Cantors Assembly Journal of Synagogue Music

JOURNAL

OF SYNAGOGUE

PUBLISHED IN j ULY AND DECEMBER

MUSIC

J uly 1980 / Tamuz 5740
Volume X
Number 1

CONTENTS

The Prayers of David . . . Are Ended

The Religious Element
in Schoenberg 's Work

The Sabbath Eve AMIDAH; A Ne w
Translation and COMMENTARY

Gleanings from "Dl HAZZONIM Velt"

Max Wohlberg 3

Karl H. Worner 10

Elliot B. Gertel 20
Samuel Rosenbaum 37

High Holy Day Hymn Melodies in the
Portuguese Synagogue of Amsterdam

Maxine Ribstein Kanter 45

The Sound of Singing in the Catskills Mordecai Yardeini 63

With this issue, the "Journal of Synagogue Music"
becomes a semi-annual publication to be published in J uly
and December of each year. The change will make it
possible for us to publish more in-depth articles and thereby
attract many more serious and acknowledged experts in
the field of J ewish musicology.

Although there will be only two issues each year we
pledge to our readers that they will suffer no loss in con-
tent and will gain immeasurably from the higher publica-
tion standards.

We hope to be able to continue with the same sub-
scription price of $12.50 per year.

JOURNALOFSYNACOGUEMUSIC , Volume X, Number 1

July 1980 / Tamuz 5740

Abraham Lu bin

Samuel Rosenbaum

ard: Jacob Barkin, David Brandhandler, Israel Gold-
stein, Morton Kula, Saul Meisels, Solomon Mendelson, Morton
Shames, Moses J. Silverman, Hyman Sky, Pinchas Spiro.

business manager: Yehudah Mandel

officers of the cantors assembly: M orton Shames, President;
Abraham Shapiro, Vice President; Ivan Perlman, Treasurer; Saul
Hammerman, Secretary; Samuel Rosenbaum, Executive Vice Presi-
dent.

journal of synagogue music is a semi-annual o u bl i ca ti o n. The sub-
scription fee is $12.50 per year. All articles, communications and
subscriptions should be addressed to Journal of Synagogue Music,
Cantors Assembly, 150 Fifth Avenue, New York 10011.

Copyright © 1980, Cantors Assembly

"THE PRAYERS OF DAVID . . . ARE ENDED"

PS. LXXII:20

It was more than half a century ago when David Putterman
and I met at the Hazzanim Farband on the lower East Side of New
York.

Being among the youngest members of the Farband (he was,
I believe, seven years my senior) not realizing that our careers were
destined to run in a parallel course and not suspecting that we were
fated to collaborate in a number of significant ventures in behalf
of our profession, we were instinctively drawn to one another.

Actually, we were in many respects dissimilar. He was an
English speaking American who, as a child, sang in local synagogue
choirs and was, more or less, a passive member of the Farband.
Whereas, I was a recent immigrant whose favorite language after
Hungarian and German was Yiddish. (My mother spoke Hungarian
to her daughters, Yiddish to her sons and in a Slavic dialect to the
peasants and servants.) My experience as a choir singer was limited
and I had asssumed an active role, as a member of the board and
secretary, in the affairs of the Farband. The lingua franca at the
Farband was Yiddish.

Notwithstanding our differences, David and I found that on
matters of importance we invariably agreed. In conversations we
had, he advocated the Americanization (a process as yet not clearly
delineated) of hazzanut and the arrangement of in-service courses
for cantors.

As a result of his enthusiastic and persistent promptings I
proposed to the Farband that we invite a number of guest lecturers
to our meetings. My proposal was received with condescending
smiles, subtle tolerance and was voted upon favorably. I was, of
course, appointed chairman of the project.

The first lecturer I invited was Lazare Saminsky. He was re-
ceived with polite reservations and patronizing cordiality. Since he
neither introduced an effective recitative nor suggested practical
means wherewith to strengthen our positions materially the op-
Max Wohlberg is Professor of Hazzanut at the Cantors Institute of the
Jewish Theological Seminary of America who has had a long and distinguished
career as a hazzan, composer, writer, lecturer and scholar. He is a frequent
and welcome contributor to these pages.

ponents of a lecture-series had no difficulty in mounting their opposi-
tion. In the memorable words of Hershman "If you have the goods
and can deliver (derlangen die s'khoyre) you need nothing else.
If you don't, nothing will help you." After a few fairly well-received
lectures the project gently expired.

David and I despaired of the eirev rav at the Farband where
many of the members only officiated on the high holidays and for
the rest of the year followed diverse professions. Ultimately, with
the cooperation of like minded colleagues the Cantors Cultural Or-
ganization was founded. (Its minutes appeared in a previous issue
of the J ournal of Synagogue Music.)

By this time David was convinced that the welfare of our calling
in this country depended on the realization of a two-pronged goal:
1) an organization of professional (full-time) cantors and 2) a school
for cantors where young men aspiring to serve as cantors in the
American Synagogue would receive instruction in the various essen-
tial disciplines.

Again, as a result of David's incessant promptings we, joined
by Jacob Beimel and Leib Glantz, went to see Dr. Cyrus Adler,
then President of the J ewish Theological Seminary. He received us
graciously and expressed smypathy with our views. With his arm
around my shoulders he wished us well; unfortunately, he passed
away soon thereafter.

David relentlessly pursued his goal and we ultimately presented
our case to Dr. Louis Finkelstein, Chancellor of the J ewish Theo-
logical Seminary. This time, our efforts were crowned with success.
With the help of Dr. Albert Gordon, Dr. Moshe Davis, Dr. Max
Routtenberg and others, the Cantors Assembly and later, the Cantors
Institute, became realities.

While it may seem somewhat premature to attempt a valid
evaluation of these institutions, it may be safely stated that they
have already given ample evidence of their ability to contribute
measurably to the perpetuation and to the enhancement of our
profession.

Having successfully launched these two organizations David
pursued his third and final goal: the enrichment of the synagogue
repertoire. Encouraged by his congregation he began commissioning
J ewish and non-J ewish musicians of renown to compose for our
liturgy. These new works were festively premiered at the Park

Avenue Synagogue. Among the sixty-nine American and Israeli
musicians who participated in this effort are to be found most of
our eminent composers. 'Synagogue Music By Contemporary Com-
posers" published by Schirmer in 1947 includes selected compositions
by some of the best known of these: David Diamond, Alexander
Gretchaninoff, Heinrich Schalit, Bernard Rogers, William Grant,
Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Jacques de Menasce, Arthur Berger,
Henry Brant, Paul Dessau, Darius Milhand, Morton Gould, Frederick
J acobi, Max Helfman, Roy Harris, Leonard Bernstein, Leo Smit,
Isadore Freed, Herbert Fromm, Kurt Weill and Lukas Foss.

In recent years, David was persuaded to preserve on recordings
some of the high holiday liturgy that he chanted with so much
warmth and devotion. The result was an album commemorating his
35th Anniversary with the Park Avenue Synagogue. A unique value
of this album lies in its having been taped during actual services.
It includes items from Musaf of Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur
and from Kol Nidrei and Neilah services.

The composers represented are: Weintraub, Abras, Sulzer,
Lewandowski, E. Birnbaum, Blumenthal, Silver, Zilberts, Alman,
Schorr, Stark, Nowakowsky, Helfman, Rapaport, Volkert, Schlesinger
and Putter-man.

While vocally David was, of course, past his prime when these
selections were recorded, one can still discern the warmth and the
spirit that pervaded his cantorial art — an art so beloved by his
congregants. His mellow tenor, musicianship and good taste are still
in evidence.

"Mizmor L'David," an anthology of synagogue music compiled,
edited and arranged by David J . Putterman and published by the
Cantors Assembly in 1979, is a handsome and imposing volume of
409 pages. It contains a brief biography of the editor, a laudatory
preface by Samuel Rosenbaum and an abundance of worthwhile and
useful material.

The following lines are an attempt to react, however briefly,
to its rich and varied content.

"Ma Tovu" (original spellings are retained here) by Marc
Lavry is as almost everything by him, well done. At one point,
the phrasing (eit ratzon elohim) is regrettable.

Alexander Tansman's setting of "Ma Tovu," in English,
is excellent.

The third "Ma Tovu" is by Zavel Zilberts. Since his is the
most frequently encountered name in this anthology, a word
or two about him seem warranted. Zilberts breaks no new paths
and presents no surprising novelties but whatever he writes
"sings". The very notes on the page seem to ring tunefully.
He, it seems to me, is one of our most gifted melodists. Prac-
tically everything he wrote in whatever genre: liturgical, has-
sidic, folkstyle, romantic, dramatic is "cantabile". The 38 num-
bers he contributed to this volume (some had appeared in print
before) are invariably good.

"Psalm 99" and "Psalm 92" are arranged by Putterman for
alternating lines by cantor and congregation.

"Psalm 93" by Ben Haim is an elaborate and intricate
setting with a lengthy organ introduction that has a life of its
own. It has an "eastern" flavor. While it is a fascinating selec-
tion I would not consider it likely to become an integral part
of the synagogue repertoi re.

Edward Eirnbaum's "Adonoy Moloch" is a simple and
forthright presentation of the traditional mode.

"Lekha Dodi" by Y. Admon is good and attractive. The
same text set to music by Maier Kohn is improved by the
arrangement of Samuel Adler.

"Barechu" of Chayim Alexander is a gem. "Ahavat Olom"
by Aviassaf Barnea is delicate and elusive. The graceful "Ahavas
Olom" by Reuven Kasakoff, based "on an ancient hassidic
melody", is as is this composers general work, a testament to
his esthetic sensitivity.

Moshe Lustig's "Shema" is striking but not appropriate
for an actual service. Yehuda Wohl's setting of "Mi Chamocha"
is powerful.

The "Hashkivenu" of Edward Birnbaum follows the so-
called "traditional" style of the recent past minus the usual
"excesses". Putter-man's "Hashkivenu" is in the popular East
European vein. A. M. Rabinowitch's setting of the same text
is prototype of the "better" (should I say "cleaner"?) examples
on which so many of us were weaned. "Ush'mor Tsesenu" by
Putterman is rooted in what may be called "folkstyle".

Of the 6 "V'shomru" settings, Leon Algazi's is admirable in
its frugality. It is probably the "leanest" setting of this text.
The one by Schorr-Gel ler is in the romantic mold and is quite
popular.

The two by Mark Silver are tuneful and well done. (The
composer, one of Zilberts' five brothers, all of whom adopted
the surname Silver, was a competent musician and a modest,
soft-spoken gentleman.) The final two by Zilberts became
popular concert numbers.

The 'Yih'yu L'ratson" of Hugo Adler is spare and utili-
tarian. A slight rearrangement of the words is recommended.
The two versions (of this text) by Neil Robinson are good and
practical. These are followed by two workmanlike and effective
settings by Zilberts. The latters "M'en Sheva" is pure nusah.

Putterman's "Omar Rabi Elozor" affords me the oppor-
tunity to remark on this as well as other items appearing in this
volume under his name. To the best of my knowledge David
had no pretentions to the title, composer. And if we do not
consider him as such it is not our intention to denigrate his
enormous contributions to our profession. No doubt the success
with which he performed these selections prompted him to in-
clude them here. As for the items designated as: "Arr. by
D. P." he undoubtedly introduced some textual or melodic
alteration for which he assumes responsibility.

Binder's "Kiddush" (as all his work — good, to the point
and useful) is followed by five additional settings: two by Put-
ter man, two by Zilberts and one (hassidic) by Edgar 'Mills.

The Sabbath Morning section contains music for "El Odon",
"Or Chodosh", 'Tsur Y'israel" and "Yismach Moshe". A solid
"En Komocho" by Minkowsky is followed by a virtually com-
plete Torah service by Zilberts. The latter is also represented
by items appropriate for Bar Mitzvah celebrations.

Three "Y'hi Ratson" settings for Rosh Hodesh (by Alman,
Minkowsky and D. P.) are followed by "Uvnucho Yomar" in
five versions. The first of two by Zilberts is very good. The
others are by Schlesinger, Putterman and Anon.

A "K'dusho" arranged by Robinson is fair. One by Birn-
baum and one arranged by Putterman are good. In Zilberts'

melodious "Yism'chu" the accentuation of the text is better than
in many of his compositions.

In a somewhat reduced form the "Birchas Kohanim" of
Putterman could be useful. The 'Y'vorechecho" of Zilberts is
more suitable for a wedding solo than for a Sabbath Musaf.

For some reason the items in the high holiday section
appear in alphabetical order.

After two congregational tunes for "Areshes" we find Rapo-
port's (old faithful) "Ato Nosen Yod". Music for "B'rosh
Hashonoh" and "B'sefer Chayim" is provided by Putter-man and
Zilberts who also supply short recitatives for "Haven Yakir Li"
and "Hanshomo Loch".

Kirschner's "Ki Onu Amecho" reminds us that an oppor-
tunity was missed in not correcting the numerous faulty accents
appearing throughout the volume. Zilberts' "Kodosh Ato" is
simple, direct and effective.

The Putterman-Bruch "Kol Nidre" is followed by the
former's "L'chu N'ran'noh", "Lishmoa" and '"Min Hametsar"
verses, Two rewarding versions of "M'loch" (by Joseph Gold-
stein and Zilberts) precede a number of solos (mostly) by Put-
terman. The "Sh'ma" (concluding verses of Neilah) with its
ascending scale is attractive.

Goldfarb's "Shomer Yisroel" appears in Kosakoff' s graceful
arrangement, while Birnbaum's "Shuvu, Shuvu" and "Un'sane
Tokef" are sparse and pleasing. Sections of the latter are set
by Zilberts (very good), Goldstein and Putterman.

The "V'al Ham'dinos" of Sukoenig is inadequate. Nisse
Spivak's "V'chach Hoyo Omer" is a classic. Two tunes for
"V'Korev P'zurenu" are provided. In "Yaale", one of Zilberts'
early compositions, the "Ahavah Rabbah" mode is effectively
manipulated and is employed to good advantage.

The high holiday section concludes with Putterman's "Y'hi
Rotson"for Neilah and a fine arrangement of "Yigdal" by Ed-
ward Birnbaum. The editor deserves particular praise for the
inclusion of Birnbaum's not readily available compositions.

The Sholosh Regolim section contains a rewarding "Od'cho"
by Zilberts and seven settings of "Adonoi, Adonoi". The first
of these, an uncommon arrangement by Hugo Adler is worthy

of attention. Number 5 is by B. L. Rosowsky. Two items for
Geshem and Tal by M. Weintraub conclude this group.

The final, miscellaneous, group includes four selections by
Putterman and three ("Adonoi, MoOdom", "Shivisi" and "V'hu
Rachum") by Zilberts. Appended are cantillations according
to Rosowsky.

This is a most uneven, yet rich volume containing as it does
items of little value as well as numerous most welcome selections.
An added value of this handsome book is its inclusion of many
numbers not encountered elsewhere. Surely, Putterman has put
us into his debt with his industry and with his eclectic prefer-
ences as exemplified here.

I realize that as I recall our friendship, events spanning half a
century, the many projects in which David and I participated, our
numberless discussions, arguments and compromises, my judgement
is subjective. As we all do, David had his faults. He was obdurate in
his opinions, stubborn in his prejudices. But, unlike many of us, he
was ready to listen to a contrary view, willing to acquiesce to a con-
vincing argument and act in accordance with a majority decision.

To him the achievement of a noble aim superseded a particular
method utilized in reaching it. As he was totally sincere in, and
utterly committed to, his beliefs and ideals he could also be un-
swervingly severe to those who would violate a mutually avowed
principle.

He loved J ews, J udaism and J ewishness. He was a gracious host
as well as a demanding friend, not hesitant to criticize a questionable
word or deed. But once having done so, the slate was wiped clean
arid warm friendship resumed.

