. Although the works of many composers appeared
within the past century, the Ein Komocho, Ki Mitzion, Shema and
Adon Olom of Sulzer remained the standards.

The beautiful singing of Sulzer and his choir acquired such fine
reputation that few people would consider a visit to Vienna to be
complete without hearing a Sulzer service. Royalty, artists such as
Lablache, Meyerbeer, Schumann, and Mrs. Trolope, and visiting

clergy were in regular attendance there. Franz Liszt and others
wrote extravagantly of their ecstasy and inspiration.

After attending a Sabbath eve service conducted by Sulzer,
the poet Nikolaus Lenau wrote: 'This evening I heard Sulzer who,
very likely, has the finest voice of any. I should very much like
to hear him sing my songs."

In her book Vienna and The Austrians,' Frances Trollope
wrote :

'There is in truth, so wild and strange a harmony in the
songs of Israel as performed in the synagogue in this city, that
it would be difficult to render full justice to the splendid
excellence of the performance, without falling into the language
of enthusiasm. A voice to which that of Braham (the well-
known Jewish opera singer of London) in his best days was
not superior, performs the solo parts of these extraordinary
cantiques; while about a dozen voices or more, some of them
being boys, fill up the glorious chorus. The volume of vocal sound
exceeds anything of the kind I have ever heard; and being
unaccompanied by any instrument, it produces an effect equally
singular and delightful. Some passages of these majestic chants
are so full of pathos that the whole history of the nation's
captivity rushes upon the memory as we listen; and the eyes
fill with tears at the suffering of God's people in hearing the
words 'Israel! Israel! Israel!' uttered in the sort of plaintiff
cry which they introduce with such beautiful effect."

"Seldom," wrote Liszt, "had we experienced in such an
overwhelming manner the vibration of the chords of divine
worship and of human sympathy as we did on this evening.
In the light of numerous candles which glistened in the ceiling
like so many stars, a strange choir began in low gutteral
voices. It seemed as if every breast were a prison cell from
the depth of which rose praises to the God of the Ark of
the Covenant in the midst of exile and distress, calling upon
him with staunch faith and the full certainty of eventual
deliverance from endlessly long enslavement ... one seemed
to see the psalms floating aloft like spirits of fire, and bowing
as suppliants at the feet of the All Highest."

In observance of Sulzer's 70th birthday the Society of Friends
of Music of the Austrian Empire established a fund whose income
was to assist a worthy music student. Karl Goldmark composed
special music for the concert arranged at that time in his honor.

The Mayor of Vienna, in the company of high civic officials, extended
greetings to him.

His passing in 1890 was commemorated in many parts of the
world. At his funeral, Cantors Josef Singer and Josef Goldstein
chanted the memorial prayers.

In the 80 years since his passing Sulzer's reputation has not
lost its lustre. The impact of his contribution still reverberates
throughout the world of J ewish music.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Ackerman, Der Synagogale Gesang in Vol. Ill of Geschichte Der

Literatur Der J uden by J . Winter & A. Wunsche. Dresden 1895.

A. Friedman, Lebensbilder Beruhmter Kantoren, Vol. 1, Berlin 1918.

A. Friedman, Der Synagogale Gesang, Berlin 1908.

M. Grunwald, History of J ews in Vienna, Philadelphia 1936.

A. Holde, Jews in Music, New York 1959.

A. Z. Idelsohn, Jewish Music, New York 1929.

E. Mandell, Life & Works of Salomon Sulzer, Proceedings of Cantors

Assembly 1951.
E. Mandell, Solomon Sulzer (The J ews of Austria), London 1967.
P. Minkowsky, Der Sulzerismus, Vienna 1905.
M. Margolis & A. Marx, History of the J ewish People, Philadelphia,

1927.
I. Rabinovitch, Of J ewish Music, Montreal, 1952.
S. Rappaport, Solomon Sulzer, New York 1904.
A. M. Rothmuller, The Music of the J ews, London 1953.
L. Saminsky, Music of the Ghetto & The Bible, New York 1934.
Y. Shalita, Hamusika Hayhudit VYotzreha, Tel Aviv 1960.
M. Steiner, Salomon Sulzer Und Die Wiener J udengemeinde, Vienna

