Astral Magic in Babylonia
Author(s): Erica Reiner
Source: Transactions of the American Philosophical Society,
pp. i-150
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Astral Magic in Babylonia
TRANSACTIONS
of the
American Philosophical Society
Held at Philadelphia for Promoting Useful Knowledge
VOLUME 85, Part 4, 1995
Astral Magic in Babylonia
ERICA REINER
THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
Independence Square, Philadelphia
1995
Copyright © 1995 by The American Philosophical Society All rights reserved. Reproduction
of this monograph in whole or in part in any media is restricted.
Cover: Neo-Baby Ionian tablet with relief of a sundisk suspended before the sun god.
Courtesy of the British Museum, no. 91000; published by L.W. King, Babylonian Boundary-
Stones (London, 1912) pi. xcviii.
Reiner, Erica
Astral Magic in Babylonia
Includes references and index.
1. Babylonia 2. Magic
3. Religion 4. History, Ancient
ISBN: 0-87169-854-4 95-76539
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Illustrations vi
Foreword vii
Abbreviations x
Introduction 1
Chapter I: The Role of Stars 15
Chapter II: The Art of the Herbalist 25
Chapter III: Medicine 43
Chapter IV: Divination 61
Chapter V: Apotropaia 81
Chapter VI: Sorcerers and Sorceresses 97
Chapter VII: The Nature of Stones 119
Chapter VIII: Nocturnal Rituals 133
Index 145
ILLUSTRATIONS
1. Relief from Assurnasirpal's palace with the king wearing a
necklace hung with emblems of the planets 4
2. Cylinder seal showing bearded Istar 5
3, 4, 5. Representations of constellations incised on a Late
Babylonian tablet 10, 11
6. Middle register of a bronze plaque, showing a patient
being cured 45
7. Seal representing Gula with her dog 54
8. Gula and her dog represented on a boundary stone 54
9. Clay models of sheep livers inscribed with liver omens ... 60
10. Bronze bell decorated with scenes of exorcisms of demons . . 80
VI
Foreword
I, Muhammad ibn Ishaq, have lastly only to add that the
books on this subject are too numerous and extensive to be
recorded in full, and besides the authors keep on repeating
the statements of their predecessors.
al-Nadlm, Fihrist, vol. 1, p. 360
Magic, astrology, and witchcraft have become fashionable of
late. The appeal of the mysterious and the occult to the contem-
porary public has spawned a considerable literature on magic,
ancient and exotic alike. Classicists have mined Greek and
Latin sources for elements of magic and sorcery, and have
made forays into the neighboring territories of the ancient Near
East for parallels, real or assumed.
Knowledgeable as he may be in his own field, the Classical
scholar cannot be expected to be equally well versed in the lit-
erature of peoples whose records have survived in the cunei-
form script only and are couched in dead languages that have
been deciphered only in the last century. One, Sumerian, is not
related to any known language; the other, Akkadian, even
though it belongs to the Semitic family of languages, diverges
from its relatives sufficiently to be difficult to master. Not sur-
prisingly, the most apposite and interesting comparisons often
suffer from a misunderstanding of the Near Eastern material.
Connections between the oriental cultures and their echoes in
the west become tenuous if one term of the equation is incor-
rectly expressed. To provide a foundation for comparisons the
Near Eastern material needs to be presented in a reliable form.
This is the purpose of my study. My sources are culled from
such scientific texts as medicine, divination, and rituals, which
are not usually included in anthologies of Mesopotamian texts
and are rarely available in translation.
While I do not claim familiarity with the Classical data, it has
seemed necessary that I refer to Greek and Latin sources as I
attempt to point up parallels. Many suggestions for the paths
to pursue and references to the literature came from David Pin-
Vll
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
gree, whose wisdom and interest have sustained this work. My
quotes from and my translations of Classical sources are
neither independent nor original; I adduce them simply
because they provide a context that the cuneiform sources lack,
and therefore they situate in a broader background the Near
Eastern texts 7 terse allusions. The point becomes evident from
the examples of "drawing down the moon/' and "seizing the
mouth/ 7 discussed in Chapters V and VI.
In spite of some striking similarities which may simply attest
to the universal and ubiquitous nature of magic practices, one
must note that well-attested procedures in Hellenistic and later
magic are not matched in their more specific details by the
Mesopotamian material, as the comparison of rituals for the
confection of amulets and prescriptions for molding figurines
and their paraphernalia shows. Of course, the few Mesopo-
tamian rituals with detailed descriptions of the materia and the
dromena have been many times invoked by comparatists and
historians of religion, from Mircea Eliade 7 s Cosmologie et alchimie
babyloniennes (Bucarest: Vremea, 1937 [in Rumanian]; French
translation Paris: Gallimard, 1991) to Walter Burkert's Die orien-
talisierende Epoche of 1982 (Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische
Klasse, 1984/1 = The Orientalizing Revolution, Cambridge, Mass.
and London: Harvard University Press, 1992), not to mention
more romantic and popular books of the past.