Perhaps his greatest strength lay in his steadfastness and per-
sistence in pursuit of one idea he was convinced is worthy of pursuit.
David, the man, will be missed by his dear ones. David, the
cantor, will be remembered by his congregation. Our people as a
whole will enjoy the fruits of his labors but we, his colleagues, are
the ultimate yorshim of his dreams.

The Cantors Assembly is an abiding monument giving witness
to his deep concern and the Cantors I nstitute is an eternal memorial
eloquently eulogizing his enduring idealim.

David was a rare individual whose dreams were realized during
his lifetime.

The prayers of David were answered.

RELIGIOUS ELEMENT IN SCHOENBEBRG'S WORK

KARL H. Wor

Reprinted from the authors major work, "Schoenberg's Moses and Aaron,"
with permission of the publishers, Faber and Faber, Ltd., London, 1963.

Karl H.Warner (1910-1969) was a noted German musicologist, who earned
his Ph.D. at the Berlin University. He served as music critic and, for several
years, as opera conductor in Stettin, Magdeburg and Frankfurt. He has written
extensively on Mendelson, Schumman and Schoenberg. 'Schoenberg's Moses
and Aaron," is the first of three major works which he wrote in the final
decade of his life.

Throughout his life Schoenberg was active as composer,
musical theorist, writer on music, essayist and painter.
Everything served him as a means of communication; in-
deed, his form of universal productivity reminds us of the type of
romantic artist whose ideal was the unity of all the arts '. The
second edition (I92I) of Schoenberg's Harmonielehre contains this
revealing statement: The laws that govern a man of genius are
those that will govern future generations of men. This may be
supplemented by similar quotations. Robert Schumann wrote,
' artists are prophets ', and Beethoven spoke of 'the heavenly art
which alone is the mainspring of that strength that enables me to
devote the best part of my life to the Muses ' (1824). The ' word of
God' is manifest in the 'creations of genius', Liszt wrote to Wag-
ner in 1852; and as early as 1885, Hugo Wolf had had the same
thought as Schoenberg: 'The comet course of a genius cannot be
deflected into traditional paths. Genius creates order and elevates
its will to a law.' In 1896, Gustav Mahler told Anna Mildenburg
that he was working on a ' great opus '. ' It claims one's whole per-
sonality; often one is so deeply involved that one is quite dead to
the world outside oneself. One becomes as it were an instrument
played upon by the universe. At such times I no longer belong to
myself. . .' Richard Wagner repeatedly speaks of his isolation.
Thus to Friedrich Nietzsche ( 1872): ' In general, I have the pre-
vailing sensation of knowing less and less of my contemporaries;
this may be inevitable for one who creates for posterity. The lone-
liness of theindividual is boundless.' Mahler thought of himself as

the instrument of the universe, while Alexander Scriabin thought
Of himself as 'absolute being' (Promethean Phantasies, 1900-

1305).

First Beethoven, then Schumann, Wagner and Liszt, and then
Scriabin and Schoenberg-all these artists speak of the composer
as a being of a special order. He is a genius, he has a mission to
fulfil, he is the harbinger of another, supra-mundane world,
which is often equated with the concept of divinity; he is a
prophet. He is put above ordinary mortals, and elevated to bring
them light. He is a Promethean figure. He lives as an example to
men, towering above them. He is in advance of his age. His path
is lonely but he must pursue it. Only later ages will understand
him, honour and emulate him, will perceive his genius, recognize
him as a prophet, and make a cult of him; for in his lifetime he is
appreciated only by the few, a circle of close friends who are his
pupils and disciples, revering him as master.

This cult of the creative artist began in the second half of the
eighteenth century. In music it reached its absolute climax with
Richard Wagner; but there was a marked return to it in the years
before the outbreak of the First World War when on the surface
Europe seemed to be a secure world, while beneath could be seen
the signs of dissolution, of approaching collapse and a new order
of things. The great wave of Expressionism could be interpreted
as a new departure, a premonition of things to come. Schoenberg
stood at the centre of this age, registering its musical currents with
the sensitivity of a seismograph.

Arnold Schoenberg's oeuvre, arranged as it is in continuous and
nearly correct chronological order by the composer's own opus-
numbers, consists of fifty works and groups of works; not included
in this list are the unfinished opera Moses and Aaron, the un-
finished oratorio Die Jakobsleiter, the Gurrelieder, and his
arrangements of works by other composers. The fifty numbered
compositions include vocal and instrumental works in about equal
proportions.

In a letter of 1922 Schoenberg wrote that at no time in his life
had he been 'anti-religious', or even ' un-religious '. A glance at

the texts of the vocal works shows us that Schoenberg was always
concerned with religious, ethical and philosophical subjects. In the
chronological grouping of these works, a rhythm is clearly dis-
cernible; a sequence of seven plus seven years, and a culmination
at about every fifteenth year. 1907 was the year of the a cappella
chorus FriedeaugErden ('Peace on Earth'), Op. 13 (Conrad Fer-
dinand Meyer), as well as the second string quartet in F sharp
minor which employs a voice for the words of the George poems
Litanei and Entriickung. In the war years 191 5-17, Schoenberg
wrote the poem for the oratorio Die J akobslater; later he began
its composition, having already sketched at the end of 19 14 or the
beginning of lg 15 an orchestral scherzo which was subsequently
to find a place in the oratorio. This work is the first culminating
point in Schoenberg's struggle with the religious world.

The poetic conception of the opera Moses and Aaron was pre-
ceded by the writing of a drama (hitherto unpublished) called
Der biblische Weg (The Biblical Way'). This was written in
1926-27. The composition of the opera Moses and Aaron, which
belongs to the years 1930-32, is the climax of Schoenberg's life-
work and, at the same time, its second culminating point. In
America in 1938, Schoenberg set to music the traditional Ko\
Nidre, the prayer for the eve of the Jewish Day of Atonement.
In 1945 he again turned his attention to the oratorio Die Jakobs-
later.

In the last years, after his grave illness, he never ceased to be
concerned with religious subjects.

The publication of the correspondence between Schoenberg and
the poet Richard Dehmel throws light on Schoenberg's plans, and
particularly on those for 1912. On December 13, 1912, Schoen-
berg wrote to the poet from Berlin-Zehlendorf saying that he had
long been thinking about an oratorio on the following lines:
'modern man, who has passed through materialism, socialism,
anarchy, who is an atheist yet has held on to a residue of his old
faith (in the form of superstition); this modern man strives with
God (cf. The wrestling J a cob by Strindberg), and eventually finds
God and becomes religious. He learns to pray! A change of heart

not to be brought about by a dramatic event, or a calamity, or,
least of all, a love-story. These, at most, could only be a back-
ground, motivating and propelling the plot. Above all, it should
be in modern man's idiom of speech, thought, and expression; it
should show the problems that oppress us. For those in the Bible
who strive with God also express themselves as people of their
age; they speak of their affairs and conform to the social and
mental standards of their environment. They are therefore good
artistic subjects; yet they cannot be characterized by a present-
day composer who is committed to his task. At first I intended
writing the poem myself. Now I no longer have the confidence to
do it. Then I thought of making a libretto out of Strindberg's
The wrestling J acob. Finally, I decided to begin with a positive
religious attitude, and arrange the final chapter of Balzac's
Seraphita entitled 'The Ascension ".'

How strong Schoenberg's affinity with the world of religion
must have been in the years before, during, and after the First
World War, is proved by a letter written in 1922 to Wassily
Kandinsky. Schoenberg starts by writing of the enormous diffi-
culties of day-to-day existence ('starvation! '). He continues: 'But
worst, perhaps, is the overthrow of everything one once believed
in.' He goes on to speak of 'another, higher faith' upon which he
has increasingly learnt to depend. 'My poem Die J akobsleiter
would make it clear to you what I mean: it is religion, though
without the fetters of organization. In these years religion has
been my only support-l confess that here for the first time.'

The third culminating point began in 1945, and it produced
The Prelude to Genesis (1 945), the cantata A Survivorfrom War-
saw (1947), and the triptych contained in Op. 50; the third
section of Op. 50, the Modern Psalms, occupied Schoenberg in the
last days before his death.

These periods in Schoenberg's work tell us, it is true, something
about the creative rhythm of his life, but more instructive is
the actual transformation of thought and faith. Conrad Ferdi-
nand Meyer's poem Friede auf Erden ('Peace on Earth') is
wholly conceived in the Christian spirit of 'glad tidings', of the

everlasting hope of peace on earth. Stefan George's Entriickung
('Transfiguration '), on the other hand, is born of a pantheistic
creed; given to a soprano voice, it forms the finale of the second
string quartet, Op. 10 ('ich fuhle luft von anderem planeten
ich bin ein funke nur von heiligen feuer, ich bin ein drohnen nur
der heiligen stimme ') ('I sense the air of another planet only
a spark am I of the sacred fire, an echo of the eternal voice '). In a
pantheistic vein, too, is the poem Nutur ('Nature') by Heinrich
Hart which was used by Schoenberg in the first of his Six Songs
for Voice and Orchestra, Op. 8.

Very different are the spiritual worlds that had opened up for
Schoenberg when he wrote the text of the oratorio Die J akobs-
leiter. It can be shown that Schoenberg was stimulated by reading
Balzac's Seraphita, a story into which the French novelist intro-
duces Swedenborg's mystical theology. It is also possible that
Schoenberg may have studied theosophical writings. These
stimuli were absorbed in the drama Die gliickliche Hand ('The
Hand of Fate') (composed 1910-13), Die J akobsleiter, and the
poems Totentanz der Prinzipien (' Death-dance of Principles ')
and Requiem. The idea of reincarnation here becomes the centre
of religious faith.

The oratorio Die J akobsleiter is a vision of the time-interval in
the other world between death and reincarnation, expressed in
dialogues between choruses and individual souls, and the arch-
angel Gabriel, who here appears as judge and counsellor, until
towards the end God himself speaks. Throughout, the individual
stands for the whole: 'the called one ', the rebellious one', the
wrestler ', the chosen one ', the monk', the dying man '. After
a great symphonic interlude, Gabriel bids them make themselves
ready for reincarnation. Now begins the second part of the work,
the exchanges between the souls on the one hand, and the
demons, genii, stars, gods and angels on the other; this in turn
leads into the tripartite final scene, a chorus from the depths, a
main chorus, and a chorus from on high forming a vast concerted
invocation of the gift of God's grace, eternal love and blessed-

The text of Die J akobsleiter is intended for repeated reading,
perusal, and thought. Its subject-matter is comprehensive enough
to fill entire theological volumes. Indeed, the weakness of the text
lies in its vacillation between operatic libretto, sermon, contem-
plation and theological exegesis-an unfortunate misjudgment
of Schoenberg's that sheds light on some problematical traits in
his character. Yet this negative impression is entirely obliterated
by the music. The score had a fate of its own. In the summer of
1917, Schoenberg, under the impulse of inspiration, wrote the
first half of the work in short-score. Interrupted by his army ser-
vice, he never again succeeded in finding a spontaneous continua-
tion that might have led to the completion of the work, despite
repeated attempts. The existing sketch has been worked out by
Winfried Zillig. It was first performed in Vienna in 1961 at a
special concert in connection with the festival of the International
Society for Contemporary Music.

A highly significant composition, one of Schoenberg's great
works, has thus become known to the world. Written at the peak
of Expressionism, this music lays open all the heights and depths
of which emotion is capable. But the work's emotional extremes
and its vivid orchestral colours are bound together in great formal
structures. Powerful choruses, whose dramatic impact anticipates
Moses and Aaron, are found next to moving solo-scenes. Very
much in the style of the period are the melodramatic manner of
declamation and the expressionistic feverishness of the work's
emotional world. There can be no doubt that Die J akobsleiter is
the greatest work of this particular period in Schoenberg's output.
In the futur<£it will take its place) by Moses and Aaron. There is
one passage in the work, however, that is unique in Schoenberg's
entire oeuvre: the end of the musical torso. It contains a represent-
ation of death, dissolution and transfiguration. A woman on her
death-bed describes her transition from life to death, she becomes
disembodied, she feels that she is floating upwards. The music
here reaches the realms of the spirit, the realms of transfiguration.
The speaking-voice becomes a singing-voice, winging its way
upwards on wordless sounds. Distant orchestras are heard through

loudspeakers distributed over the hall. The spheres begin to
reverberate.

These theological beliefs were not without influence on the
idea of, and the formulation of, the twelve-note principle, the
beginnings of which go back to the end of December 1914, or to
January 1 g 15. Swedenborg's concept of Heaven -Balzac's des-
cription does not allow for time and space in eternity-corre-
sponds to Schoenberg's 'principle of absolute and unified experi-
ence of musical space', a concept which is realized through the
note-row, the basic set and its modifications. The 'method of
composing with twelve notes'-this is how Schoenberg described
the twelve-note principle-is not an exclusively musical method,
or merely theoretical speculation, or a historical consequence of
the situation of 1910. Not just a single idea, it is the sum of all
experiences, based on a religious outlook. The Four Songs fa-
Voice and Orchestra, Op. 22, composed in i g i 3-16, was the last
work to be completed before a creative pause of several years. The
songs are based on texts of supra-denominational religious trends:
Seraphita by Ernest Dowson (translated into German by Stefan
George), and three poems by Rilke: 'Alle welche dich suchen'
('All that seek thee') and 'Mach mich zum Wachter deiner
Weiten' ('Let me be the guardian of thy realms') from the
Stundenbuh ( Book of Hours ') ; and Vorgefiihl (' Premonition ')
('Ich bin wie eine Fahne von Fernen umgeben': 'Like a flag, I
am surrounded by distances ') from the Buch der Bilder (' Book
of Images ').

The Vier Stiicke fur gemischten Chor ('Four pieces for mixed
chorus'), Op. 27, were written in 1925. The first two of these are
settings of original words; they are not Poetry, but rhythmical
prose; in them we do not find subjectivism, but ethical tenets; we
do not find lyricism, but religious imperatives. Op. 27, No. 2.
4 Du sol I st nicht, du musst' (Thou shalt not, thou must') is
already formulating the basic theological idea of Moses and Aaron
when it says: Thou shalt not make an image. . . An image asks
for names . . . Thou shalt believe in the Spirit, thou must, chosen
one. . . .' In this choral work there is as yet no direct reference to

the Old Testament. It was a few years later in his drama Der
biblische Weg (The Biblical Way'), written in 1926-27, and in
Moses and Aaron, that Schoenberg discovered the world of the
Old Testament. From there it was only a short step to the public
avowal of his J udaism in Paris in 1933; a formal declaration of
his faith and reunion with the J ewish community.

In this context, a letter which Schoenberg wrote onMay4,
1923, to his old friend Kandinsky, is of importance. This letter is
by no means a theological defence of J udaism, but a purely
human vindication invoking the dignity of mankind, and of
Judaism, against the vague generalized accusations and the
various forms of abuse levelled at it. With regard to Schoenberg's
return to the J ewish faith, a letter to Alban Berg, his friend and
pupil, contains essential information. The letter was written from
Paris in October 1933. 'As you must surely have noticed, my
return to the J ewish faith occurred long ago, and is discernible
even in the published sections of my work (Thou shalt not, thou
must ') as well as in Moses and Aaron, of which you have known
since 1928, but which goes back for at least another five years; it
is particularly noticeable in my drama The Biblical Way, which
was conceived in 1922 or 1923 but not finished until 1926-27.'