1904.
E. Zaludkowsky, Kulturtreger Fun Der Yidisher Liturgie, Detroit

1930.
Biography in : J ewish Encyclopedia, Universal J ewish Encyclopedia,

Encyclopedia L'Musika (Tel Aviv, 1959).
Articles in: Die Chazonim Welt (Warsaw). Yehuda Mandel (March,

1938 ), Pinchos Minkowsky (December, 1933), Pinchos Sherman

(November, 1933).
A. W. Binder, Solomon Sulzer's Legacy, J ewish Liturgical Music So-
ciety, Feb. 1967.
E. Werner, Salomon Sulzer, Statesman and Pioneer, J WB Circle,

March 1959.
M. Wohlberg, Vienna's Most Honored Singer, The J ewish Spectator,

February, 1970.

SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE DESIGN AND
USE OF THE PIPE ORGAN IN THE SYNAGOGUE

ROBERT Stanley Swan

it was for many years the distinct privilege and pleasure of the
writer to be associated with two of the truly great gentlemen of the
Connecticut Valley, Rabbi Samuel Price of Beth El Temple and Dr.
James Gordon Gilkey of Old South Church, Springfield, Massa-
chusetts, both of whom commented on occasion that if one did not
capture the interest of the listener (or the reader) in the first five
minutes, it was not advisable to indulge in lengthy dissertation.
Having been so admonished, this humble writer will endeavor to put
down as briefly as possible some convictions on the present subject.

It has been said that the measure of greatness in a pipe organ
is its ability to reproduce in the hands of a knowledgeable organist
the works of Johann Sebastian Bach with stylistic correctness and
authenticity of tone. Considering the vastness of the Bach repertoire,
not to mention the great heritage bequeathed by the pre-Bach
writers of the various schools — Frescobaldi, Scheidt, Schein, Schutz,
Marchand, Pachelbel, and Buxtehude, to mention but a few — this
evaluation may well be considered to be valid.

Also, one must consider that a truly versatile and satisfactory
instrument should permit the performance of the works of Men-
delssohn, Franck, Alain, Messiaen, and Hindemith among other
romantic and modern composers.

In other words, let us have as capable an instrument as space
and financial consideration will admit.

When these facts are weighed against the background of the
Jewish tradition in the various forms — Orthodox, Conservative, and
Reform — we must realize that the use of the organ in the Con-
servative and Reform Temples must essentially be that of an
accompani mental instrument which must not intrude upon the
liturgy of the service, but must rather enhance it, and at the same
time be capable of presenting at the proper moment the stylistically
correct sound for the presentation of the music of any period.

Regardless of the current trend toward the extremely baroque
organ — even with "tracker" (or mechanical) action — we must also
realize that a great body of our Jewish music comes from the 19th
century tradition and definitely requires a far more "romantic" regis-
tration than the strictly classical organ permits.

Mr. Swan is the Organist of Temple Beth El, Springfield, Mass.

In addition to a dignified Diapason chorus in the "great organ"
and in the "swell organ" with a normal complement of "flute" stops,
it is very advisable to have a full-bodied "String Celeste" ("Gamba"
and "Voix Celeste") in the "swell" and a soft "Dulciana," "Dolcan,"
or "Erzahler Celeste" in another division of the organ for use in the
accompaniment of the Cantor during periods of chanting. Also, it is
to be desired that the organ contain some solo "reed" stops such as
an "oboe" and a "clarinet." To add to the grandeur of the "full
organ," the instrument should contain a French 'Trompette" and
perhaps an octave "Clairon" in the "swell," and, if possible, a 16'
'Trompette" or "Bombarde" in the "pedal" section.

At the close of this article is the stoplist which the writer devised
in an attempt to fulfill these requirements in an organ of relatively
modest size for the Beth El Temple in Springfield, Mass. The
instrument was built by the Aeolian-Skinner Company for the new
edifice after the much-beloved first building burned to the ground.