There are other important differences between the Near East
and Greece. In Mesopotamia, preserved are those rituals that
exorcists set down in handbooks and handed on to their disci-
ples and successors through generations; these can be regarded
as the official scientific manuals of the experts. Magic was not
a marginal and clandestine manipulation; it was an activity pre-
scribed and overtly practiced for the benefit of king and court,
or of important individuals — only noxious witchcraft was for-
bidden and prosecuted. The magic of the common folk prob-
ably was never written down, and we have not much to go on
when seeking to compare it with the material from the West.
Neither can we document from Mesopotamia, as we can from
the Hellenistic world and Rome, the changes in the social and
legal status of magic and its practitioners. Moreover, in the Clas-
sical world we are privileged to have a vivid documentation of
Vlll
FOREWORD
the use of magic in the literary sources, whether they deal with
mythological events or events deemed historical. Classical lit-
erature provides the background against which the spells on
lamellae, amulets, or gems can be delimited. The accounts of
the preparation of a magic ritual, its aims, and its effects found
in Homer, Greek drama and novels, in epics such as Lucan's
Pharsalia, or the stories of Lucian, are the envy of the Assyriol-
ogist who has to be content with the allusions, or tantalizing
glimpses into the practice of magic, which Mesopotamian
sources allow.
The Near Eastern material for this book was collected over
many years of association with the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary,
for the stimulation provided by discussions at the Institute for
Advanced Study in Princeton (in the second term of 1990-91
and the summer of 1992), and for the opportunity to explore
a variety of avenues there I am indebted especially to the fac-
ulty of the Institute's School of Historical Studies. The original
impetus to study astral influences in Babylonia, as well as
many suggestions, came from Otto Neugebauer; I could no
longer seek his advice for the final manuscript in Princeton, but
to his memory I would like to dedicate this work.
IX
ABBREVIATIONS
ABL R. R Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Letters. 14 vols. Chicago: Univer-
sity of Chicago Press, 1892-1914
ABRT J. A. Craig, Assyrian and Babylonian Religious Texts (Assyriologische Biblio-
thek XIII/1-2). Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1895-97
ACh C. Virolleaud, L'Astrologie chaldeenne. Paris: Geuthner, 1905-12
AfK Archiv fur Keilschriftforschung. Berlin, 1923-25
AfO Archiv fiir Orientforschung. Berlin, 1926-
AGM Archiv fiir Geschichte der Medizin. Leipzig, 1908-
AHw. W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handzvorterbuch. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz,
1959-81
AMT R. C. Thompson, Assyrian Medical Texts from the originals in the British
Museum. London-New York: H. Milford, Oxford University Press, 1923
Analecta Biblica Rome, 1952-
Anatolian Studies London, 1951-
AOS American Oriental Series
ARM Archives Royales de Mari. Paris: Geuthner, 1941-
ARMT Archives Royales de Mari (texts in transliteration and translation). Paris:
Imprimerie Nationale, 1950-
ArOr Archiv Orientdlni. (Journal of the Czechoslovak Oriental Institute). Prague,
1929-
ARRIM Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Annual Review. Toronto, 1983-
AS Assyriological Studies. Chicago, 1931-
Aula Orientalis Sabadell (Barcelona), 1983-
BAM R Kocher, Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen.
Berlin: de Gruyter, 1963-
BBR H. Zimmern, Beitrage zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion (Assyri-
ologische Bibliothek XII). Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1896-1901
BE University of Pennsylvania, Babylonian Section, Series A, cuneiform
texts. Philadelphia, 1893-1914
Bibliotheca Orientalis Leiden, 1943-
BMS L. W. King, Babylonian Magic and Sorcery. London: Luzac & Co., 1896
Boll, Sphaera R J. Boll, Sphaera. Leipzig: Teubner, 1903
Boll-Bezold-Gundel Boll, Franz, and Carl Bezold, Sternglaube und Sterndeutung.
4th ed. revised by W. Gundel. Leipzig-Berlin: Teubner, 1931.
Borger, Esarh. R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Konigs von Assyrien (AfO
Beiheft 9). Osnabriick: Biblio, 1967
BPO E. Reiner and D. Pingree, Babylonian Planetary Omens (Bibliotheca Meso-
potamia, vol. 2). Malibu: Undena, 1975-
ABBREVIATIONS
BRM Babylonian Records in the Library of J. Pierpont Morgan, ed. Albert
T. Clay. 4 vols. New York: Private print, 1912-23
CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.
Chicago and Gliickstadt: J. J. Augustin, 1956-
CCAG Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum, eds. F. Cumont, F. Boll, et
al. Brussels, 1898-
CRAI Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres. Comptes rendus des Seances. Paris,
1857-
CT Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum.