According to David J osef Bach, the drama The Biblical Way
shows 'the right way, that is, the way of the Bible. God has
revealed it.' The protagonist Max Arun's plans for founding a
new Palestine come to nothing because of his human imper-
fections, and it is only by a martyr's death that the hero is able
eventually to achieve the degree of perfection possible for him.
Max Arun represents the J ewish people. In himself he unites the
two personalities, Moses and Aaron, that were to be separated
in the opera: Moses, the idea; Aaron, the word. In a letter,
Schoenberg mentions briefly that the drama deals with the
'emergence of the J ews as a people'.

In his later religious works Schoenberg has moved completely
into the world of the Old Testament. However, only one of those
works has a direct liturgical basis: the Kol Nidre of 1938. In a
letter written bv Schoenberg in 1941 to Paul Dessau, we are told

of the compositional problems that faced him when he set out to
use the 'traditional melody ' of the Kol Nidre; for this is not a
'melody' in our sense of the term, but a number of juxtaposed
phrases of a monodic, i.e. a unisonal and linear, character.

De Profundis, a setting in Hebrew of Psalm 130 for six-part
a Capdla chorus, completed on J uly 2, 1950, is based on the actual
words of the Bible. The cantata, A Survivor from Warsaw
(1947), to a text by Schoenberg in which the persecuted J ews
intone the Shema Yisrod, is an avowal of J udaism and humanity,
of the nobility of suffering and of the overcoming of adversity by
suffering. The Prelude, Op. 44, composed in 1945 for orchestra
and mixed choir (the latter singing vowels only), presents a theo-
logical view of God and the world, a description of the universe
before the act of creation. The last group of compositions con-
tains, as mentioned, the setting of Psalm 130 (Op. 50 B), and a
four-part mixed chorus Dreimal tausend J ahre (Three times a
thousand years'), Op. 50 A, to words by Dagobert D. Runes. The
poet sings of the temple of J erusalem, while the psalms, sounding
softly from the mountains, proclaim the promised advent of God.

Opus 50 C forms an independent poetic musical work, called
by Schoenberg Modern Psalms. The text consists of two groups.
The first ten psalms were written between September 1950 and
February 1951; a second group, begun on March 23, 1951, goes
up to the sixth psalm which was begun on J uly 3, ten days before
Schoenberg's death, and remained unfinished. Schoenberg's
psalms cannot be compared to those of the Bible. They are neither
songs of praise nor prayers, but the great confessions of an indi-
vidual, a testament to posterity, a posthumous torso which
Schoenberg was not able to complete or round off. They are pre-
dominantly reflective: God's almightiness, prayer, hope, an
enquiry into the justice of God, the idea of grace, the self as part
of the community of the chosen people-these are the themes
commented upon by Schoenberg from the viewpoint of the Old
Testament. He then extends his viewpoint and meditates on
belief in mysteries, miracles, and the ten commandments which
'today have already become the foundation of morality, ethics

and jurisdiction in almost all nations of a higher civilization, and
which, one day, will enlighten all the peoples of the world'.
Schoenberg then turns his thoughts to J esus, charity, the faith of
children, love, and the procreative instinct, and, finally, to prayer
again, and the duties of the Jews in their role as the chosen
people. His last recorded thoughts seem to be intended as a fur-
ther enquiry into the question of the religious determination of
moral values.

The manuscript of the first psalm bears the date of its incep-
tion, October 2, 1950. Of this 86 bars are extant: they are the
dialogue of a human being with God. 'Who am I?' is the outcry
of a creature seized by mystical awe at the vision of the 'only one,
eternal one, all-powerful one, all-knowing one, inconceivable
one'. The last words set to music by Schoenberg are 'And yet I
pray as all that lives prays'. The composition remained unfinished.

THE SABBATH EVE AMIDAH -

A NEW TRANSLATION AND COMMENTARY

. . . Sifotai Tiftah ...

Lord, if Thou my lips would open,
I could, of Thy praises, utter token.

Avot

May Thou, Lord, be praised;

Our Lord, as of each patriarch:

M aster of Abraham, I saac and J acob.

Great, mighty and revered Monarch,

Thou art a God supremely raised;

Who art kind, while owning all;

And our forebears' piety dost recall;

And Who, for Thy reputation,

Wilt send a Redeemer' to their children.

King, Helper, Savior, Shield,

Praised be Thou, Abraham's Shield.**

Gevurot

Thou, Lord, art mighty forever;

Thou, strong and resurrecting Savior-3

Thou sustainest life tenderly,

And revivest the dead mercifully.

Thou supportest the fallen, healest the week,

Freest the bound, keepest faith with the meek.

Who is I ike Thee, Mighty One,

King Who determineth death,

Proddeth endurance, bringeth salvation?

1 On the doctrine of the personal Messiah, see Steven Schwarzschild, "The
Personal Messiah: Toward the Restoration of a Discarded Doctrine," in
Arthur A. Cohen, ed., Arguments and Doctrines (N.Y.: Harper, 1970).

2 The seven benedictions of the Sabbath Eve Amidah are indicated by
asterisks.

3 Between Shemini Atzeret and Pesah, we add: "Thou causest the wind
to blow and the rai n to fal I ."

Elliot B. Gertel isa senior at The Rabbinical School of the J ewish Theo-
logical Seminary of America who has been a frequent contributor on liturgy
to magazines of J ewish thought.

Thou revivest the dead faithfully.

Praise be Thou, Lord,

By Whom the dead are restored*

A tta Kadosh
(Kedushat Adonai)

As is Thy Name, Thou art holy;
Sanctified beings praise Thee daily.
Praised beThou, hallowed Deity.*

At ta Kidashta
(Kedushat Ha-Yom)

The Seventh Day Thou didst sanctify
For Thine own reputation.
Of Thy forming of earth and sky,
Was Shabbat the planned conclusion.
It is the most blessed of days;
Above all seasons by Thee raised,
As explained in Thy legislation :

Vay'chulu

"Complete were the hosts of heaven and earth;
And on the Seventh Day God ceased all work.
From His labor He was thus rested,
And so by H im was Shabbat blessed
And consecrated for eternity,
For His labor and rest are holy."4

Eloheinu R'tzei

Our God, and patriarchs' Deity
Grant our rest Thine approbation;
M ay Thy precepts make us holy;
Let Torah-study be our portion.
Sate us with Thy beneficence;
Grant us joyful deliverance.
Invest our hearts with purity,
That our worship reflect sincerity.
I n Thy love, enable us, Lord
To savor Thy Sabbath behest;

4 Genesis 2: 1-3.

22

M ay I srael , i n one accord

Find that hallowing Thee brings rest.

Praised beThou, Adonai,

Who makest Shabbat holy.*

R'tzei
(Avodah)

Favor, Lord, Thy people, Israel,
And their humble prayer.
Restore the Service to Thy Temple;
And receive in love and favor there
Israel's worship and sacrifice.

may our offerings sufficed
And may our eyes soon behold
Thy return to Zion, as of old!

Our God, as of our fathers:
May our remembrance alight,
Reach Thee, be noted, and find favor

1 n Thy hearing and in Thy sight,
Along with the memory of our forebears,
And of the Davidic Messiah, Thy servant,
Blessed art Thou, Merciful Lord,
Whose Presence, to Zion, is restored*

Modim Anahnu Lakh
(Hodaah)

We thank Thee, Lord, Who forever

Is our God, as of our fathers.

We thank Thee in every generation!

Rock of our lives, Shield of salvation,

We thank Thee and Thy praises mention :

For our lives, in Thy handling;

For our souls, in Thy keeping;

And for Thy miracles, daily recurring;

For Thy wonders, for Thine every boon,

Each moment given — eve, morn and noon.

Thou Whose Name is Goodness-

Thou Whose tender mercies endure:

i Rosh Hodesh (New Moon), and during

And of J erusalem, Thy city of holiness.

May Thy people Israel, now a remnant,

Find rescue, well-being, grace and tenderness;

Compassion, life and peace in this festivity . . .

Remember us, Lord, for our best interest!

Recall us for blessing; save our vitality!

Show us reprieve and compassion!

Have mercy on us; save us.

Our eyes are bent in Thy direction!

For Thou art God, sovereign and gracious.

Who withholdest not loving kindness,

In Thee we always feel secure.

Ve-al Culam

Praised be Thy Name, King,
Continually exalted for everything!

V'chol Ha-hayim

And all creatures will praise Thee,
And hymn Thy Name sincerely.
Thou, God, art Deliverer and Buttress!
Blessed art Thou, Divinity,
Whose very Name is Goodness,
And Who dost merit praise constantly.*

Shalom Rav

Abundant peace upon Thy people shower,
For Thou art Sovereign Lord of peace.
May it please Thee every hour
To bless us fully, and never cease.
Praised be Thou, Lord,
Whoblessest Israel with accord.*

Elohai N'tzor6

My God, keep my tongue from evil,
And my lips from spilling guile.

To slanderers let my soul be dumb;
Like dust, may it, to all, benumb.

6 This was the private prayer of Mar bar Rabina. See B. Berakhot 17a,
and J ob 25: 2; Psalm 34: 14.

Open my heart to Thy doctri ne,
That I heed Thine instruction.
Quickly foil and upset the scheme
Of those who for my evil teem.
Act, Thy majestic power, to apply;
And to Thy holiness, so testify.
If as Thy beloved, I merit rescue
Save with Thy right hand, provide a clue!
May my utterance and meditation
Win Thy favor, Rock of redemption.
May He Who makes peace celestial
Fulfill us and all Israel.

Yehi Ratzon 7

May it beThy will, Lord,
Our God and patriarchs' Deity;
That the Holy Temple be restored-
In our days, yea, speedily!
And may Thy Teaching be our portion.
let us pray there in trembling,
As in former days, early years.
Then be pleased with our offering,
As in ancient J udah and J erusalem.

SILENCE

If one can define rest as the absence of activity, he may surely
define silence as the absence of sound. And yet, the regenerative
power of rest is itself subtle activity, which restores vigor to the
body by checking exertion. Subtle, too, is the power of silence. The
absence of sound can be the most meaningful sound; stillness can be
a threshold to the Ineffable. "Heard melodies are sweet, but unheard
melodies are sweeter." (Keats)

"Silence, the Rabbis taught, "is a healing for all ailments.'"
To the Rabbis, prayer represented the zenith and paradigm of all
human discourse: "Would that man would pray all day," was the
sigh and dream of Rabbi Yohanan. 2 Aware of the Psalmist's ob-

7 Parts of this prayer are taken from Malakhi 3:4 and Avot 5:23.

1 B. Megillah 18a.

2 B. Berakhot 21a. and B. Pesahin 54b.

25

servation that silence is the most profound form of praise of God
(Psalm 65:2) ,3 the Rabbis fixed the Tefillah- the Prayer, par
excellence — as recited while standing4 in silence. The Rabbis
extolled Hannah's silent worship, where "only her lips moved, but
her voice was not heard" (I Samuel 1: 13). 5

Silence enables us to grow into the stillness of the universe.
The Presence of God may be felt during sound, but the companion-
ship of God, His concern and love, can only be appreciated when
the stream of silence rushes along the fertile bed of holy words.
". . . Silence," writes Walter S. Ong, "refers to the sound world
again, but negatively. It is that enduring condition of which sound
is the only interruption. Encounter with God can be realized in
the spoken human word, but because human words do not endure
and silence does, encounter with God is even more encounter with
silence. In the Hebrew-Christian tradition this silence is known to
be living and active, a communication between persons, more like a
word than anything else. ..."6

"OPEN MY LIPS ..."

(. . . Sifotai Tiftah)

To the devout J ew, Sabbath prayer is an adventure, a coveted
invitation into the courts of the God of Israel. The words of the
Prayer Book, no matter how often uttered, are ever sources of thrill
and awe on the Sabbath. For how often does one enter the inner-
most courts of the King? Perhaps only once weekly — on the
Sabbath — are we permitted to walk with full ease and contempla-
tion the corridors of holiness and inspiration within the palace which
is the Prayer Book, whose bricks are holy words and whose mortar
are the meditations of Israel.

Each prayer of the Sabbath is a chamber of profundity. Indeed,
as one enters the palace of the king, he beholds with each step a
more impressive chamber. From the simple prayer alluding to the
wisdom of God through the daily miracle of sunset, to the majestic
announcement of his Unity in the Shema, is a grand adventure.

3 On the role of silence and worship, see A. J . Heschel, Man's Quest for
Cod (N.Y.: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1954), pp. 37-44.

4 Hence, the Tefillah is also called the Amidah ("Standing").

5 See B. Berakhot 31b.

6 W. S. Ong, S.J ., The Presence of the Word (New Haven and London:
Yale University Press, 1967), p. 161.

26

Finally is reached the Biblical Sabbath Covenant (V Sham-ru),
which brings the radiance of the source of the Sabbath to every
prayer. Pried open by the words of Kaddish, the gates of prayer
swing forward, heralding with the majesty of silence the Presence
of God.

Who can speak before the King? His Presence renders us
breathless, speechless, numb.

But the yearnings of our hearts surge upward, our pride shattered
by the Eternal. Our supplications in behalf of the self, of the family,
of Israel who keeps the Sabbath and struggles for redemption, cry
out to be heard. The silence beckons prayer. Grateful that the
words of the Amidah provide us with dialogue as we stand as honored
guests within God's courts, we can only declare:

Lord, if Thou my lips would open,

I could, of Thy praises, utter token.

GOD OF ABRAHAM, GOD OF ISAAC, GOD OF JACOB
(Avo t)

Perhaps the most illuminating sociology of faith was offered by
the Baal Shem Tov:

Some persons have faith because their fathers taught them
to believe. I n one sense this is satisfactory: no other philosophi-
cal axioms will break their belief; in another, it is unsatisfactory,
since their belief does not come from personal knowledge.

Others come to belief through conviction after investiga-
tion. This is satisfactory in the sense that they know God from
inner conviction. Yet it may prove unsatisfactory if other
students demonstrate to them the fallacy of their reasoning:
they might abandon their tradition.

The best believers are those who stance is satisfactory in
every way: they believe because of tradition and also because
of their own reasoning. This is what we mean when we say:
"Our God and God of our fathers" (Eloheinu v'Elohei avoteinu) .
The Lord is our Master, both because we know He is God, and
because our fathers have taught us that He is God.

Commitment must precede concept. The prerequisite for belief
is active experience of those practices by which belief is expressed,
including prayer and the Sabbath. Sensitivity to the wonders of the

universe, attention to the insight of our ancestors, and sustained
study are the positive steps by which one arrives at the level of
discernment, the form of knowledge, which we call "belief."

REVIVER OF THE DEAD'

In the words of the Psalmist (115: 17) : 'The dead do not
praise God." The dulled soul does not grasp for God. Void — the
Bible suggests in the first chapter of Genesis — is the absence of
God from the workings of the individual in human history. Insensi-
tivity and callousness testify to the conscious attempt of certain
men and nations to smother the "breath of God." Soulicide, the
wanton blunting of the God-consciousness, is murder out of prejudice.

Little wonder that theberakhah (blessing) which speaks, in the
present tense, of God's revival of the dead, is immediately followed
by praise of His holiness. To erect a fortress to religious experience,
to close our lives to the possibility of a revival of God-consciousness,
is to lock our souls within a citadel which mars the purview of an
existence hallowed in imitation of God. Such hallowing of life occurs
only as the result of Divine service, and is achieved by the mitzvot,
holy deeds, whose "very multiplicity is the perennial spring whereby
the J ewish soul is ever replenished and renewed; the spiritual power
they generate confirms and strengthens morality without doing vio-
lence to human nature and to the physical and aesthetic senses." 2
The J ew who has never inhaled the piquant fragrance of the Sabbath
spicebox cannot claim full inspiration at the threshold of a new
week. 3 The J ew who never sought to penetrate a Biblical verse with
the keen insight of the Rabbinic Sages, cannot claim to have attained
intellectual fulfillment. Nor can the J ew who has never blessed wife
and children on the Sabbath Eve claim to have achieved full familial
bliss. Only when we vigilantly maintain within ourselves a con-
sciousness of the divine and of the holy, can we truly proclaim God
the Reviver of the Dead. We must attempt to set the Lord before

1 The blessing which praises God as Reviver of the Dead is, of course, to
be understood in light of the Rahbinic doctrine of the resurrection of the dead.
My reflections will offer a homiletical, rather than theological, interpretation
of that blessing. For a modern reaffirmation of this long-ignominous doctrine,
see Arthur A. Cohen, Arguments and Doctrines, pp. 519-20.