It might be of interest to comment that the Jewish organist
should actually be as much a student of "theory" as he is a student
of the piano and the organ. It was the privilege of this writer to
attend the Eastman School of Music in Rochester, N. Y., for five
years and to avail himself of the opportunity of studying every
course in "theory" which the school offered. This resulted, among
other things, in the ability to improvise in the various "modes" —
"Dorian," "Phrygian," "Lydian," and "Mixolydian," along with
their "hypo" modes. The J ewish organist should concern himself
mainly with the "Dorian" (Magen Avot) and the "Phyrigian"
(Ahavah Rabah) modes. At Temple Beth El, the Friday night
Maariv service is sung mainly in the "Dorian" mode or in modern
minor. The Sabbath morning service is sung in both the "Dorian"
and the "Phrygian" modes, particularly during the Shacharit service.
TheTorah service is mainly sung in modern major, except, of course,
for the Torah reading, while the Musaf service is sung in a variety
of "Dorian," "Phrygian," minor, and major modes. The writer can-
not over-emphasize the importance of a thorough knowledge of
harmony and theory for the correct performance of the J ewish
services. It also might be helpful to state that the writer found early
in his experience that the difficulty in watching the prayer book and
the music alternately could be overcome by memorizing the forms of
the various services, the main prayers, and the opening Hebrew
words or "cues" to the various sections of the services.

In closing, it is our deep pleasure to acknowledge the fifteen
years of inspiring association with the gifted and dedicated Hazzan
Morton Shames of Temple Beth El.

The Beth El Aeolian-Skinner Organ
(designed by Mr. Swan)

Pedal:

16' Sou basse

16' Erhahler (end. Gt. ext.)

8' Spitz principal

8' Bourdon (16' ext.)

4' Octave (8' ext.)
16' Trompette (sw. ext.)

8' Gt. to Ped.

8' End. Gt. to Ped.

8' Sw. to Ped.

4" Sw. to Ped.

Swell:

8' Rohrflote

8' Viola Pomposa

8' Voix Celeste

4' Nachthorn
2%' Nasat

2' Principal

8' Trompette
16' Trompette (8' ext.)

8' Clarinette (end. Gt.)
16' Sw. to Sw.
Sw. Unison Off

4'SW. toSW.
Tremulant

8' Enclosed Gt. to Sw.

Great:

8' Bourdon

4' Principal

2' Blockflote
IV Fourniture
Enclosed G t.

8' Erzahler

8' Erzahler Celeste

4' Flute Harmonique

8' Clarinet

Tremulant
16' End. Gt. toGt.

End. Ft. Unison Off

4' Eld. Gt. toGt.
16' Sw. to Gt.

8' Sw. to Gt.

4' Sw. to Gt.

CHASIDISM IN JAZZ

John Katz

Chosid the sound of that word evokes an image of men in
movement a divine combination of holiness and passion
rapture refracted and reflecting humanity in God God in human-
ity . just like jazz.

Jazz blacks bound by bondage head and hand cuffed

into humiliation . . . sell, sale, sold into slavery of body, mind, spirit
. gods and God denied deification sounds of protest angry
music of soul-torment reflecting what humanity what God.
just like Israel.

This common destiny of oppressive alienation gave birth to the
historico-music development of the jazz-chasidic experience.

The Jew of the Diaspora and the disoriented African while in
Exile maintained their musical roots by a kind of collective con-
sciousness. Recognizing that evolution changes most things, never-
theless a people suppressed into insularity will cling to that which
makes their existence uniquely theirs. The Fiddler on the Roof under-
stands this, and sings and dances within "tradition."

This article cannot, nor should it, discuss all the complex
historical points of contact or isolated non-parallel developments of
Jazz-Chasidism; rather my main concern is to analyze what is
musically "true" to both forms. I come therefore not as a religious
Jew, but even more significantly as a musician, who recognizes that
the search for the right note at the right time is in fact an out-of-this
world experience. That search however, much less the finding, no
matter how ethereal, must be based on an understanding of form
and tonality. Only after one has mastered the outer structure can
you then proceed to the heart, the very quintessence, of the Jazz-
Chasidic experience: i.e. improvisation. Only the foolish will define
improvisation; but if it is anything, it is an unfolding and mastery
of your own "inner structure." The literate traditon of the past to
the non-literate experience of the present (made manifest by the
improvisor) is what binds the jazz-chasid musician.