London, 1896-
DACG R. C. Thompson, A Dictionary of Assyrian Chemistry and Geology. Oxford:
Clarendon, 1936
Dover Fs 'Owls to Athens'. Essays on Classical Subjects Presented to Sir Kenneth Dover,
ed. E. M. Craik. Oxford: Clarendon, 1990
Dream-book A. L. Oppenheim, The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near
East (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 46/3), 1956
DSB Dictionary of Scientific Biography, C. C. Gillispie, ed. New York: Scribner,
1970-
EPHE Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, IV e Section, Annuaire
HAMA O. Neugebauer, A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy. 3 vols. Berlin-
Heidelberg-New York: Springer, 1975
Hg. Lexical series HAR-gud = imru = ballu, published MSL 5-11
Hh. Lexical series HAR-ra = hubullu, published MSL 5-11
History of Religions Chicago, 1961-
HKL R. Borger, Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur. 3 vols. Berlin: de Gruyter,
1967-75.
Hopfner, Offenbarungszauber Th. Hopfner, Griechisch-Agyptischer Offenbarungs-
zauber. vol. I— II Leipzig, 1921 and 1924; new edition of vol. I and vol.
II Part 1 Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1974 and 1983
Iraq London, 1934-
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society. New Haven, 1843-
]CS Journal of Cuneiform Studies. New Haven, 1947-
JEOL Jaarbericht van heet Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap "Ex Oriente Lux."
Leiden, 1933-
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies. Chicago, 1942-
JWCI Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes. London, 1937-
KAO E. F. Weidner, Alter und Bedeutung der babylonischen Astronomie und
Astrallehre, nebst Studien uber Fixsternhimmel und Kalender (KAO [Im
Kampfe um den alten Orient] 4). Leipzig, 1914
KAR E. Ebeling, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religibsen Inhalts (WVDOG XXVIII/1-4,
XXXIV/1-5). Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1915-23
KB Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek. Berlin: Reuther's, 1889-
KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi, eds. H. Figulla, E. F. Weidner, et al.
Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1916-23
KMI E . Ebeling, Keilsch rifttexte medizinischen Inhalts (Berliner Beitrage zur Keil-
schriftforschung, Beiheft 1-2). Berlin, 1922-23
XI
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
Kocher, Pflanzenkunde F Kocher, Keilschrifttexte zur assyrisch-babylonischen Drogen-
und Pflanzenkunde. Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin,
Institut fur Orientforschung, Veroffentlichung Nr. 29. Berlin: Akademie-
Verlag, 1955.
KUB Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazkoi
LAS S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assur-
banipal (Alter Orient und Altes Testament, 5/1 and 5/2). Kevelaer: Butzon
& Bercker, 1970 and 1983
LB AT Late Babylonian Astronomical and Related Texts, copied by T. G. Pinches
and J. N. Strassmaier, prepared for publication by A. J. Sachs, with the
cooperation of J. Schaumberger. Providence: Brown University Press,
1955
LKA E. Ebeling, Literarische Keilschrifttexte aus Assur Berlin: Akademie-Verlag,
1953
Malku Synonym list malku = sarru
MAOG Mitteilungen der Altorientalischen Gesellschaft, Berlin. Leipzig: E. Pfeiffer,
1925-
MIO Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Orientforschung, Akademie der Wissen-
schaften. Berlin, 1953-
MRS Mission de Ras Shamra. Paris, 1936-
MSL Materialien zum sumerischen Lexikon (from volume X on: Materials
for the Sumerian Lexicon). Rome: Pontihcium Institutum Biblicum, 1937-
MUL.APIN Hermann Hunger and David Pingree, MUL.APIN. An Astronomical
Compendium in Cuneiform. AfO Beiheft 24. Horn, Austria: F Berger, 1989.
NABU Nouvelles Assyriologiques Breves et Utilitaires. Paris, 1987-
NH Pliny, Natural History
OIP Oriental Institute Publications. Chicago, 1924-
Or. NS Orientalia, Nova Series. Rome, 1932-
PBS University of Pennsylvania, University Museum, Publications of the
Babylonian Section. Philadelphia, 1911-
PGM Papyri Graecae Magicae. Die griechischen Zauberpapyri, ed. K. Preisendanz.
2nd revised edition, 2 vols. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1973, 1974. English ver-
sion: The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, ed. H. D. Betz. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1986
R H. C. Rawlinson, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia. 5 vols.
London, 1861-84
RA Revue d'assyriologie et d'archeologie orientate. Paris, 1884-
RAC Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum. Stuttgart, 1941-
RBPH Revue Beige de Philologie et d'Histoire. Brussels, 1922-
RE Pauly's Realencyklopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, pub. G.