2 Isidore Epstein, "The Ceremonial Laws in the Economy of J udaism,"
in Leo J ung, ed., The J ewish Library (N.Y.: Macmillan, 1928). p. 360.

3 The spicebox is used as a symbol of hope for a good week during the
Havdalah service at sunset on Saturday, which marks the "distinction" be-
tween the Holy Sabbath and the mundane days of the week.

us at all times' during our lifetime, just as we affirm that in death
God Himself with set us and preserve us before Him.

THE GIFT OF SABBATH
(Atta Kidashta; Eloheinu . . R'tzei)

Theological apologists, obsessed with an exaggerated sense of
cultural etiquette, have for centuries endeavored to "prove" to the
"rational mind" the wisdom and relevance of the Biblical Sabbath,
citing "benevolent" philosophers and psychologists who recognize its
"social soundness," Yet despite the truth of most J ewish and non-
J ewish defenses of rest and recreation, the Shabbat without God,
without recognition that it is a Divine gift and not merely a human
therapy, is grossly and pitifully fragmented.

I n XheMidrash, we learn that a Roman official once asked Rabbi
Akibah why one day should be honored more than another. "And
why should one person be honored more than another?" Akibah
replied. "I hold my office," the Roman offered, understanding that
Akibah referred to his own honored status, "because my master
appointed me." "So, too, was the Sabbath appointed by the Master
of the Universe," Rabbi Akibah replied.'

Jheberakhot (blessings) of the Amidah Prayer remind us that
we J ews are witnesses of God, and that the Sabbath, as His "ap-
pointed" day, is our vehicle unto Him amidst the strife of livelihood
and the overwhelming temptation to forget our forebears' sense of
the beauty of a sanctified regimen in life. We pray that our sanctifi-
cation of the Seventh Day will express with eloquence our gratitude
for the Divine gift of the Shabbat experience.

To be sure, the Sabbath without grasping for God is like ascend-
ing rungs with no desire to climb the ladder. Only as a gift of God
does the Sabbath bring gladness and purification, only in the light
of His face are we ourselves illuminated. Without a sense of His
grace, we reduce the very sanity of the Sabbath — its place as an
oasis of Divine concern in the desert of time — to human vanity.

DIVINE RETURN TO ZION AND JERUSALEM
(R'tzei)

'The Prayer Book," writes Rabbi Max Arzt, reverberates
with yearning for the return of the J ewish people to the Holy

4 See Psalm, 16: 18.

1 Genesis Rabbath 11.5.

Land, for the re-establishment of the sanctuary at J erusalem,
and the restoration of the sacrificial system of worship. ...
Judaism is the spiritual self-awareness of a living people. ...
A restored Jewish life in Eretz Yisrael [the Land of Israel]
means more than the establishment of another autonomous
nation. It implies that Judaism can flourish best and at its
highest in its natural environment. This is what the many
references to Eretz Yisrael can mean to us in this day, when
J udaism can thrive only through a reciprocal spiritual relation-
ship between Eretz Yisrael and the Diaspora.'

Throughout Israel's millennia of dispersion, the hope for spiritual
revival in Zion and J erusalem has been bound up with the hope for
the restoration of the Temple rites, whose grandeur and sanctity
have left strong impress upon the J ewish spirit. Prayers for the
restoration of the sacrificial cult remind us of the Levitical aesthetic,
which stipulates, through intricate priestly laws, that man must
employ his finest handicraft as well as God's finest handicraft (animal
flesh and blood) for Divine worship. Preparation of such sacrifices
was regarded as sacred work (avodah) in the finest sense of the
term.

Traditional J ewish eschatology envisions a Third Temple where
at least the sacrificial thanksgiving offerings will be restored to endure
for perpetuity.* Although some classical J ewish thinkers, like Mai-
monides, regarded the Biblical sacrificial system as a compromise
with parallel pagan cults, they shared the Rabbinic hope for restora-
tion of those rites in some form.3 Of course, the Rabbis agreed with
the Psalmist (51:19-20) that God "desires not sacrifice. ... The
sacrifices of the Lord are a broken spirit. ..." Yet they did not
ignore the Psalmist's subsequent yearning (w. 20-21) : "Deal kindly,
in Thy pleasure, with Zion; build the walls of J erusalem. Then shalt
Thou be pleased with the sacrifices of righteousness, with burnt-
offering and with whole-offering; then shall bullocks be offered upon
Thine altar." The Sages therefore left the reinstitution of the sacri-
ficial rites entirely up to God.4 The hasidic rebbe, Levi Yitzhak of

1 Max Arzt, J ustice and Mercy Commentary on the Liturgy of the New
Year and Day of Antonement (N.Y.: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963), p.
177.

2 Pesikta 79a.

3 See J oseph H. Hertz, "The Sacrificial Cult," in The Pentateuch and the
Haftorahs (London: Soncino Press, 1967), pp. 560-2.

4 See, for example, the Midrash on Canticles 4:4.

30

Berditchev, compared the two Temples to the gift of a father to
his son. When the son was reckless the first time, the father bought
the same gift. But when the son mishandled it the second time,
the father refused to purchase it again until the son could prove
maturity. Israel was to receive its Temple for a third time only
when the people could show that they would not repeat those sins
which resulted in the two losses of their spiritual center.

Despite the prevailing aversion to slaughter of animals in wor-
ship, our continued petitions for the restoration of the Temple cult
articulate two important insights of our essentially Rabbinic religion.
First, we affirm our reverence for Biblical legislation, even though
we recognize that change and development in J ewish law are de-
sirable and even vital. We affirm, secondly, that Divine legislation
or concrete spiritual regimentation will be as necessary for the
humanity of the future as for ourselves, and that such regimentation
will fulfill not only the Prophetic promise of redemption, but the
Biblical vision of Divine law inscribed in our "inmost parts" (see
J eremiah 31: 32).

Yet we also indicate our open-mi ndedness to the Rabbinic sug-
gestion that eschatological man may share certain psychological
needs with his Biblical ancestors, and that those needs may well be
the missing link between the ancient cult and a restored ritual. Man
may need to cringe at blood in worship in order to refrain from
shedding it in the streets. 6 The dawning of universal peace may well
shine over altars supporting animal carcasses slaughtered according
to Biblical prescriptions. Should man's primitive lust for blood
remain, he would do well to satisfy it with the vessels of gentle
priests rather than with the sabres of mercenary warriors.

Meanwhile, we dwell in history between the ancient need for
concrete spirituality, and the ultimate promise of spiritual concrete-
ness, as we await God's manner of restoration of His Presence to
Zion. The inspired accounts of priestly service and congregational
sanctity can remind us of the psychological power once exerted by
the sacrificial cult, whose "underlying rationale is for us still a valid
and potent idea: that man comes to experience the nearness of
God (korban — 'sacrifice' — means to 'come near' to God) by

5 Ironically, the best defense of retention of liturgical accounts of the
sacrificial rite is offered by the "death of God" theologian, Rabbi Richard L.
Rubenstein, in After Auschwitz (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1966), pp.
93-111.

31

offerings of his self and his substance. "6 We yearn for God to
establish a Service where His immediacy will be felt at every mo-
ment, and where our finest prayers and psalms will be compiled by
Him.

FESTIVAL YEARNINGS
(Yaale V'yuvo)

Special yearnings, formulated in Talmudic times, are inserted
into the Sabbath Amidah of the Three Pilgrimage Festivals (Shalosh
Regalim) — Pesach, Shavuot and Succot — and of the minor holi-
day of Rosh Hodesh (New Month). We pray that God will recall
in mercy our ancient glories: the merit of our fathers, the beauty
of our Temple cult, the sanctity of J erusalem, the promise of the
Messiah, the majesty of the Davidic monarchy, and the devotion of
the Israelite nation.

We moderns need to share in such yearnings. We must recall
that celebration is a memory we share with God. Perhaps this is
why the Sabbath itself is called a "memorial of creation" and a
"memorial of the Exodus from Egypt."' Of course, God does not
need to be reminded of us, nor should we need to be reminded of
us, nor should we need to be reminded of Him — especially when
we experience the twofold blessing of a festival that occurs on the
Sabbath. But His concern with our history is our shared celebration
with Him. We rejoice not so much in our past glories, as in His
stake in our past. 2

Angrily confronting the plague of assimilation, the Prophet
warned: "Do not rejoice, Israel; do not seek joy as do other peoples,
for ye have strayed from your God!" (Hosea 9: 1). The Three Pil-
grimage Festivals are still being dismissed as minor obligations.
They are superseded today by the "High Holy Days" of Rosh
Hashannah and Yom Kippur which, although holy and meaningful
occasions, are actually outlined in the Torah with less detail and
commandment.

Through the festival yearnings as interpolated in the Sabbath
Amidah, we are reminded that the weekly Day of Rest will mean
nothing to one who confuses celebration with being entertained.

6 Arzt, p. 178.

1 See the reasons for the Sabbath given i n each of the two versions of the
Ten Commandments (Exodus 20: 1-14 and Deuteronomy 5: 1-18).

2 See Psalm 115.

32

"Celebration is a confrontation, giving special attention to the mean-
ing of one's actions." To celebrate is "to share in a greater joy, to
participate in an eternal drama," to "invoke His presence concealed
in His absence's The festivals are not law-burdened days, but
structures of sanctity and scaffolds of sanity in an age which delights
in tinsel and excels at the trivial. Like the Sabbath, they beckon
us to discover our families and not merely to pamper them; to culti-
vate wisdom and reverence when universities encourage competition
and aspersion; to meditate instead of stroking or tuning our arkful
of gadgets.

The Sabbath is an eternal covenant, but the Festivals are eternal
convocations. Through the Festivals, we affirm most subtly our
delight in the Sabbath commandment. We seek, as it were, to set
up an appointment with God in order to show that we do not take
lightly or perform mechanically the commandment to observe His
appointed weekday. As Emanuel Rackman observes:

Since it was God Himself who fixed the Sabbath day and
made it holy, there can be no changes whatever in its incidence.
The nations of the earth may devide to change their calendars.
. . . For J ews, however, the Sabbath will remain the seventh
day computed uninterruptedly from Creation. ...

Not so is the Law with regard to the festivals. In fixing
their incidence the Jewish people were sovereign. The oral
tradition was emphatic with regard to the people's power to
determine when months and years shall begin and end. Pre-
sumably God Himself had abdicated in favor of His people. ...

What is of interest is that the highest court of ancient
Israel did reckon with the people's convenience when fixing new
moons and new years. If, for example, the month in which
Passover occurred was proclaimed too early, pilgrims might have
to wade through mud to get to Jerusalem. ... (Bab. T.
Sanhedrin Mb).

Long ago the Rabbis fixed the calendar that certain festivals
could never occur on certain days of the week. Thus, for ex-
ample, the Day of Atonement can never occur on a Friday or
Sunday. .. The Rabbis made a very precise calculation for
the fixing of the new months and new years. On this calculation

3 Abraham J . Heschel, Who Is Man? (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1965). p. 117.

33

we have relied through almost two millennia of exile. However,
this calendar is not the slave of astronomy, or nature, as the
Sabbath is bound by divine history. ... If anything, history
must ultimately vanquish the evil in nature itself. And that is
why Jews expect that, even though their calendar as now
observed needs no further improvement, they will, nevertheless,
ignore it when the Sanhedrin is again reconstituted and the
Sanhedrin will once again resort to the ancient manner of de-
claring new moons — by the examination of witnesses and by
judicial decree. . . . Nature is their instrument and not their
master.'

Had God not invited us to call upon Him in Sabbath Covenant,
we would never have been able to arrange to visit Him during the
seasons of our joy, freedom, and enlightenment.

GRATITUDE TO GOD
(Modim Anahnu Lakh)

Gratitude is the most fickle, the most fleetingly held, of human
emotions. It is at once the most easily and the most reluctantly
communicated. We can be thankful for everything one moment and
oblivious to favors the next, We can feel gratitude in a flash or after
a flurry of emotions. A loud "thank you" can be little more than
etiquette, while a deeply-felt indebtedness may remain tongue-tied.

It is relatively simple to acknowledge some Power that presides
over nature, especially since we easily find ourselves edified by the
beauty that surrounds us and by the bounty that sustains us. It is
not difficult to thank anything or everything from one's "lucky stars"
to the Living God. The pagans thanked all that they liked, and
deified everything in the process.

The Modim Prayer is not a mere exercise in listing the boons
and pleasures of life which we might as well attribute to a benevolent
Deity. While we should certainly thank Him for these gifts, the
ability to articulate our gratitude in prayer is not enough — although
for many people this is a difficult and significant religious achieve-
ment.

We must look to the beginning of the Modim prayer for the
perfect expression of true gratitude. We thank God for being our
God as He was the God of our fathers — for being our constant

"Emanuel Rackman, One Man's Judaism (N.Y.: Philosophical Library,
1970), pp. 63, 64-5.

34

Benefactor and Companion. We thus realize that the most precious
gift of God is that of His Presence. Our capacity to sense His
closeness is a gift that literally encompasses the world. True thank-
fulness to God is thankfulness forGod, Whom the Rabbis described
as the "Place of the world, even though the world is not His Place" 1
Such perfect and blessed gratitude, which we must all cultivate
within ourselves, was best articulated by the Hasidic saint, Rabbi
Shnuer Zalman of Liadi (1747-1812), who said: "I have no wish
for Thy paradise, nor any desire for the bliss of the World to Come.
I yearn for Thee, and for Thee alone."

REST AND PEACE
(Shalom Raw)

Why have pious J ews throughout the ages prayed for Sabbath
peace? Did they not experience such blessed repose?

While it is true that, alas, oppressors have shattered the shield
of the Sabbath, our ancestors realized that peace must be cultivated
within just as it can be disturbed from without. Many J ewish men
and women squander the Sabbath against the din of lashing lawn-
mowers, squirting sprinklers, and clanging cash registers. If only the
stereos could stop syncopating, and the radios and televisions could
contain their din for at least time enough to greet and to usher in
the Sabbath Bride! If only zemirotl and other Sabbath activities
could replace on Friday night and Saturday the weekend shopping
and the shallow entertainment of a society which does not under-
stand the Sabbath.

Israel's weekly repose has reminded others in every generation
that peaceful living is not an illusion, nor is it a state reserved for
the heavenly hosts alone. We share God's vision of peace, searching
for unity and meaning beyond immediate struggles. Yet from Sab-
bath observance we learn that we must struggle for even Divinely-
bestowed peace. The Rabbis spoke of the frantic bustle in J erusalem
on the eve of the Sabbath, when it was possible to be injured in the
last-minute rush!* We withdraw from life's battles by battling for
peace, by preparing for the Sabbath, so offering weekly deference to
shalom, which the Rabbis described as God's most precious gift.

1 Genesis Rabbah 68: 9.

1 The beautiful folk-hymns for the Sabbath table, including Shalom
Aleikhem, Yom Zeh M'khubad, Yah Ribon Olam, etc.

2 See B. Baba Kamma 32a-b.

35

One is reminded of Rabbi Joshua ben Hananiah who, when
asked by the Roman Emperor Hadrian why the fragrance of Sabbath
foods is so special, responded, 'We put in a certain spice called the
Sabbath, which can be tasted only by those who keep the Sabbath. "3
So it is with Sabbath peace, which can be savored and understood
only by those who observe the Sabbath.