Kabalist.ic thought starts from the premise: "We proceed to the
unknown from the known." Let us then begin with the "known" of
Jazz. Traditional jazz has within it the same elements of all music:
melody, harmony, rhythm. What makes it unique has been the
style of the performer: changing melody patterns, the extension of
harmonic patterns, tonal variations within the limitations of the
instrument, (flutter tongue, buzzing sounds, glissandos up to a note,

glissandos down from the note, known to the trade as a fall off, etc.)
and of primary importance, the improvisational visions of the player.
These improvisations are based on and related back to the mainly
harmonic aspect.

An improwKaf.igfy htf<*sJ en a friajgr tr\*A *+uAd-

<?tfr*r variatioiaf s/temst^j

(Example I)

There have been many developments within the jazz musical
scene, not only in written terms but also in the tremendous growth
of the performer as virtuoso and impro visor. Only compare Jelly Roll
Morton with Art Tatum, Pee Wee Russel with Benny Goodman, etc.,
and the obvious growth of the individual technic of the jazz man
would be only too apparent. But the common denominator of all the
jazz players, that one musical form that has touched all and it in
turn been fondled, changed, molded, tenderized, brutalized by all
players in different historical time sequences, is the ... BLUES! No
matter what will happen to jazz as it evolves, no matter what kind of
musical masters will appear, the one pervasive musical form of the
blues (like the Hebrew modes) will remain to stimulate and challenge
the ingenuity of the improvisors.

In the beginning, the blues were primarily concerned with verse
improvisation. Lyrically, the blues not only expressed despair, hope,
and anger but, contrary to popular belief, abstract introspective
poetry that comes from an oppressed people. Structurally it repre-
sents an A A B form, and as we shall see, the music corresponds to
that form. An example of a blues lyric will illustrate the point:

1. The chordal harmony is called by the jazz-man "changes." Whatever
infinite possibilities are available to the improviser is based upon his incredible
knowledge of chordal variations.

"I woke up this morning, rain water in my bed,
I woke up this morning, rain water in my bed,
You know my roof is leaking, Lord, leaking on my head.
The cold wind howling, howling in my heart,
The wi nd howl i ng, howl i ng i n my heart
For the best of friends, Lord, they have got to part."

There is a similarity between the above poetic structure and the
poetry of the Torah (Genesis 4:23).

"Adah and Zillah, hear my voice
Ye wives of Lamech, hearken unto my speech
For I have slain a man for wounding me
A young man for bruising me
I f Cai n be avenged sevenfol d
Truly Lamech seventy and seven fold."

What is common to both poetic structures is the repetition of
a line in the blues, and the extension of a thought put into different
language in the Biblical poem. In the blues, the first idea is repeated
usually exactly in the second line; in the Biblical poem the idea
is put differently in the second line, but in effect reiterates the
original thought.

It is not within the purview of this paper to suggest or rather
to research the connection between the parallel rhymes of the Bible

^ai

J U-J

^=4

3 b F c?

j lear-i*' , lorA !«»*-/»»' #« my

)J \ | [ 'tV Ejjjj | ggjjgg a * *

auv>l'2krt) h> Ht teK.c T JJ± pattern

and the parallel rhymes of the blues; I only wish to point to the
similar patterns. What is significant for our purposes is how the
music of the blues relates to the A A B pattern of the blues. There
are uncountable blues melodies, much less improvisational melodies,
and to try to suggest that once you've heard one blues, you've heard
them all would be idiotic. Nevertheless, there is an archtype blues
which will illustrate the structure — poetic and musical.

In the classic jazz tradition the performer now improvises or,
to use the vulger expression, "blows" on the changes. Fantastic as it
may sound, all the blues improvisations are based on the I IV V
chords - the AMEN BEGINS...

It was the late Max Helfman who was not only a musical
Tzaddik, but a man unique in this age of musical technology, who
first suggested to me that jazz and chasidic music have similar
tonal characteristics, not only in terms of intervallic structure but,
more significantly, that the improvisational experience united what
appears to be dissimilar musical tonalities. Through the revered
Max, I met another great musical personality and seeker of musical
truth, Cantor Allan Michelson. When I asked Michelson to go deep
into his vast repertoire of Chasidic melodies, he, with the instinctive
and intuitive qualities of the great artist, sang for me the perfect
song that germinated a whole series of musical challenges. Not only
was the melody exquisite, but even more miraculous, it had the
same overall musical characteristics of the blues. The flatted third,
the flatted seventh, so much a part of the blues mystique was there.
But behold! the flatted fifth — that tonal note of oppression that
both peoples too cruelly shared, was there.