Wissowa. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1894-
RLA Reallexikon der Assyriologie. Berlin & Leipzig: de Gruyter, 1928-
RSO Rivista degli studi orientali. Rome, 1907-
SAA State Archives of Assyria. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1987-
SAAB State Archives of Assyria, Bulletin. Helsinki, 1987-
xn
ABBREVIATIONS
SAHG A. Falkenstein and W. von Soden, Sumerische und akkadische Hymnen
und Gebete. Zurich-Stuttgart: Artemis, 1953
SANE Sources from the Ancient Near East. Malibu: Undena, 1974-
SLB Studia ad Tabulas Cuneiformes a F. M. Th. de Liagre Bohl Collectas
Pertinentia. Leiden, 1952-
SMEA Studi Micenei ed Egeo-anatolici. Rome, 1966-
SpTU Spatbabylonische Texte aus Uruk (I— III: Ausgrabungen der Deutschen For-
schungsgemeinschaf t in Uruk-Warka, vols. 9, 10, 12. Berlin: Gebr. Mann,
1976-; IV: Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka, Endberichte, vol. 12. Mainz
am Rhein: von Zabern, 1993)
Strack-Billerbeck H. L. Strack, and P. Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen Testa-
ment aus Talmud und Midrasch. Munich, 1922-28
Streck, Ash. Maximilian Streck, Assurbanipal (Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, 7).
Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1916
STT O. R. Gurney, J. J. Finkelstein, and P. Hulin, The Sultantepe Tablets (Occa-
sional Publications of the British Institute for Archaeology at Ankara,
No. 3 and No. 7). London, 1957 and 1964
SA.ZI.GA R. D. Biggs, SA.ZLGA: Ancient Mesopotamian Potency Incantations (Texts
from Cuneiform Sources, 2). Locust Valley, NY: J. J. Augustin, 1967
Su-ila O. Loretz and W. R. Mayer, Su-ila-Gebete (Alter Orient und Altes Tes-
tament, 34). Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker, 1978
TAPA Transactions of the American Philological Association. Hartford, 1871-
TCL Musee du Louvre — Departement des Antiquites Orientales. Textes cune-
iformes. Paris: Geuthner, 1910-
TDP Rene Labat, Traite akkadien de diagnostics et pronostic medicaux (Leiden:
Brill, 1951)
Thompson Rep. R. C. Thompson, The Reports of Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh
and Babylon in the British Museum. London: Luzac & Co., 1900
TLB Tabulae Cuneiformes a F. M. Th. de Liagre Bohl Collectae. Leiden, 1954-
TSBA Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology. London, 1872-93.
UET Ur Excavations. Texts. London and Philadelphia: Oxford University
Press — University of Pennsylvania Press, 1928-
Weidner, Handbuch E. Weidner, Handbuch der babylonischen Astronomie (Assyri-
ologische Bibliothek XXIII). Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1915
WO Die Welt des Orients. Gottingen, 1947-
WVDOG Deutsche Orientgesellschaft, Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen.
Leipzig, 1900-
WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Vienna, 1887-
YOS Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts. New Haven, 1915-
ZA Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Leipzig, 1886-
Xlll
Introduction
The nobles are deep in sleep, 1
the bars (of the doors) are lowered, the bolts(?) are in place -
(also) the (ordinary) people do not utter a sound,
the(ir always) open doors are locked.
The gods and goddesses of the country -
Samas, Sin, Adad and Istar-
have gone home to heaven to sleep,
they will not give decisions or verdicts (tonight).
And the diviner ends:
May the great gods of the night:
shining Fire-star,
heroic Irra,
Bow-star, Yoke-star,
Orion, Dragon-star,
Wagon, Goat-star,
Bison-star, Serpent-star
stand by and
put a propitious sign
in the lamb I am blessing now
for the haruspicy I will perform (at dawn). 2
One of the rare prayers from Mesopotamia that strike a
responsive chord in a modern reader, this prayer, or rather lyric
poem, is known among Assyriologists as 'Prayer to the Gods
of the Night/ The Gods of the Night of the title is but the trans-
lation of the Akkadian phrase ill musiti that appears in line 14
of this poem and in the incipit of various other versions of
the prayer.
The Gods of the Night, as their enumeration in this poem
1 The first word of the poem (here translated 'deep in sleep' from bullulu
'to become numb?' with CAD B p. 44a s.v. balalu) has been read pullusu by
Wolfram von Soden, ZA 43 (1936) 306 and AHw. 814a; a reading pullulu, with
the translation 'secured' was proposed by A. Livingstone, NABU 1990/86.
2 The translation is that of Oppenheim, Analecta Biblica 12 (1959) 295f.,
with minor modifications.
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
shows, are the stars and constellations of the night sky. How
prevalent is the appeal to stellar deities, and to what extent and
in what circumstances are the gods and goddesses worshipped
in Mesopotamia considered under their stellar manifestations,
is the subject I wish to treat here.