SANCTIFIED SPEECH
(Elohai N'tzor)

One is most profoundly aware of the wonders of speech and
silence when the sweet wine of sanctified speech is sipped from the
golden goblet of silence. The tongue holds the power of life and
death. (Proverbs 18:21). Awareness of its power and concern for
its sanctification pervade the literature of J udaism in all ages. The
Sages frowned upon slander as a "three-forked tongue," injuring
speaker, hearer and subject,' and declared that he who "slanders,
listens to slander, and testifies falsely ought to be thrown to the
dogs." 2 They warned against lashon ha-ra, the evil tongue" — a
term which they employed for all abuse of language.

Mar bar Rabina prayed: "God, keep my tongue from evil. . . ."3
In our time, a gentle teacher, Rabbi Israel Meir Ha-Kohen (1838-
1933) became renowned throughout Eastern Europe for his purity
of language, for his total aversion to gossip or to any vicious talk,
and for his never having taken any manner of oath, nor having
vainly uttered God's Name. He became known as the "Chofetz
Chaim" ('The One Who Desires Life"), the title of a popular volume
he entitled with the verses: "Who is the one who desires life? . . .
Keep your tongue from speaking evil." (Psalm 34: 13-14). The
"Chofetz Chaim" would frequently declare: "An entire world quar-
reled with me, but I quarreled with no one."

The eloquent silence of the Amidah Prayer is but a passing
muteness if it does not lead to disciplined and deliberate speech. The
Amidah is a silent struggle where "the fight for language becomes
the fight against language" (Leo Baeck) .4

3 b Shabat 119a.
IB. Arachin 15b.
2B.Pesahim 1183.

3 B. Berakhot 17a based on Psalm 34: 14.

4 Cited by Robert Gods in A Faith For Moderns (N.Y.: Bloch, 1960),
p. 134.

PRIVATE PRAYER

Tradition reserves the Amidah prayer as the time when one is
encouraged to add his own supplications and yearnings. For what
shall we pray?

May our prayers envelop the silence, inspiring us to recall that
the God of Abraham, Isaac, and J acob, Sarah, Rebecca, Rachel and
Leah is our God, as well. Then and only then will our dulled souls
respond with new life, sustained by consciousness of the Divine. We
shall then perceive that Sabbath peace is a gift granted by God to
free the mind and spirit with sanctity that can spill over into the
days of the week as well as into the festivals of the year.

If these concerns support our personal prayers, the "Sabbath
smile" (Hawthorne) of the Almighty will illumine our lives, bringing
meaning and fulfillment beyond expectation.

GLEANINGS FROM

"Dl HAZZDNIM VELT' Samuel Rosehbaum

Although it enjoyed an altogether too short a life, "Di Hazzonim
Velt," was the finest journal on hazzanim and hazzanut ever to see
the light of day. Published in Warsaw from November 1933 to J une
1935, the Yiddish journal came into being even as the black clouds
of the Holocaust were gathering, preparing to engulf all of J ewish
life in Eastern Europe.

The slim, 24 page issues are a mine of invaluable historical
material, both of the period and of previous chapters in J ewish life.
Its contributors were some of the best known hazzanim, music direc-
tors, composers and musicologists of pre-war Europe.

From time to time, it is our plan to publish in translation some
of the interesting and relevant articles first published in "Di Haz-
zonim Velt. We begin with an article by Hazzan Moshe Kuseritsky
on the Great Synagogue of Vilna. Written in Warsaw where he was
the idolized hazzan of the prestigious Tlomatzker Shul, it appeared
in the first issue of "Di Hazzonim Velt."

THE GREAT SYNAGOGUE OF VILNA

AND ITS HAZZANIM Moshe Kuseritsky

The Great Synagogue of Vilna was built, according to the best
information at hand, in 1573. Around that magnificient structure
there have been woven a number of myths and legends. They tell,
for instance, that in the year 1812, Napoleon visited the synagogue.
He stood at the threshold and marveled at its beautiful architecture;
its four giant columns, which carried the weight of the building,
decorated with fine art work. He was especially moved by the syna-
gogue's beautiful pulpit and Aron Kodesh. There are still preserved
in the synagogue a great number of beautiful old ark curtains and
many examples of fine Polish silver Torah ornaments. The courtyard
in front of the snyagogue is very narrow and reminds one of the
streets in J erusalem's Old City, which lead to the Western Wall.

Most impressive are the iron doors of the Great Synagogue which
could tell secrets of many generations. The doors were a present to

Samuel Rosenbaum is the Managing Editor of the J ournal of Synagogue
Music and has served as Executive Vice President of the Cantors Assembly
for twenty years. He is the hazzan of Rochester's Temple Beth El.

The translations from the Yiddish are by Hazzan Rosenbaum.

38

the congregation in the year 1638 from the artisans who participated
in its construction. The synagogue lobby, or ante-room, was donated
by a study group, the Hevrah Magidey Tehilim, in the year 1642.
Near the eastern wall, to the left of the Aron Kodesh, there now
stands a large monumental stone, as a memorial, setting this area
apart as especially sacred. This was the location of the regular seat
of the last Vilna rabbi, Rav Shmuel. After his death the Vilna
community never again appointed a chief rabbi. The place is for-
bidden to anyone. Today, when a rabbi is called to the Torah in
the Vilna synagogue, the title "HaRav" is not added to his name,
as a sign of respect to the memory of Rav Shmuel.

Theamud at which the Hazzan stands, is built somewhat below
the main level of the synagogue in keeping with Psalm 130, M/ma-a-
makim k'ratikha, "Out of the Depths I Called Out To You." In the
archives of the synagogue there is also a very old copy of Tehilim,
handwritten on parchment and beautifully decorated; a Siddur, also
on parchment, in which may be found remembrances, prayers honor-
ing the righteous proselyte, Avraham ben Avraham, who was, prior to
his conversion, the famed Graf (Count) Pototski. There are also
notes on the philosopher Menahem Mann, who, together with the
above mentioned Avraham ben Avraham, was burned to death in
Vilna in the year 1780 for Kiddush HaSherm.

To enter the synagogue, one must descend several steps. How-
ever, inside the synagogue proper is very high.

In the matter of hazzanim, the Great Synagogue of Vilna seems
not to have had much luck. On the one hand, being appointed to
the amud of the Great Synagogue of Vilna was the goal of every
hazzan. Whoever earned the title of "Chief Cantor of the Great
Synagogue of Vilna" was assured a great career. Not everyone could
become the chief cantor of that synagogue; one had to be truly
worthy of that honor. On the other hand, the tenure of hazzanim
in Vilna was never long. Before they could become acclimated to
the community, most of the chief cantors were grabbed up by the
greatest synagogues all over the world and Vilna remained again
without a hazzan. For example, note the following statistics.

The first Chief Cantor was Hersh Levenstein, or as he was called,
the "Leberer Haz'n," since he came from Lebow. He was installed
in the year 1822 and died shortly afterwards in 1830. He is buried
in the old cemetery. He is, unfortunately, the only chief cantor of
Vilna buried in that city.

His successor was his son, Yoel Dovid, known as the Vilna
Balebeys'l. He died in the year 1850 in Warsaw under rather
mysterious and fearful circumstances.

The third Hazzan, Archek der Haz'n, left for Vitebsk in 1843.

The fourth, Hayim Lomzher, who served the congregation from
1855 to 1867, left Vilna for London. The fifth, Yehoshua, known
as Shike Feinzinger, came in 1870; left two years later for Berlin.
Cooper, the sixth Hazzan, came in 1878, and left for New York in
1886.

The seventh, Cohen, arrived in 1889 and left Vilna in 1896.
Gershon Si rota came in the same year, 1896, and left for Warsaw
in 1904. The ninth Hazzan was Moshe Shteinberg, who came in
1907, left for Odessa in 1908, a year later. The tenth, Dovid Roit-
man, came in 1909 and left for St. Petersburg in 1912. The eleventh
was Mordecai Hershmann, who came in 1913 and left for the United
States in 1919.

Those who followed him were engaged only to officiate on the
high holidays. These were Katzman, Helfand and Zufovich.

The twelfth Vilna Chief Cantor was the writer of these lines.
I came in 1925, and in 1927 was called to Warsaw. After I left
Vilna, someone sent me a Vilna newspaper in which the following
appeared: "In the future the Vilna congregants will have to give
more attention to the hazzanim question in order that our city will
not become, as the Warsaw papers like to refer to us, a hazzanim
factory for Warsaw's Tlomatzker Synagogue."

Among the dozen or so articles on hazzanim, hazzanut, syna-
gogue modes, reminiscences and short biographical sketches in the
first issue of "Di Hazzonim Velt," there was published a full page
devoted to a suggested set of By-Laws for a projected Association of
Hazzanim of Poland. A footnote indicates that an all-Poland con-
ference of hazzanim was being planned at which the organization of
such an association would be discussed and at which these By-Laws,
in one form or another, could be ratified.

The By-Laws together with an editorial on 'The State of
Poland's Hazzanim," are published below. We believe that the
nature of the items covered gives a comprehensive picture of the
status of hassanim and hazzanut in Poland in the 1930's.

A PROPOSED CHARTER FOR THE "ASSOCIATION
OF HAZZANIM OF POLAND"

I. General Rules

1. Every hazzan or choir director serving in a bona-fide congre-
gation on an annual basis, or who serves a "responsible" congrega-
tion for the high holy days, and is recognized as being worthy (?,)
The question marks are ours. They mark those items where no
standards are set for the qualifications specified; i.e., what consti-
tutes a "responsible" congregation; what constitutes "being worthy"?
from the standpoint of competence in the hazzanic profession, as
well as from the moral and religious and J ewish standpoints, to hold
the sacred and responsible position of hazzan or synagogue choir
director, may become a member of the "Association of Hazzanim
of Poland."

2. Every recognized (?) hazzan or choir director who comes to
Poland from another country and has the recommendation of three
members who are acquainted with him, may apply for membership.

3. Before a hazzan or choir director may become a member he
must be approved by a special Music Committee who will evaluate
his talents, abilities as hazzan or choir director, and will pass on
whether the applicant is worthy of membership in the organization.

4. The Music Committee will report to the administration of
the Association on the suitability of the candidate. If there do not
appear to be any objections to his membership, the candidate may
be accepted for membership in the organization.

5. Every hazzan or choir director who becomes a candidate for
membership thereby assumes the responsibility to faithfully obey
the rules and regulations of the organization and to submit to its
decisions.

6. Any hazzan or choir director who does not honor the con-
stitutional requirements of the Association and does not comply with
its regulations, either in a professional matter, or in his personal
conduct, may, after specific warning, be expelled from the organi-
zation.

7. If a hazzan or choir director fails to obey such decisions or
regulations which do not bear directly on the basic purposes or moral
principles of the organization, he may be disciplined by the imposi-
tion of a fine or suspended from membership for a specified length
of time.

1 1 . Professional Rules

1. It should be in the interest of every hazzan or choir director
to make every effort to conclude an agreement with a congregation
covering a period of no less than three years.

2. No hazzan or director may negotiate with a congregation
while another hazzan or director occupies that post.

3. No hazzan may appear for an audition in a synagogue unless
he makes certain that the hazzan who previously occupied the pulpit
has already left the congregation.

4. Two hazzanim may not appear for an audition in the same
synagogue on the same Sabbath.

5. A committee representing the Association must be on hand
at the contract negotiations between hazzan or director and a con-
gregation. A copy of the contract must then be deposited in the files
of the Association.

6. A hazzan or director who negotiates with a congregation
while his predecessor is still on the post, will be automatically ex-
pelled from the organization and cast out of the hazzanic profession.

7. A hazzan or director who is charged by his congregation with
having failed to live up to his contract, or who has committed an
act which is contrary to the Association's religious or moral standards,
may, after a thorough investigation, be expelled from the "Associa-
tion of Hazzanim."

III. Relationships Between Hazzan and Congregation

1. Every hazzan or director must adhere strictly in letter and
spirit to his contract with his congregation.

2. Every hazzan or director shall declare, at the time he con-
cludes an agreement with a synagogue, that the "Association of Haz-
zanim" represents him and stands prepared to protect his interests
as well as those of the synagogue.

3. Any disagreement between hazzan or director and a congre-
gation, or between a hazzan and director, must be brought to the
attention of the administration of the Association of Hazzanim. The
administrator shall spare no effort to settle the dispute in a peaceful
manner.

sickness, unemployment, etc., he will receive a regular weekly as-
sistance stipend.

Our organization will be established on a strong basis and we
will become a dominating factor, not only for hazzanim and hazzanut,
but in J ewish life in general in Poland.

4. A hazzan or director may under no circumstances leave his
congregation before the expiration of his contract, unless he receives
permission to do so from his congregation in writing.

5. A hazzan may not officiate in the synagogue of another haz-
zan, or give a concert in the synagogue of another hazzan, without
first receiving permission of the regular hazzan.

IV. The Organization

1. 'The Association of Hazzanim of Poland" is a national re-
ligious organization with branches in the major cities of the country.

2. Each branch shall be locally autonomous and elect local
officers, who shall, however, be responsible to the national adminis-
tration in Warsaw.

3. Each member must pay annual membership dues of no less
than 12 zlotys as his contribution to the maintenance of the national
office.

4. Every branch shall forward monthly reports of its activities
to the national office.

5. National officers shall be elected at the annual general meet-
ing of the "Association of Hazzanim".

An editorial on the final page of the first issue of "Di Hazonim
Velt" gives further insight into conditions of hazzanut at that time:

The Association of Hazzanim's goal is, first, to organize the
hazzanic profession, to convince each hazzan in Poland to affiliate
and to become a part of the body that can provide him with help
and support.

We will shortly work out a plan for a fund to be created by the
Association which will assure every hazzan that in time of need,

We ask all hazzanim in Poland, and those in other countries,
as well, to send us immediately the following information:

1. Name; 2. City of residence. 3. Synagogue you serve. 4. Do

43

you officiate with or without a choir? 5. If you have a choir, is it of
mixed voices, or a children's choir? Do women sing in the choir?
6. Name and address of your choir director. 7. Do you think there
is a need for a hazzanic recitative siddur? 8. Do you compose your
own choral compositions or your own recitatives? — If you compose,
please send a sample of some of your works.

THE STATE OF POLAND'S HAZZANIM
These last several years, the profession of hazzanut in Poland has
been living through a serious crisis. One cannot deny the fact that the
material conditions of hazzanut have improved noticeably. Hazzanim
today are better paid than they were years ago. Synagogue members
seem now better to understand that without a hazzan there is no
foundation to the existence of their houses of worship. They sense
that a synagogue without a hazzan is like a body without a soul.

In the last number of years, interest in hazzanut has increased,
even in those circles that are not particularly close to synagogue
life. Hazzanut has begun to play its rightful role in community
J ewish life, and has become a rich source of spiritual pleasure and
religious enthusiasm, even outside of the synagogue's sacred
precincts.

This does not mean, however, that the condition of hazzanim and
hazzanut is satisfactory, or that the hazzanim of Poland can feel
that they have accomplished everything for which they have striven.

It is a sad fact that many hazzanim who have a position, still
are not adequately paid and cannot make a respectable living for
themselves and their families.

Even more shameful is the fact that many hazzanim, after they
have served a congregation for many years, and have given of their
best efforts and talents, are still in danger of losing their positions,

often without any cause, causing them and their families to find
themselves penniless, helpless and forsaken.

The Association of Hazzanim has, therefore, taken upon itself
to root out such instances where hazzanim suffer without cause. We
will extend every effort to improve the material conditions of our
members and strive to raise the spiritual state of hazzanut in general.