Both melodies upon further analysis are based on the Dorian
Mode, with the addition of the flatted fifth, which I consider an
"improvised" note, or better still, a note that humanizes the divine
fifth. That melody, aptly named "Benei Hechalah" (Sons of
Paradise) is shown below.

When the jazz man plays the blues, it is this scale (below) which
is the basis of all subsequent improvisation, with the understanding
of course, that the harmonic changes are an integral part of the
total blues experience.

In effect, it is possible to state that the melodic aspect of the
blues and Benei Hechalah is based on a pentatonic scale. What
differences there are as each music evolves are the rhythmic, har-
monic and improvisational devices that are unique to each culture.
With this thought in mind, I had the choice of either harmonizing
the Benei or re-working it so that it would be musically acceptable to
the jazz player and most importantly to Cantor Allan Michel son.
(Incidentally the Benei can be harmonized within the blues tradition,
that is I, IV. V chordal progressions.) The melody which follows was
the one that the jazz group and the cantor could relate to as a basis
for improvisation.

Cm 7

rf j>'/,*7 1 hj r j . M I J M j '' p I

,i. *i**wK T*rjr

IV.

IT/] J ¥

t 1 yjjy 1 ii^ pl^ L
I. if ^t JJ jJi. I

The above example presents a solution to a specific musical
problem. It represents one way of solving the problem of revising a
particular melody within the Chasidic tradition to relate to the jazz
tradition. Other solutions are of course possible, according to the
sensitivity and creativity of the cantor and the jazz musician with
whom he wants to be involved if the congregation will allow it!
This example, however, at least serves as an approach that could be
helpful to cantorial jazz men who wish to attain a unity of impro-
visational styles.

Is there then really a separate and distant gulf, a chasm, be-
tween jazz and Chasidic music? Is one profane, the other sacred? If
profane? Buber said, "Nothing is profane; everything is waiting to
be made sacred." A jazz writer has said, "Jazz ... it comes from
the house of the Lord." All kinds of philosophical questions can be
asked, and all answers can be incomplete and meaningless. Let the
theologian, philosopher, historian, and religious traditionalists rack
their brains to solve the problem of historical unity. The musician
has, or should have, one concern: does it work?

MUSIC SECTION

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N? 7. Aschre, B'schimcho, ki siferes. (a.w.)

Cantor.

A&ch . rfc ho . om jod . e

s'. ru - oh A - do

noj

b* or po . ne.cho je _ ha _ . le _ chun.

Sopran

Tenor,

Cantor.

jom nw a i d kos cho

jo . ro

Coro.

N?8.Mchalkelohajim.

Moderato

Sopran

Tenot

N ? 8. Uwaschofer god61.

Antlantino.

Cantor

Sopr*n

Tenor.

ujmal o-chim je - cho _ fe sun V; chil or o_do

ja awrunlfo.ne.

v'ohol bo _ *

lorn

tachaaechiwto

Cantor. *

n>«* i ^§ § U J Jja

it- *# *#

Kwa_ko.ras

kwa.ko.ras

kwa.ko. ras

^uT^li

kwa.ko.ras

f r m x

/>/»

gESQi J-f -p-p- I * 'if -P-f i

* J p p *

ko_ _ ras ro.e ed .

ro.e ed . to

j ^MUJ^

^P=[^h#

kwa_ko_ras

kwako.ras

kva _ ko.ras

4 ^*j >j>*

^SMJ J>j*

* J p p«

ad lib.

ft* N"'

ma a.wir

ma a wir

4 ^ * r p p

ta rh&B schiw

Kb.

3OT ay^^ E

^ ^

^HHM

HHi

Coro. Andantino con moto

v'si» . per v'_ sim

- ne

gsar _ di ,

N?10. B' rosch haschono.

Larglieito.

A J jr_

6'rosch ha . scho.na i
Cantor

ko . se _ wun u v T . jom zom ki _ pur

i . ko.Be

k >\ \ * JO J ^

, c AHT ' Andantino con moto.

^ rt s f pr - M.