The situational context for reciting this prayer is divination,
and more specifically the preparation by the haruspex—
Akkadian baru — oi the lamb that will be slaughtered so that the
inspection of its entrails — exta— yield an omen, usually as
answer to the diviner's query. This role of the baru in Meso-
potamian divination has not received particular attention in
the many studies that deal with it and with its relationship
to the Etruscan disciplina. 3
Other areas of Mesopotamian life that rely on, appeal to, or
use the power of the stars are magic machinations, meant to
cause harm as well as to protect from harm; the confection of
amulets and charms; the establishing of favorable or unfavor-
able moments in time; and the complex domain of medicine,
from procuring the herb or other medicinal substance, through
the preparation and administration of the medication.
There is a vast corpus of Babylonian literature, hardly ex-
ploited by Assyriologists even, and of which a small part only
is available to the non-specialist in translation or in excerpt, that
can be mined for references or allusions to astral magic, that
is, efforts to use the influence of the heavenly bodies upon the
sublunar world, for purposes beneficent to man as well as for
evil machinations. Such astral magic, as the art of harnessing
the power of the stars may be called, was practiced on the one
hand by scholars, such as the professional diviners and exor-
cists, to foretell the future and to avert evil portents, and on the
other by sorcerers and sorceresses who harnessed the same
3 See especially Jean Nougayrol, "Trente ans de recherches sur la divina-
tion babylonienne (1935-1965)" in La Divination en Mesopotamie ancienne et
dans les regions voisines, XIV e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale
(Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1966) 5-19; idem, "La divination
babylonienne," in La Divination, A. Caquot and M. Leibovici, eds. (Paris:
Presses Universitaires de France, 1968), vol. 1, pp. 25-81; see also Jean
Bottero, "Symptomes, Signes, Ecritures," in Divination et Rationalite, J.-P. Ver-
nant, ed. (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1974), 70-197.
INTRODUCTION
powers to inflict harm upon an adversary. The former were
knowledgeable in apotropaic rituals, the latter in black magic.
Of the stars that appear in these magic contexts it is not only
the planets that are invoked for their influence, as they are in
Hellenistic astrology, but also various fixed stars and constella-
tions. Babylonian constellations take their names from the
shapes that their configurations suggest: human figures, ani-
mals, or common objects, similar, and sometimes identical to
the names they had in Classical antiquity, as we learn from the
descriptions of celestial configurations known as the Greek
and the Barbaric, i.e., non-Greek, spheres, 4 the latter usually
taken to refer to the Egyptian or the Babylonian sphere.
Illustrations are rare and late in Mesopotamia; still, we are
able to identify many constellations, even those whose names
are uniquely Babylonian. The identifications are based mainly
on astronomical data; these are complemented and confirmed
by the single cuneiform text that gives a description of part of
the heavens. 5 Thus, among the animal figures, the Goat is the
constellation Lyra, and the Snake more or less corresponds
to Hydra; among the demons and divine beings the Demon
with the Gaping Mouth is roughly equivalent to Cygnus (with
parts of Cepheus), and the True Shepherd of the god of the sky,
Anu, is Orion; of the celestial counterparts of terrestrial objects
the Arrow is Sirius, the Furrow, Spica, and the Wagon is Ursa
Maior, our Big Dipper.
Mathematical astronomy in Mesopotamia appears in the
fifth century B.C. The observation of the heavens and the rec-
ognition of the periodicities of heavenly phenomena go back,
nevertheless, much farther in time. The identity of the appear-
ances of Venus as Evening star and Morning star was known
early, and so was, though possibly at a later date, that of the
two appearances of Mercury. The telling names given to the
fastest planet, Mercury: the Leaping One, 6 and to the slowest,
Saturn: the Steady One 7 also testify to the astronomical knowl-
4 Also called Sphaera graecanica and Sphaera barbarica, see Boll, Sphaera
pp. 411f.
3 E. F. Weidner, "Eine Beschreibung des Sternenhimmels aus Assur,"
AfO 4 (1927) 73-85.
6 GUD.UD = Sihtu, see A. J. Sachs, LBAT p. xxxvii.
7 SAG. US = kayamanu.
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
FIGURE 1. Relief from Assurnasirpal's palace with the king wearing a
necklace hung with emblems of the planets. Courtesy of the British Mu-
seum, no. 124525.
edge of the Babylonians. Of the other planets Mars was, obvi-
ously, the Red planet, also known as the Enemy; 8 Jupiter was
Heroic. 9 Sun and Moon were included in the number of the
seven planets. The Sun, surveying the entire earth, omnipres-
ent and omniscient, was as in other cultures the god of justice,
as expressed in the great hymn to Samas, discussed below, and
the Scales (the constellation Libra, Akkadian Zibanitu) have as
epithet "Samas's star of justice/ 7 an association comparable to
that of personified Justice holding the scales in her hand on
medieval representations. 10
The stars and planets may be addressed under their astral
8 Makru 'red/ and Nakru 'enemy.'
9 Sumerian UD.AL.TAR, Akkadian Dapinu; the meaning of Jupiter's most
common name, SAG.ME.GAR, has so far remained opaque, not even the cor-
rect reading of the signs ME.GAR (that is, whether they are to be pronounced
megar or not) is known.