The most serious problem from which hazzanut suffers is that
hazzanim are still not organized. If all hazzanim in Poland belonged
to the Association of Hazzanim, which is already in existence, every

worthy hazzan would be assured of his livelihood, and the synagogues
would be compelled to be concerned with the hazzan's problems and
with his interests.

If every hazzan were a member of the Association, it would
develop into a mighty organization which could exert great influence
on synagogue life.

If every hazzan belonged to the Association of Hazzanim, the
organization would be able to provide for each hazzan in need, to
represent him in disputes with congregations, and to do away, once
and for all, with the chaos which still rules the hazzanic world.

Careful readers with good memories will recall that the problems
of hazzanim in those days, at least as they are reflected in the
By-Laws, still existed in 1947, when the Cantors Assembly was
founded, with essentially the same goals still not fully realized today.

Every hazzan owes it to himself to examine the state of his
profession today as honestly as he can and to judge for himself
whether we have come nearer to our goals than they.

HIGH HOLY DAY HYMN MELODIES IN THE
PORTUGUESE SYNAGOGUE OF AMSTERDAM

Maxine RIBSTEIN Kanter

Where Hebrew words have been transliterated into English, the
romanization follows the General system adopted by the Academy
of the Hebrew language as outlined in the Encyclopedia Judaica.1

In particular:

a) An apostrophe ['] between vowels indicated that they do not
form a dipthong and are to be pronounced separately.

b) The letter dagesh hazak (forte) is indicated by doubling of the

letter, except for the letter shin [ ].

c) The letter het [ ] = h (ch as in "Bach").

d) The letter khafi ]= kh (ch as in "Bach").

e) The letter zadei [ ] = z(te«s in "frets").

In addition, the following differences are to be noted in the
pronunciation of Western Sephardic J ews: bet [ ] and vet [ ]
both are given as b;«ayin[ ] tow ichis usually silent and there-
fore not transliterated, is rendered as ng and is represented by the
diacritical mark of c .»

lVol. I, 90-91. The 16 vol. Encyclopedia was edited by Cecil Roth,
Geoffrey Wigoder, et al. (Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House, 1972). See
also p. 10. Cf. Werner Weinberg, "Transliteration and Transcription of
Hebrew," Hebrew Union College Annual XL-XLI (Cincinnati, 1969-1970),
1-32.

2 See Irene Garbell, "The Pronunciation of Hebrew in Medieval Spain,"
Homenaje a Milla'-Vallicrosa I (1954), 665-669.

This article by Maxine Ribstein Kanter is an excerpt from her doctoral
dissertation, "Traditional Melodies of the Rhymed Metrical Hymns in the
Sephardic High Holy Day Liturgy: A Comparative Study." Ms. Kanter was
granted her degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Northwestern University in
August, 1978. She is now an Adjunct Instructor of J ewish Culture at Spertus
College in Chicago.

The Early Portuguese Jewish Community of Amsterdam

It is not certain when the first practice of J ewish rituals took
place in Amsterdam. At the beginning of the sixteenth century
there were dynastic affiliations between the Low Countries and
Spain, and Antwerp, the greatest port in northern Europe, offered
both commercial opportunity and freedom from persecution. Al-
though there were Marranos in Antwerp as early as 1512, there is
no indication of their declaring themselves openly as Jews, and
when the Bet Jaacob community was founded in Amsterdam in
1597 it was done in secret.

However, the spirit of freedom began to return to Holland
after that country freed itself from Spain in 1579, and soon Am-
sterdam became known as a haven for the Marranos. In 1617 there
were one hundred Marrano families, by mid-century there were
four hundred, and before the close of the seventeenth century the
Marrano population of Amsterdam had swelled to 4, 000 persons.
Although it is known that the Portuguese Marranos were observing
some form of the J ewish rite since 1593, the earliest worship ser-
vice occurred on the Day of Atonement in 1596 at the J oncker
Street home of Don Samuel Pallache, the J ewish ambassador from
Morocco to the Netherlands. These services probably constitute
also the formation of the first Amsterdam synagogue, although it
was not formally acknowledged as such until 1604.' Named for
its founder, J acob Tyrado, a wealthy merchant and shipowner (who
has been identified as either the Marranos Manuel Rodrigues or
Guimes Lopes da Costa), the new congregation arranged for rabbis
and teachers to come to Amsterdam to give them religious instruc-
tion. Circumcisions had to be performed on all males, ritual slaugh-
tering of animals had to be inaugurated, and a place had to be
located and permission obtained for a lot of land to bury their dead.

A second Sephardic congregation, K. K. Neveh Shalom, was

established in 1608, probably also under the aegis of Samuel Pal-
lache, yet by 1618 the burgeoning ex-Marrano population in Amster-
dam felt the need of still another congregation. Thus a third com-
munity, K. K. Bet Yisrael was formed, renting a warehouse the
next year on the same street as its predecessors, in a new district
in the eastern part of the city, near what is now the Waterlooplein. 2
Around 1630 they bought a plot of land next to their rented build-
ings in order to build a new synagogue. This building, which was
opened in 1636, was later enlarged after the three Sephardic con-
gregations merged in 1639 to form K. K. Talmud Torah, and served

the united congregation until it was replaced by the magnificent
Esnoga ("sinagoga") which was opened on Shubbat Nahamu in
1675.9

As part of the merger it was agreed that the contents of the
I i brari es of the three congregati ons woul d be pi aced i n a central
location, thereby establishing Ets Haim, the oldest J ewish library
in the Netherlands.' In 1672 J oseph deFarroand Immanuel Aben-
atar Mello, the two precentors of the congregation, were officially
appointed librarians, sharing equally in both responsibility and the
yearly salary of seventy florins. I n consideration of the latter fact,
it is believed that they were the fi rst paid librarians in the history
of J ewish libraries. At any rate, the two hazzanim set a precedent
in their dual roles, and for several centuries the precentors kept
their position as librarians at Ets Haim.

Music in the Synagogue

There is ample evidence of the considerable enthusiasm for
music demonstrated in the Portuguese J ewish community of Am-
sterdam in the late 17th and 18th centuries." Some knowledge of
the art of music was required in the highly cultured society to
which many of its members belonged; everything points to a rich
and well -developed musical milieu which may easily be compared
with most of the contemporary non-J ewish secular or religious cen-
ters in Europe. Although we know of the existence of an art of
music practice, we can also see by the nature of the music manu-
scripts and the description of their performances which have sur-
vived that much of this music was specifically created for religious
use. However, we have no proof that all- or any- of it was
actually performed in the sanctuary. It is certain that instrumental
ensembles were permitted in the synagogue, as it was the custom
to hire orchestras to play during the inauguration of a new syna-
gogue building.

Many of the Portuguese clergy were themselves accomplished
musicians. From pictures in Daniel Levi (Miguel) de Barrios' Im-
perio de Dios en la harmonia del mundo, published in Amsterdam
around 1700, we can see that the author himself was a musician.6
The hahamim also understood the art of music; Haham Uziel played
the harp, as did Haham Aboab. Several Dutch-J ewish poets who
were writing in Spanish were also skilled musicians. Among these
were Antonio de Castillo and Isaac (J uan) Mendos -both vir-
tuosos on Xhevihuela — and Manuel (J acob) de Pina and Lorenco

Escudero, who were versatile artists. De Pina was well known for
his literary talents and Escudero for his achievements in fencing
and his mastery of several musical instruments. Manuel Pimentel
was admired as a dancer and harpist, and a few of the hazzanim
were singled out as possessing remarkable voices and singing abilities.
De Barrios writes of the extraordinary powers of Hazzan Immanuel
Abenatar Mello, who was also one of the first hazzanim to be named
to his post as the result of an election.

I n the event of a vacancy occurring for the post of hazzan, the
competitions constituted a major happening involving the entire
community. David Franco Mendes has vividly described the cir-
cumstances attending the competition for the office and election of
a new hazzan.

The candidates for the post presented themselves to the Ma-
hamad ("executive board) )', who established the order and rules
by which the contest was to proceed. During these tense weeks in
the synagogue a different applicant gave a week of trial service,
called an apmva, beginning with the Sabbath eve. Hoping to impress
the congregants who were judging their abilities, the contestants
solicited newly-composed poetic texts, which the local poets willingly
provided. In the competition of 1743 (following the death of Hazzan
Samuel Rodrigues Mendes), Daniel Pimentel presented a chant to
a text by Aaron da Costa Abendana, and a poem by J oseph Shi prut
de Gabay was performed by another postulant.' No effort was spared
by these would-be hazzanim, and there was keen rivalry among
the eleven aspirants*

When the results of the contest were announced J oseph Gomes
Silva was declared the winner. This decision was not very popular
with the members of the community and there was a protest made.
As a consequence J oseph de Isaac Sarfati was also elected; now, for
the fi rst ti me i n its history, there were three hazzani m functioni ng
together at the Esnoga.

When Sarfati died in 1772 the contest for the position of hazzan
again included seven rivals (amongst them was J oseph J esurun
Pinto, about whom we shall hear more later), with the entire proce-
dure becomi ng even more i ntense and elaborate than before 11 Dur-
ing the fifth week that candidate's audition had created so much
excitement that six guards were needed to bar the doors of the
Esnoga. Among the immense gathering in his audience were many
AshkenazicJ ews and Christians, some of whom accompanied him

to his house afterwards, forming a cordon and screaming and cheer-
ing. It was this candidate, David de Imanuel da Silva, who was
eventually chosen, but not until a fierce struggle had been waged
by the friends and supporters of the contestants-complete with
canvassing of votes and a variety of efforts to promote each candi-
date.

Two days before the voting was to take place, the first two
postulants, Joseph J esurun Pinto and Joseph de Abraham Ben-
veniste, requested that the Mahamad return their applications. Feel-
ing quite certain that they would not win, they evidently preferred
to withdraw from the contest."

The commotion erupted again when the result of the election
was announced and the victor was triumphally escorted to the
Esnoga by a large crowd holding flaming torches, preceded by a
musical ensemble of two trumpets, two horns, and two oboes.
Mendes describes the scene:

The great doors of the Esnoga were opened and the Germans
[Ashkenazim] stormed in, knocking down the guards, taking
over the sanctuary and singing their own tunes for the various
Psalms and Pizmonim ... before the joyful ceremony in
which the new hazzan ... was officially installed."

This was the last occasion on which such a dramatic and extra-
ordinary series of events attended the elections of a hazzan. It
also represents the high point, both economically and culturally, in
the history of the community. The failure of the Dutch West India
Company in the late 18th century and the difficulties Holland
endured during the Napoleonic Wars were reflected in the reduced
activity and prestige of the Portuguese community."

In the late 19th century a choir was instituted in the Esnoga,
but with very limited function. Named the Santo Servico ("Holy
Services") and founded in 1886, the choir was allowed to sing in the
Esnoga only since 1908. Before that time there was only a choir
of young boys to sing the traditional tunes in community with the
visitors to the Synagogue. After 1908 a choir of young boys joined
the choir of adults. In their heyday (1910-1939) the combined
choirs numbered between 60-80 singers and often sang in five parts.
Most of the choir-directors also arranged the traditional synagogue
tunes and composed new music. In addition, other local composers

created musical works for the choir, all of which is still in the
archives of the community, though not all yet catalogued. 15

The choirs were disbanded during World War II and were not
revived afterwards, just one of the many irreparable losses to this
once brilliant community. I n 1940 there were about 5,500 Sephardim
in Amsterdam; today there are barely 800. The last five choir-
directors were all deported to the camps during the war, as were
two assistant hazzanim. I. Cohen de Lara and J. D'Ancona, and
a dayyan named Daniel Leon. Not one of the community's religious
leaders survived the extermination camps.

F or the Herdenkingsdienst, the solemn service commemorating
the 300th anniversary of the opening of the Esnoga on August 22,
1975, a choir was recruited and performed under the direction of
J oppe Poolman ven Beusekom, a young Dutch musician whose family
was partly descended from the original Portuguese founders. 16 This
choir consisted of twelve volunteers (none younger than fifty years
of age), four tenors, four baritones and four basses, singing tradi-
tional music of the synagogue which Beusekom had arranged and
reduced from five parts to three.
Precentor's Manuals

With the establishment of the network of communities that
were descended from or otherwise associated with the Amsterdam
community, there was a need for documentation which could serve
to standardize their liturgical musical practices. 17 A succession of
Dutch-Portuguese hazzanim undertook to provide this information
for their colleagues and co-religionists.

In the library Ets Haim there are four manuals for a Sephardic
precentor. 18 The first-and most complete — dates from the mid-
18th century; the second and third are 19th century documents, and
the fourth is from the early 20th century. It is the first of these,
the Seder Hazzanut por o qual se deve governar hum Hazan para
as Rezas e Cerimonias, conforme se estila em nossa Kehila ("Order
of Hazzanut by which a Hazzan must conduct himself for the prayers
and ceremonies, conforming with the practice of our [holy] congre-
gation") which is the most valuable to this study, inasmuch as it
provides a rare insight into the religious and social customs of his
community as well as a detailed record of its liturgical practices.

Pinto composed his two-volume handbook in 5518/1758.19 He
may have intended it for his own use, as a form of guidebook to

51

the customs and practices (Minhag) of his native community, for
he left that same year in order to take up the duties of hazzan at
New York's Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue, K. K. Shearith
Israel. The New York congregation had many members who had
emigrated from Holland, and was originally founded by Dutch
Sephardim who had settled in Brazil when it was under the rule
of Holland and then been forced to flee from that country in 1654
when it was reconquered by the Portuguese.

Hazzan Pinto, the son of Abraham J . Pinto del Sotto and
Ribca J esurun was born in Amsterdam in 1729 and educated at
Semi nari urn Ets H aim, studying under Haham David Israel Athias.
He knew both Spanish and Portuguese as well as Hebrew, Dutch
and English. 20 There were no vacancies for the office of hazzan
toward which the young man could aspire, consequently Pinto went
to London, where that congregation, apparently also unable to em-
ploy him, recommended him to the New York Congregation. Ap-
parently arriving in time to officiate at the High Holy Day services,
Hazzan Pinto remained at his post in New York for seven years
(Autumn, 1758 to Spring, 1766), during which time he preached
the first sermon of which we have any record as being given in a
synagogue in what is now the United States. He was also the first
Jew in North America to publish an English work, 'The Form of
Prayer . . ." which was given at Shearith Israel's Mill Street
Synagogue on October 23, 1760, as part of a thanksgiving service
which he had arranged on the occasion of the British acquisition
of Canada from the French .21 According to David and Tamar de
Sola Pool, "Pinto's ministry marked a high point in the struggling
congregation's spiritual development." 22

Although he became a naturalized citizen in New York on
January 22, 1766, he left the Congregation soon afterwards, returning
to London. Some historians have reported that Pinto became a
hazzan at the Portuguese congregation in Hamburg, but there is
no evidence to support this statement and it cannot be verified
through that congregation's records inasmuch as most of the
archives of the Portuguese community of Hamburg were lost in
the fire of May, 1842.

In any case, Pinto did return to Amsterdam at some point
following his tenure in New York, and shortly after May 20, 1772,
he competed for the post of hazzan in his native city. As we have
seen, he withdrew his candidacy before the election, and he never

52

had another opportunity for an appointment to this position. Nev-
ertheless, he seems to have continued to perform some of the duties
of a hazzan and to be held in high regard by the Portuguese J ews
of Holland. On Shabbat Bereshit 5540/1779 Pinto sang a special
song for the occasion at the Synagogue Migdal David near the
town of Haarlem; an account of the event is given in the intro-
duction to the text. 23 Pinto died in Amsterdam on March 19, 1782
and was buried in the Bet Haim for the Portuguese community,
which is located at Ouderkerk.