N? 11. Ki k'schimcho.

Andante.

Ven

ki 16 Bactupoi bmos ha

Cantor.
Andante.

. dom

con a?nma
ten.

r i niioa m m

dom je.so . do

me . o.for

FSi

moschul k'.che _ res
per esc. . » f

=±=±

$=$=& *

k' _ che. res ha ni.sch . bor k'.

pcrese. | t *

±A

mo . schul k

che res k .

mo
pcrese

che . res ha
^» cresc.

nisch

la.cha mo

p cretc .

fit

^ J i'J

/> cretc.

^MH' J J^ i^

i- * »ji i

chajir jowesch uch-ziz no . we]

bor
■A

k* cho.zir jo.wesch
PP

*H p p

uch.ziz no .

wel

p^p

f* A

-^*

i ~t \ V

Coro.

Moderato *
i Sopr.

NO 12. Ase Imaan schmecho.

Andantino maestoso.

++-■£

^J J J

im um.schal.

&^-

*£

um . schal.schim

kdu . echo ba

ko . desch kor

sgi

schim kdu > _scho ba . ko _ desch ba -ko _ desch kor _ im um _

N? 13. Chamol.

Coro.
, Andantino.

dolce

a vjom-rul*chocho-se. cho

dasch o . don al kol ma. a _ se

a . mu . »e _ cho

cho

tuk _ dasch ol ma . a - se - cho.
no q 1'ko

Cantor.
Recitando.

VtadW .

keunba.misch -

pot ha me lech ha

mis eh

Houriucheg b jad mi das mi

ba - raisch _pot ha _ me lech ha-misch . pot

N? 14. Vjeesoju.

Moderato quasi allegretto

Vje.e

fm mm

bo - ju chol 1? ow. de

cho y\ _ worchu schem kwo.de .

£?&-

J * y J

±ii_i

T^ k S

cho

0H.ti k ..

v'ja^i . .

du wo

l . im xid .

ke . eh

o ri .

id.r6.scbu.

y 1* VP m J) ^-p —

v". ja _

gi -

— N

^ so_midig_dal Ad6. □ oj v«is-ne_ chu es &KA-b6~ hem

Oa.ki.ru

J a u M Tempo I

N? 16. Umipniohatofau.

Andante

Cantor.

803 Ch6 - w6 Bti

Coro.
SoprAlt

b' . wee b'.chi - ro.se

cho

^tiift

±£

JoJ>J>J>fl

V' la

B68

Cfa0.W0.B6

f^F

r-T 1 1 r

weii toai_ro.»«

Cantor,

o . low nnp_ne ha jod ha.flchlu . . _cho b' mik . do . sche cho

Cantor.
Adagi o, c

mLpne ha . jod ha echlucho V. nuk do- sche cho.

Jo _ hi ro - - zon
J/* So pr semprepj

je _ hi ro . z6nmilfb_ne_cho

v \

nu 3 -"*j~^ v* al mik-dosch _ cho v'al mik_do.

8ch'_

ir' ai nr nu

v* si.w. n« _ hu m' he ^^ rfr V uiw - n6_hu m* he.ro v'Biw _ neJiu

he . ro u s* ga

del kw6

d ° Piu mosso,

Cantor

Largo con espressione.

S Saw

u.s\ga . . del kwo d6.

Xfcon fuoco

nu mi _ ben

ha _g6 im

ha.g6 . im

v*. ko _ r6wjf bu „ re"

im r .

fPW

1j '

be^n ha.g6 im

^g^S

i^JW-

r~p*< v p

V. ko

.kajiaa

s4 o .

rez mi-jar . k? b£ mi jar. k? si o .

'tu l n

N? 16. Ochilo 1061. (A.W.)

, Reestando.

Cantor,

(3 oro Mo"derato.

J * Sopr.AU.

nu ma .a . ne lo

. echon

a scherbi k'.hal om oachiro u-s6 a.bi . o
Coro.

r* no nos b* ad naif o . low.

Cantor.

L- o . dom ma.Ar.ch6 lew u me A . d6 . - _noj ma. a. no

sch6n A . do . noj sfosaj tif tochu . f i ja.gid w_ hi . lo.ee . oho.
Coro.
J A Andante assah poco a poco erttc.

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