10 It was the constellation Virgo, which is adjacent to Libra, that was asso-
ciated with Dike, the goddess of Justice, see RE 9 (1903) 577ff ., as in the Com-
mentaries to Aratos' Phaenomena 602 (Maass): virgo iusta quae et libra vocatur.
For the scales as attribute of the goddess Justitia see, e.g., Lexicon der christ-
lichen Ikonographie , Engelbert Kirschbaum S. J., ed., vol. 2 (Rome: Herder,
1970) 467f.; see especially Karl Ludwig Skutsch, "Libramen Aequum," Die
Antike 12 (1936) 49-64.
INTRODUCTION
FIGURE 2. Cylinder seal showing bearded Istar, published as no. 371 in
Edith Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in North American Col-
lections, I (The Bollingen Series XIV), Washington: Pantheon Press, 1948.
names or as the deities they represent: Ninurta, Istar, Gula,
etc.; the difference between the two designations may be ex-
pressed in the cuneiform writing by the sign that precedes their
names: either the sign for "god" or the sign for "star." The
prefixed cuneiform sign indicates, as do other so-called "deter-
minatives/ 7 the class to which an entity belongs. The determina-
tive for divine names, customarily transcribed as a raised letter
d ( d ), is abbreviated from the Sumerian word dingir 'god/ itself
evolved from the pictogram representing an eight-pointed star;
the determinative for stars is the word-sign for the Sumerian
word mul 'star/ whose pictographic predecessor was a configu-
ration of three stars. Thus, the spellings MUL.PA.BIL.SAG and
d PA.BIL.SAG 'Sagittarius/ MUL.SIPA.ZI.AN.NA and d SIPA.ZI.AN.
NA 'Orion/ MUL.GU 4 .UD and d GU 4 .UD 'Mercury/ MUL Delebat
and d Delebat 'Venus 7 are interchangeable, sometimes even in
one and the same text. 11
The highest divine triad, Anu, Enlil, and Ea, are not identi-
fied with individual stars, constellations, or planets; rather,
among them they represent the entire sky, not only in the
person of Anu, the sky god par excellence, whose name in
11 Late astrological and astronomical texts occasionally use other deter-
minatives, such as the signs TE, AB, and GAN, for which the readings mul,
mul x and mul 4 were devised by Assyriologists; the reasons for the choice of
these determinatives elude us; they may represent a learned pun or a crypto-
gram. For AB see the literature quoted by A. J. Sachs, JCS 21 (1967, published
1969) 200.
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
Sumerian, an, means 'sky/ 12 but especially as lords of the
three "paths" in the sky, the "Path of Ami," the "Path of Enlil,"
and the "Path of Ea," which represent three segments of the
horizon over which the stars rise. 13
The two appearances of Venus, even though identified as the
same planet, were attributed to two distinct manifestations of
the same deity: As morning star, Venus was female; as evening
star, male, 14 and the two aspects corresponded to the double
character of Istar as goddess of love and war. As the male deity
Istar is described as bearded, 15 and she is so represented on
an Islamic bronze candelabra, now in the Musee des Arts
Decoratifs. 16 As for Mercury who, just as in Hellenistic astrol-
ogy, is both male and female, 17 the identity of the planet in his
evening and morning visibilities was recognized long before
astronomical tables calculating Mercury's period were com-
posed: Mercury is addressed as "star of sunrise and sunset." 18
Mars, the hostile planet, presides over destruction, and is
12 The pictogram which evolved into the cuneiform sign AN, which also
stands for dingir 'god/ is the image of an eight-pointed star.
13 For this identification, see David Pingree, BPO 2 p. 17f. The three
"paths" frequently occur in celestial omens.
14 Usually the opposite is held, in conformity with Ptolemy's assignment
of genders to planets in Tetrabiblos 1.6 and 7. The Babylonian evidence is
based on an explanatory text dealing with Venus, published in 3R 53 (K.5990,
republished in ACh Istar 8) from which the lines "Venus is female at sunset"
and "Venus is male at sunrise" were communicated by Sayce, in TSBA 3
(1874) 196; the text is also cited by Parpola, LAS 2 p. 77 and n. 157 In fact,
K.5990 is the only source holding that Venus is female at sunset, while others
(BM 134543, K.10566, 81-2-4,239, etc., see Reiner and Pingree, BPO 3) hold
that Venus ina d UTU.E (KUR-rafl) sinnisat 'is female (rising) in the east/ For
Venus being female in the west see a] ** Wolfgang Heimpel, "The Sun at
Night and the Doors of Heaven in Babylonian Texts," JCS 38 (1986) 127-51.