Pinto's manual contains 129 folios in Portuguese and Hebrew
written in a Sephardic cursive hand, 22 to 24 lines to each page.
There is a full description of the order of prayers with frequent
references to the Livro deReza do Hazan Mendes ("Book of Prayer
of Hazzan Mendes"), the melodies used for every portion of the
service, and the manner and deportment of the hazzan before,
during, and after the services.

RosAsana begins Volume I and consists of 28 pages (14 folios),
including information about Jejum de Guedalia. On folio 15 the
instructions commence regarding Kipur, this section concluding on
folio 21. Pinto's remarks contain not only the order and perform-
ance practice of each of the rhymed metrical hymns [piyyutiml
but also references to the traditional melodies to which they are
sung.24 It is remarkable and demonstrable proof of the validity of
oral traditions that the customs which Pinto describes in his manual
correspond in almost every instance with those of the Amsterdam
congregation today. 25

Performance of the Traditional High Holy Day Hymn Melodies

In the Appendix, which will be found at the conclusion of this
article, are notations taken from the collection of transcriptions I
made of the High Holy Day hymn melodies as sung by the present
hazzan, Solomon Nunes Nabarro. Born at The Hague in 1920, but
educated mostly at Ets Haim in Amsterdam, Nabarro had the good
fortune to be further prepared for his position by Rabbi Selomoh de
Aharon Rodrigues Pereira (1887-1969), haham of the Portuguese
community at The Hague from 1922 to 1940, and haham of the
Amsterdam community from 1945 until his death."

During the early 1970's Hazzan Nabarro recorded the entire
liturgy of the Amsterdam Sephardic community in the studios of
Omroepvereniging Vara ("Radio System Vara") ,27 This agency,

53

an arm of the Dutch government, was commissioned to perform
this task of preserving a significant but fast-disappearing heritage
of an ethnic group which the Dutch officially regard as having
greatly contributed to the country's cultural life. Some of the
tapes have been broadcast by the radio station as part of the 1975
Holland Festival, the 700th anniversary of the incorporation of
the city of Amsterdam which coincided with the 300th anniversary
of the consecration of the synagogue building.

While some of thepiyyut texts are no longer sung in Amster-
dam — and are presumably lost — the main body of traditions re-
garding the performance of this unique and memorable aspect of
the High Holy Day service has been carefully preserved. Most of
the changes that can be noted have to do with: 1) the responsi-
bilities of the hazzan or the congregation in initiating a piece;
2) the role of the hazzan or the congregation with regard to a
repetition of a portion of the poem; 3) the length of the repetition.
The following pages contain information about alterations since
Pinto's manual was written or details which he omitted.

In the beginning of the Rosh Ha-Shanah service for the first
evening, the congregation does not repeat the last stanza of Psalm
81 after the hazzan, but begins immediately with Ahot Ketannah. 28
The hazzan no longer repeats the entire last stanza to the melody
of Shofet, but repeats the refrain in its entirely after each stanza.
Evening services conclude with Yigdal sung to the tune of Yedei
Rashim, Yehudah Halevi's great poem for the first day of Rosh
Ha-Shanah. This melody appears many times during the Yamim
Nora'im and is one of the representatives themes or "leitmotifs"
of the season.

In the morning service for the first day Elohai Al Tedineni29
uses only the first half of the Shema Koli melody for the first stich
of the poem, which is sung by the hazzan. Thereafter the selihah
is recited by the congregation until the last stanza, in which the
hazzan picks up the melody once again. After he has concluded,
the congregation repeats this last stanza.

The hazzan begins Shofet Kol Ha' arez, 30 joined by the congre-
gation on the second line. In stanzas two, three, and four, the
hazzan repeats the entire last hemistich, Asher le- c olat ha-tamid, not
merely the final word. In the fifth stanza (beginning Hizku) he re-
peats the entire refrain line as he has already done after the first
stanza. After the sixth stanza has been sung by the congregation,

54

to that of Ebhai Al Tedineni insofar as only the first part of that
the hazzan repeats this final stanza alone and very solemnly. On
the second day of Rosh Ha-Shanah the hazzan begins Adonai Yom
Lekha to the melody of Shema Koli, but the performance is similar
tune is utilized. The hazzan repeats the last line of each section.

Yedei Rashim31 and Yah Shimkha (Halevi's poem for the second
day)' also are sung with an amplified repetition of the refrain line.
In stanzas two and three the entire second half of the refrain is
repeated (in the first piyyut from Ve-et Elohai Yisrael), not only
the final word. In the penultimate stanzas the entire refrain line is
repeated; there is no repetition by the hazzan after the last stanza,
and he immediately begins Kaddish, which is sung to the tune of
"Aleinu on Kippur.

The melody of Adonai Bekol Shofar is used for Lenta ankha
Elohai, 32 but in the second and third stanzas only the second half
of the refrain line is repeated by the hazzan (beginning with va aseh
al-teahar). The entire refrain line is repeated after stanza four,
and all of the next (last) stanza is repeated slowly by the hazzan
alone. He then repeats the final refrain line again. (This procedure
is also followed with Ya aneh Bebor Abot, thepiyyut for the second
day.)

In the long pizmon Et Sha areiRazon33 the congregation par-
ticipates from the beginning. However, after the last stanza only
the hazzan sings the repetition, which is done very slowly and
solemnly.

After the first stanza eft Adonai Bekol Shofar 34 the hazzan re-
peats the whole refrain line (A-lah Elohim bitru ah); after the
second stanza he repeats only the last word, but after the third
(penultimate) stanza he again repeats the entire refrain. At the
conclusion the hazzan sings the last stanza again very slowly by
himself.

The Musaf Kedushah (Keter Yitenu) is sung on the first day
to the melody of Lema ankha and on the second day to the melody
of Ahot Ketannah. Pinto had given alternative choices for both days,
now the practice is fixed. In the Adon Olam which concludes this
service the hazzan repeats the last two words of the final stanza,
ve-lo iyra ("I am not afraid").

On Yom Kippur Eve the hazzan and congregation begin singing
Shema Koli 35 together and continue until the end of the hymn
whereupon the hazzan repeats the last four lines (from Anah Ani)

55

very slowly and plaintively, embellishing the melody in a style
which comes as close to being ad Zibitum as the Portuguese tradition
will allow. It is patently evident that the melody notated by Aguilar
in the Ancient Melodies was taken from the final stich of this
piyyut and not the first, as one would expect. This affects the per-
formance of the verses which follow and accounts for the differences
in the rendition of this important melody in the communities which
have depended on de Sola and Aguilar's edition.

The procedure which is followed in the singing of Anna Be-
Korenu37 (for which Pinto provided no specifics) is to have the
congregation begin the refrain line. They then alternate phrases
with the hazzan, the congregation always punctuating with Shema
Adonai or Selah Adonai, a motive of four notes moving downwards
in step-wise motion. The melodic setting of th\s piyyut mirrors the
organization of the poem exactly and was probably composed at
about the same time. It is one of the few melodies — and the first
one encountered thus far in the sequence of High Holy Day services
— which maintains its relationship exclusively with one poem and
has not been adapted for use with other texts.

Ihepiyyut Be-Terem Shehakim with its refrain Adonai Melekh 38
is also performed in an anti phonal manner, in keeping with the
design of the poem. Pinto did not mention this piece at all — al-
though it is customarily recited in all five services on Yom Kippur —
since it is found among the selihot and Pinto directed the reader to
the recitations of selihot (which he occasionally called by their
Portuguese equivalent "rogativas"). Yigdal Elohim Hai (sung to
the tune of Yedei Rashim) concludes the evening services. 39

In the morning service of Yom Kippur the bakkashah Adonai
Negdekha is sung to the same melody as Shema Koli. However, it
is performed as Elohai Al Tedineni and Adonai Yom Lekha and not
as the Shema Koli poem. That is, only the first part of the melody
is used, and the congregation continues in a reciting voice, not sing-
ing until repeating the hazzan's melody for the last line (beginning
Va edmah) and ending with a repetition of the first line.

Ibn Gabirol's plaintive piyyut, Shamen Har Ziyyon, concludes
the Abodah; it is sung to the Lema ankha/Adonai Bekol Shofar
melody, but all of the refrain lines in each stanza are repeated by
the hazzan. (In Pinto's description the middle stanza had a repeti-
tion of only the final word of the refrain, sefatenu.) Pinto omitted
any reference to the Abodah. Apparently the "Musaph" tune is one
that is used for the entire Abodah.

56

In the hymn which introduces the selihot, Yisrael Abadekha,
which is sung to the melody of Yedei Rashim, the hazzan repeats
the refrain stanzas in the same manner as Shin'annim, except in the
final stanza. (In the latter, he sings only the last two lines plus
the refrain.) After the first stanza of Yisrael Abadekha the hazzan
repeats the entire refrain, the second hemistich after stanzas two
and three (beginning hesed la-alefim),40 the entire refrain line after
stanza four, and stanza five in toto after the congregation has finished
singing.

The two poetic introductions in Minhuh are performed similarly
to those prefacing the Kedushah in the Musaf service. 41 The first
one, Benei Ely on, is sung to the Adonai Bekol Shofar melody (as
is Bimromei Erez), and is also prefaced by Ubkhen Nakdishakh.

(The hazzan repeats the final line in each stanza.)

UtJk-lX - sKauKK

Yah She ma Ebyonekha42 closes the Minhah service with the
congregation beginning the pizmon and the hazzan repeating the
first stanza. This is then repeated by the congregation as a refrain
stanza after all the remaining stanzas, and since it is sung rather
slowly, actually becomes a much longer piece than the text would
indicate.

Similar repetitions of the refrain stanza occur in the performance
of the Ne ilah hymn, El Nora Alilah. 43 Actually, the piece is ex-
tended by the use of a refrain stanza sung after every one of the
eight stanzas, first by the congregation and then once again by the
hazzan. The hazzan's repetition of the refrain is omitted after the
first stanza (that would otherwise have resulted in three renditions
of the same words), and in subsequent repetitions of this refrain the
hazzan sings the incipit or opening phrases only once.

According to Hazzan Nabarro, the community finds that this
melody lends itself to the practice of harmonization especially well
— or easily. Therefore, those members with "good ears" who are
present at this late service may be heard adding a simple harmony

at the third or the sixth. 44 Nabarro feels that this is the reason
the "second melody" has replaced what he considers the "original
Amsterdam melody" in London and New York.

The two introductions to the Kedushah in Ne ilah are performed
in the same manner as those of Musaf and Minhah. Erelim, prefaced
by Ubkhen Nakdishakh, is sung to the AdoncdBekol Shofar melody,
with the last four words in every stanza (the quotations from Isaiah)
repeated by the hazzan after the community has sung that line.
Nabarro says ruefully, "If the community forgets, I sing both
times."45

There is no tune for Shebet Yehudah in the Amsterdam com-
munity; it is read quietly (silently?) by the congregation. Immedi-
ately preceding this it has been the custom in the Amsterdam syna-
gogue to sing Ha-MabdS47 to the same melody as Yah Shema
Ebyonekhu. The hazzan introduces the refrain stanza and the con-
gregation sings the second stanza to the same melody. The congre-
gation then sings the refrain stanza to a slightly altered version of
the hazzan's melody (see measures two and three. 48 After the con-
gregation has sung the third stanza, the hazzan repeats the last
three words, zar enu yarbeh khahol ("May He multiply our seed
as the sand"). This is done after stanzas four and five also, but
after the sixth stanza the hazzan and congregation together sing
the entire stanza.

There is also a Sabbath version of the hymn, used at the
conclusion of the Habdalah service, and this was recorded by
Haham Pereira. Upon careful checking, I found that there were
two additional stanzas at the end (the one for Yom Kippur has
five stanzas and the Sabbath usually has nine), and that the first
of these-now the penultimate stanza for the poem-begins with
the same words as the last stanza of El Nora Alilah ("Michael sar
Yisrael, Eliyahu ve-Gabriel"). What the origin of this addition is
I do not know; I suspect it comes from a mystical movement and
that the reference to the redeemer which is recited at the close of
the Day of Atonement is comforting to the worshipers all year
through.

Conclusion

In comparing the contemporary tradition with that of the
mid-18th century as reported byj oseph J esurun Pinto, it is apparent
that more responsibility for the singing of the hymns has been given

58

to the hazzan. Some of the piyyutim which were sung wholly or
partly by the congregation are now sung completely by the hazzan,
and many of his responses and repetitions have grown from a few
words to an entire line of text. At the same time the present tradi-
tion seems to have developed with the assumption that the com-
munity was better acquainted with the melodies and could start off
a musical portion of the prayers by themselves.

This presents a paradox: the Amsterdam community is — in
some respects — better prepared and more knowledgeable about its
musical traditions than its forebears, but is less willing to exercise
this ability and participate at a public worship service.

NOTES

1 ) . S. da Silva Rosa, Geschiedenis der portugeesche Joden te Amsterdam
(Amsterdam: Merino Hertzberger, 1925), 5-7.

*Most of the J ews who came to Amsterdam settled in this area, which
had been beyond the walls of the city prior to 1593. See J . F. van Agt,
Synagogen in Amsterdam (The Hague: Staatssuitgeverij, 1974), 8-17 and
94-95.

3 This date became the principal festival for the Portuguese community
and is still commemorated today. On Shabbat Nahamu, 1975, festivities were
held at the "Snoge" in honor of its tercentenary. An early historiographer,
David Franco Mendes (1713-1792), has written a chronicle of events in the
community up to 1772, Memorias do estabelicemento e progresso dos Judeos
Portuguezes e Espanhoes nesta [amuse cidade dc Amsterdam. This manu-
script (with introduction and annotations by L. Fuks and R. G. Fuks-Mansfeld)
has been published in Studia Rosenthaliana 1X12 (J uly, 1975), 1-233.

4 In the original inventory it is shown that Ret Jaacob contributed 41
books, Neveh Shalom 161 books, and Bet Yisrael 44 books. (From the "Book
of Resolutions" of K. K. Talmud Torah, February 27, 1640.)

5 The Israeli musicologist Israel Adler has written extensively on this
subject. An enlarged and revised version of Part IV of his 1966 edition in
French was translated into English and published by the Magnes Press, the
Hebrew University J erusalem, in 1974, under the title Musical Life and
Traditions of the Portuguese Jewish Community of Amsterdam in the XVIIIth
Century.

6 De Barrios (c. 1625-1701). the "Poet Laureate" of the Amsterdam com-
munity was born in Spain of new Christian parents. The Imperio de Dios
first appeared in Brussels in 1673 and is the only source for the history of the
first century of the Amsterdam Sephardir community.

7 Da Silva Rosa identifies Gabay as a famous calligrapher and one of the
founders of the Mikra Kodesh society. (Geschiedenis, 126.)

^According to D. F. Mendes (pp. 118-119) there had been 15 applicants,
but only 11 were allowed to compete. This would seem to indicate that the
position of hazzan represented desirable status and that there was an abundance
of talent in the community from which the Mahamad could select,

59

9 De Lara may have been the son of Abraham Ha-Cohen de Lara, who
had served as hazzan from 1682 until his death in 1708.

10 D. F. Mendes, Memorias , ., 112.

11 Mendes devotes five full pages to reporting the developments in con-
nection with this contest, (pp. 144-48).

12 Benveniste had been the candidate the first week and Pinto the second
week. To conclude his aprova Pinto chanted a melody to the text of a poem
whirh had been written for the occasion by D. F. Mendes and appears in the
author's collection of poetry KolTefillah at Ets Haim.

13 Memorias ., ., 148.

14 The Dutch West India company (founded in 1621), in which many
Portuguese J ews had invested heavily, was taken over by the state in 1791
and dissolved in 1794 at the start of the French invasion of the United
Provinces.