15 ziqna zaqnat in Tablet 61 of the celestial omen series Enuma Anu Enlil,
and in its parallel sections in the series iqqur Tpus for which see Chapter V.
She is also often represented with a beard on Mesopotamian cylinder seals,
see hg. 2.
16 Listed as No. 3057 in the Amtlicher Katalog of the 1910 Miinchen
exhibit, cited by F. Saxl, Der Islam 3 (1912) 174 n. 4: "Venus (wohl miBverstand-
lich) bartig."
17 Akkadian zikar sinnis (NITA SAL) 'male (and) female/ K.2346 r. 29, com-
pare Ptolemy Tetrabiblos 1.6 and 7
18 AfO 18 (1957-58) 385ff. CBS 733 + 1757:11 (prayer to Marduk as Mer-
cury, edited by W. G. Lambert).
INTRODUCTION
equated with Nergal, god of pestilence. His rising— first visibility—
is a bad omen, portending death of the herds: "Mars will rise
and destroy the herd/ 719 the only prediction of an astronomical
event, apart from omens predicting an eclipse, appearing in
other than celestial omens. His Akkadian name, Salbatanu, has
no known meaning or etymology. 20 Learned Babylonian com-
mentaries have explained this name as 'He who keeps plague
constant' by breaking up the name into its syllabic components
and interpreting these syllables in Sumerian, thus arriving at
the assumed Akkadian reading Mustabarru mutanu. 21
The names of most planets have no identifiable meaning in
either Sumerian or Akkadian, neither the just mentioned
name of Mars, Salbatanu, nor Jupiter's most common name
SAG. ME .GAR (see note 9); nor the name of Venus, written Dil-
bat (preferably to be read Dele-bat following the Greek transcrip-
tion Delephat). No clear etymology or explanation exists for the
Akkadian or Sumerian word for 'planet' itself. In Greek, planetes
are the 'errant ones' because they roam the sky amidst the fixed
stars; the Akkadian word for planet, bibbu, 'wild sheep,' may
also refer to their irregular movement. 22
19 References to this prediction from lunar omens have been collected by
Francesca Rochberg-Halton, in A Scientific Humanist. Studies in Memory of
Abraham Sachs, Erie Leichty, M. dej. Ellis, P. Gerardi, eds. (Philadelphia: The
University Museum, 1988) 323-28. The omen also appears as apodosis of a
liver omen, RA 65 (1971) 73:62, cited CAD N p. 266, as also noted by M. Stol,
Bibliotheca Orientalis 47 (1990) 375, and in a celestial omen on solar eclipses,
with the name of Mars replaced by MUL.UDU.BAD 'planet/ ACh Samas 8:62.
20 Even the correct reading of the polyvalent signs NI = sal and BE = bat
with which the name is customarily written has only recently been con-
firmed with the help of a spelling sa-al-ba-ta-nu, in the liver omen cited in
the preceding note, see Jean Nougayrol, RA 65 (1971) 82 ad line 62.
21 In the list 5R 46 no. 1:42, based on the equations ZAL = sutabru (infini-
tive) 'to last long/ participle mustabarru; BAD = miltu, with phonetic comple-
ment -a-nu = mutanu 'plague' or 'great death/
22 The Sumerian word which is equated with bibbu, UDU.BAD, also con-
tains the word 'sheep' (UDU), but the second element, the polyvalent sign
BAD, once thought to have the reading idim 'wild/ has recently been found
glossed til, in the gloss to line 34 of Tablet XI of HAR-ra = hubullu, which
lists hides, among them [KUS.U]DU.BAD (gloss: [u]-du-ti-il) = masak bi-ib-bi;
see MSL 7 124:34, and for the gloss, MSL 9 197. Since in Sumerian til means
'finished' or 'complete/ the once assumed meaning 'wild sheep' for the
Sumerian word is no longer tenable.
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
But of all the planets it was the Moon that was of the greatest
importance to the Babylonians. It was the Moon, from its first
sighting to its last, that regulated the calendar, which was based
on lunar months. The Moon is a "Fruit, lord of the month," 23
constantly renewing himself, as his epithet eddesu 'ever-renewing 7
stresses. The Moon's waxing and waning does not determine
a stronger or weaker influence on, say, the growing of crops as
it does in Hellenistic astrology, but its phases signal the timing
of various ritual acts. The Moon god, Sin, the father of both Sa-
mas (the Sun) and Istar, is a male deity, not the Selene or Luna
of the Greeks and Romans, but he still has an affinity with
women magicians, sorceresses who are able to "draw down the
Moon" (see Chapter VI). The eclipse of the Moon, in particular,
remained a terrifying event, whose dire predictions had to be
averted by penitential rites, 24 including, under the Sargonid
kings in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C., the installation
of a substitute king. This substitute king reigned for one hun-
dred days and was then put to death, thus taking upon himself
the misfortune and death portended for the king. 25
Sun, Moon, and Venus, represented by their emblems the
sundisk, the lunar crescent, and the eight-pointed star, are com-
monly depicted on monuments — steles, boundary stones — as
guardians of the provisions sworn to in the treaty or deed
recorded therein.