15 Adler has described some of these manuscripts, some of which are in
folio volumes, in Musical Life and Traditions ., 76-78.

16 The program for the afternoon is listed in my Ph.D. dissertation

Traditional Melodies of the Rhymed Metrical Hymns in the Sephardic High
Holy Day Litrugy: A Comparative Study (Northwestern University, 1978),
328. On the following Sunday evening there was a concert given at the "Snoge"
which featured many outstanding Sephardic hazzanim from all over the world
displaying their "hazzanut."

17 The 1726 Hebrew edition of the prayer books represent the crystalliza-
tion of the Portuguese liturgy as practiced in Amsterdam. It was edited and
corrected by Samuel Rodrigues Mendes (born in Bayonne, France c. 1692),
hazzan at the Esnoga from 1709 until his death in 1743. Mendes was highly
regarded by his contemporaries for his learning and sweet voice and he was
undoubtedly responsible for defining the musical traditions as well as shaping
and finalizing the prayer books of the Castilian rite as we know them today.

18 Adler mentions Several more manuals in Musical Life and Traditions

(pp. 32, 44, 64, and 70), but from the descriptions he gives of their contents
it would seem that they would be be better listed under music manuscripts.

19 The title page for Vol. I is missing and presumed lost. There is some
disagreement among scholars as to the date, inasmuch as the last numeral is
somewhat unusual for its time. It is possible that Pinto began his handbook
at an earlier time. I am, however, using the date 5518 (and not 5510) which
is in accordance with the interpretation of the librarians at Ets Haim and
seems most reasonable to me.

20 It is not known which of these languages Reverend Pinto preached in,
but all of his extant writings are either in Portuguese or Hebrew.

21 As can be seen on the title page, Pinto's prayer was composed in Hebrew
and translated into English "by a Friend to Truth." This might very well
have been Isaac Pinto (1720-1791), a merchant from the West Indies who
later settled in New York and became a member of Shearith Israel. Isaac
Pinto was the editor-translator of the Prayers for Shabbath, Rosh Hashanah,
and Kippur (New York: J ohn Holt, 1766), and is thought to be also the
author of the first printed Jewish prayer book, Evening Service of Roshas-
hanah, und Kcppur, of The Beginning of the Year and The Day of Atonement
(New York: W. Weyman, 1761). When paired, the two books constitute the
complete High Holy Day prayers.

60

22 An Old Faith in the New World: Portrait of Shearith Israel, 1654*1954
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1960), 165.

23 This synagogue was built by Mosheh and Ishac, sons of the late David
Henriques de Castro, and was located on their property near Haarlem. The
headings for each stanza of the four-stanza poem are for: 1) the synagogue;
2) the Hatan Bereshit (Abraham); 3) the Hatan Torah (Samuel); 4) the
owners of the synagogue (Mosheh and Ishac Henriques de Castro). I am
indebted to Dr. M. H. Gans of Amsterdam who has provided me with a copy
of this handwritten song, the original of which is contained in his private
collection.

24 All the material pertaining to the piyyutim has been translated into
English by me and appears in my dissertation on pages 334-341. Sephardim
customarily refer to the Day of Atonement as Kipur or Yom Ha-Kippurim.

25 In his second volume Pinto takes up the question of differences in the
minhag of London and Amsterdam later, and New York, London and Amster-
dam. A discussion of this material will appear in a subsequent article to be
included in a forthcoming issue of the J ournal of Synagogue Music.

26 In an effort to maintain the knowledge of the traditional synagogue
melodies, Haham Rodrigues Pereira, urged by his son, Dr. Martinus Rod-
rigues Perieira, recorded "that music which he thought most difficult and
most worthwhile to keep for posterity." This project took place during the
summers of 1955, 1957, and 1966, in the Haham's home at Hilversum, Holland.
Haham Periera also made some professional recordings under the auspices of
the VPRO ("Free Protestant Broadcasting System"), in Hilversum in 1956.
These contained Sephardi melodies that are of a semiliturgical nature, and
were mostly zemirot that were sung in the home.

27 Thirty-four nine-inch reel-to-reel recording tapes were produced; the
first tape was made on J anuary 17, 1972, and the project was completed at
the end of 1974. These are now at the Secretariat office of the Portuguese
Community where they are kept in a locked vault. It was almost impossible
to discover their whereabouts. I was finally able to locate them after a two-
year search through the generous assistance of L. Alvares Vega, the retired
Executive Secretary of the Community, and was permitted to re-record some
of the melodies on my own cassette tapes. In addition, I recorded the melodies
directly from Hazzan Nabarro's performances at his home (which adjoins the
synagogue) in August, 1975 and August, 1977. The hazzan was most cordial
and helpful throughout this extended project and I am very grateful for all
his endeavors on my behalf.

28 Appendix, a-b. The texts for these hymns may be found in the Book
Of Prayers According to the Custom of the Spanish and Portuguese J ews,
edited and translated by David de Sola Pool .,5 vols. (New York:
Union of Sephardic Congregations 5696-5707/1936-1947).

29 Appendix, b. Also see Appendix i. for Shema Koli, the hymn for the
eve of Kipur.

so I bid., c-d.

31 Ibid., e-f.

32 Ibid., f. This piyyat text is unique inasmuch as it is the only (holiday)
one which is included in both the Rosh Ha-Shanah and Yom Kippur services.
Originally it was read only on the latter holiday; when or why it was added
for New Year is not clear, although around 1700 there are notes added in

61

the margins of the Rosh Ha-Shanah Shaharit prayers directing that it be
inserted there.

33 Ibid., g. This version of the Akedah (the binding of Isaac) is a
favorite among all Sephardim, and the melody which is associated with it
furnishes one of the familiar and repeated "special" themes for the holidays.

34 Ibid., h. Although the practice of adapting certain traditional tunes
to substitute texts is understood, only the Adonai Bekol Shofar melody is
specifically referred to in the prayer books. The earliest books I have studied
(14th and 15th centuries) have headings to various poems which contain the
rubric "Lahan Adonai Bekol Shofar." (Sing to the tune of . . .). It is
also noteworthy to observe that this melody does not have a refrain, although
it is used over and over for hymn texts with poetic refrains.

35 Ibid., i. I did not notate the hazzan's repetition of the last four lines
as it was performed with considerable variation each time I heard it and
none could be said to be a "definitive" rendition.

36 The Ancient Melodies of the Liturgy of the Spanish and Portuguese
Jews. Harmonized by Emanuel Aguilar. Preceded by a Historical Essay on
the Poets, Poetry and Melodies of the Sephardic Liturgy by the Rev. D[avid]
A[aron] de Sola. (London: Wessel and Co., 1857). 32. This pioneer attempt
at the documentation and research into J ewish musical practices was reprinted
as Sephardi Melodies being the Traditio o\ the Spanish
and Portuguese Jews' Congregation London. Part I is a photographic repro-
duction of the 1857 edition without the Essay or de Sola's translations of
the hymn texts. Part II consists of melodies harmonized by E[lias] R[obert]
Jessurun (London: Oxford University Press, 5691/1931.

37 Appendix, j.

38 Zbid., k.

39 The Yedei Rashim melody is used alSO for the Yehe Shemeh Rabba, the

Barekhu and in the morning service for the Kaddish and ibn Gabirol's hymn
which introduces it, Shin'annim Sha'anannim.

40 Perhaps this phrase can provide us with an explanation about the origin
of the custom in London and New York for singing this pizmon to the Adonai
Bekol Shofar/Lema ankha melody. Ya aneh Bebor Abot, chanted on the

second morning of Rosh Ha-Shanah to the Lema ankha tune, has a refrain
ending with the words "hesed le-Abraham," which bears a strong phonic
resemblance to "hesed la-alefim." Moreover, in some prayer books Yisrael
Abadekha follows Lema ankha in the section of selihot, thus reinforcing
the presence of the melody in the memory of the reader.

41 The first piyyut is Bimromei Erez and the second is Erez Hitmotetah.

42 Appendix 1. The hazzan's repetition of the refrain stanza is identical
to the congregation's, except for the last two measures.

43 Ibid., m .

44 Hazzan Nabarro is not including the women's voices in his comments
about singing at the Esnoga. The women are not active participants in the
services. Even if they were to try to blend their voices with those of the men
seated downstairs, their singing could not be heard to any significant degree,
as the distance from the women's gallery to the main floor is considerable
and the acoustics are very poor.

45 At my interview with the Hazzan at the Esnoga on J uly 31, 1977, he
added that he feels "on the whole, the community does a good job at the

High Holy Day Services." Undoubtedly it is one of the few times during
the year that the large building is well-attended and serves its original func-
tion. The community will never be able to recover from the results of the
Holocaust, and if it were not for the support of the Dutch Government, the
community would have had to close its doors long ago. During the winter
months, when there are few tourists and it is not possible to heat the sanc-
tuary (there is no electricity in the building), services take place in the
"Winter Synagogue," a small room located in one of the complex of buildings
which surround the main building on three sides.

46 The same is true of the magnificent triology Ashrei Ayin at the conclu-
sion of the Abodah. These three variations on the same theme-a nos-
talgic lament for the splendor which once existed in the Temple at J erusalem
— one by Gabirol, one by Halevi and the last by Abraham ibn Ezra, were
probably sung at one time, but the custom was lost many years ago.

47 Ha-Mabdil follows Kaddish Le ela in S. Mulders Orde voor den
Verzoendag ("Service for Yom Kippur") published in Amsterdam in 5610/
1850, and still in current use at the synagogue.

48 Appendix, n.

THE SOUND OF SINGING

IN THE CATSKILL MOUNTAINS Mordecai Yardeni

An Observer at the 33rd Annual Convention of the Cantors
Assembly Gives His View.

In my long career as singer, hazzan, and writer I have partici-
pated in many conferences, but I have never before participated in
a conference attended by so many young professional, American-
born hazzanim, musicians, music directors, singers, music students,
composers, professors and musicologists from all over America,
Canada and Israel.

I am referring to the annual convention of the Cantors Assem-
bly, which is affiliated with the Conservative Movement and the
Jewish Theological Seminary of America. The convention began on
Sunday, April 27 and concluded on Thursday afternoon, May 1, in
the luxurious Grossinger Hotel in the Catskill Mountains.

According to my impression, this event was more a music festival
than an ordinary conference; an exhibit of musical creativity for
solo and choir, a demonstration of words and music which rever-
berated mightily in the beautiful Catskill Mountains.

The large auditoriums of the hotel were constantly filled with
a variety of music and tonalities: liturgical and secular, songs in
mame-losh'n, Yiddish, and also in Hebrew. Understandably, the
lectures given by well-known musicians and academicians in the
musical world were given in English. Among those who participated
were: Shelly Secunda, noted photographer, son of the late Sholom
Secunda; Rabbi Morton Waldman, now the dean of the Cantors
Institute and the son of the late great Hazzan Leibele Waldman;
Israel Goldstein, Hazzan in Jericho, New York, who is the son of
the late well-known Hazzan of London, J acob Goldstein; Dr. Moses
Zucker, Professor of Talmud Emeritus of the Jewish Theological
Seminary of America; Dr. Tzippora Yochsberger, Director of the
Hebrew Arts School. There were also the reports of the President,
Hazzan Morton Shames, and of the Executive Vice President, Hazzan
Samuel Rosenbaum, the two prime leaders of the Cantors Assembly.

In addition, there were lectures by Professor Max Wohlberg,
Professor Emeritus of the Cantors I nstitute of the J ewish Theological

Mordecai Yardeini is a well known hazzan, composer, lecturer and Yiddish
journalist. While no longer an active hazzan he continues to compose and is
a regular contributor on hazzanut and music in general to leading Yiddish
newspapers and periodicals.

64

Seminary of America; Professor Abraham J . Karp, Philip S. Bern-
stein, Professor of American Jewish History at the University of
Rochester; Dr. Bruce Charnov, Professor at Hofstra College; Dr.
Gladys Rosen, Program Director for the American J ewish Commit-
tee; Rabbi Seymour Cohen, newly elected President of the Rabbinical
Assembly; Rabbi Simon Greenberg, Vice Chancellor of the J ewish
Theological Seminary of America. Each of the participants brought
moments of excitement and insight which added weight and meaning
to the festive conference.

The most important moments of the convention were, as one
might expect, a number of varied and exciting musical performances
either in concerts or in workshops.

Among these was the particularly memorable and highly suc-
cessful cantata, "A Time For Freedom," a poem built on the famous
Shcharansky trial in MOSCOW, for choir and tenor and baritone solo-
ists. The text is by Hazzan Samuel Rosenbaum and music by Haz-
zan Charles Davidson. The work is a most successful one from all
points of view. It deserves to be heard, as well, in a Yiddish trans-
lation. The text has in it all the elements of poetic depth and psy-
chological insight, as well as a sense of the sweep of history. The
music helps to illustrate the tragic words of the text, highlighting
the most dramatic points. It would appear that the poet and the
composer found a unity of soul in producing the work, and as a
result, we have this highly successful cantata. The tenor solist,
Hazzan Jacob Mendelson, carried through his assignment to my
complete satisfaction, as did the baritone soloist, Michael Riley.

A second highlight of the conference was the illustrated lecture
by Hazzan Saul Meisels on the theme of "Preparing Yiddish Songs
for Concert Performance." Saul Meisels was for many years well-
known in New York as a singer, both in concert and on the radio.
His singing did much to help popularize Yiddish song. Later, he
became a hazzan and served for 40 years at the Temple on the
Heights in Cleveland, but he has not forgotten his old love for the
Yiddish song. His wife, Ida Meisels, was a fine co-worker with him
in her complimentary piano accompaniment.

A third highlight: the one hour recital of Hazzan Louis Danto,
who presented a program of classic arias and songs with the excel lent
piano accompaniment of Leo Barkin. Louis Danto is a tasteful
bel -canto singer who knows how to perform a classical song. He also
has the voice with which to function. Even though I may have some

65

quarrel with his choice of program, nevertheless, his singing through
out the recital was impressive: lovely, lyrical, professional and
precise. There are not too many singers who can do as well with the
classic art song, or with operatic arias.

The students of the Hebrew Arts School in New York, under
the guidance of Dr. Tzippora Yochsberger, presented a program in
honor of the 100th birthday of the world famous J ewish composer,
Ernst Bloch. The choices of the student performers mirrored fine
examples of the creativity of the composer. Dr. Yochsberger's com-
ments on the Bloch's life and works were cogent, informative and
very well received.

Hazzan Isaac Goodfriend presented a group of Yiddish folk
songs in a program devoted to the works of the late Hazzan Israel
Alter. These were performed with great taste, and in an artistic
interpretation of the music and texts. One felt in his performance
a serious approach and a clear understanding for the Yiddish song.

Mordecai Yardeini delivered a lecture on "Hazzanim and Haz-
zanut in America" in which he reminisced about the hazzanim of the
golden age. Kwartin, Rosenblatt, Roitman, Hershman, Pinchik, Leib
Glantz. Unlike the other lectures, Yardeini's was presented in Yid-
dish. It would appear that a larger percentage of the audience than
might be expected understood his presentation and applauded it
warmly. Hazzan David Bagley, accompanied by Leo Barkin, gave
ample evidence of why he is considered an outstanding hazzan, in
a short recital of four of Yardeini's compositions for voice. Both
the lecture and the illustrations received a standing ovation.

The convention was extraordinarily well planned for which a
debt of gratitude is owed to the Cantors Assembly, to its President,
Morton Shames, to its Executive Vice President,, Samuel Rosenbaum,
and to all who had a hand in the planning and execution.

It was a rare pleasure and an honor for me to participate in such
a conference.

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