The influence of these stellar deities on man is twofold: they
are both the origin of ills that beset him and the beneficent
powers that can be made favorably disposed toward a suppli-
cant. They may cause affliction, exerting nefarious influence on
their own or through sorcerers' manipulations, and they may
herald ill fortune by their motions and configurations that are
recorded in the extensive collection of celestial omens.
However, through proper prayers and rituals the stars 7
influence can avert the portended misfortune and assist the
exorcist and the physician in healing illness.
23 Inbu bel arhi; this metaphor is also the name of a Babylonian royal hem-
erology, for which see pp. 113f .
24 The text (BRM 4 6) is treated by Erich Ebeling, Tod und Leben nach den
Vorstellungen der Babylonier (Berlin and Leipzig: de Gruyter & Co., 1931) no.
24, pp. 91-96.
25 For this ritual see Parpola, LAS 2 pp. xxii-xxxii.
INTRODUCTION
Astral magic and the role of astral deities have been amply
studied in connection with Hellenistic Egypt and the corpus of
Hermetic texts and magical papyri originating in Egypt. 26 The
cuneiform evidence from Mesopotamia has been largely
neglected by Assyriologists, and has been at the most utilized
at second hand by other scholars who had to rely on often inex-
actly edited Babylonian sources. But even if comparison with
neighboring civilizations had not so suggested, the power
attributed to the heavenly bodies and their significance and
impact accqrding to the Babylonians 7 conception in their cos-
mology should have been evident from such Mesopotamian
images as the poetic phrase "writing of heaven" (sitir same or
sitir burume) applied to the starry sky, 27 and from King
Esarhaddon's remark that he depicted on steles "lumasu-stars
which represent the writing of my name." 28 Uncertain is the
reference, unfortunately still opaque, to the "reading" or
"meaning" of Assurbanipal's name that was revealed in a
dream to Gyges, king of Lydia. 29
Poetic texts are also the first to adumbrate how the moon and
the stars give signs and warnings to men, even before the art
of celestial divination had assumed the status of a scholarly dis-
cipline. The so-called "King of Battle" (sar tamhari), an Old Baby-
lonian poem dealing with the exploits of King Sargon of Akkad
26 Garth Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes: a historical approach to the late
pagan mind (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986) can be consulted
for earlier references.
27 See CAD S/3 p. 146 s.v.; cited (after Zimmern) already by Franz
Dornseiff, Das Alphabet in Mystik und Magie, Stoicheia Heft 7 (Leipzig and
Berlin: Teubner, 1922) 89f.
28 lumase sitir sumiya, Borger, Esarh. p. 28:11, lumase tamsil sitir sumiya,
Borger, Esarh. p. 27 Ep. 40:9. An attempt at correlating this phrase with the
symbols depicted on the stone monument was made by D. D. Luckenbill,
'The Black Stone of Esarhaddon," American Journal of Semitic Languages 41
(1924-25) 165-73; see also, with reference to Sargon's use of the phrase,
C. J. Gadd, Ideas of Divine Rule in the Ancient East, The Schweich Lectures
of the British Academy 1945 (London, 1948) 93-95.
29 See for this episode Mordechai Cogan and Hayim Tadmor, "Gyges
and Ashurbanipal," Or. NS 46 (1977) 75, though they, by preferring the manu-
script tradition which writes nibit sarrutiya 'the mention of my kingship' over
nibit sumiya 'the "reading" of my name/ divorce this occurrence from the
other occurrences of this well-attested phrase.
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
Figure 3
* •" ■*
I ?fe
^g^^^^^
i
Figure 4
10
INTRODUCTION
Figure 5
FIGURES 3, 4, 5. Representations of constellations incised on a Late Baby-
lonian tablet. Fig. 3, courtesy of the Louvre, no. AO 6448; ng. 4 courtesy of
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, no. VAT 7847; ng. 5 courtesy of Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin, no. VAT 7851.
(c. 2400 B.C.), 30 relates how 'the sun became obscured, the
stars came forth for the enemy/ 31 a celestial portent that must
refer to a solar eclipse during which the stars became visible,
an event that was evidently to be interpreted as the stars por-
tending victory for Sargon against his enemy.
Allusions to celestial portents given to Sargon appear in liver
omens, the earliest recorded mode of divination, which is at-
tested long before celestial omens were collected and codified.
A particular configuration of the sheep's liver is said to refer to
King Sargon of Akkad as one who "traversed darkness and
light came out for him." 32 This description must record an
eclipse occurring under Sargon, in spite of its peculiar phrase-
ology; indeed, omens from lunar eclipses were the first to be
committed to writing, possibly as early as 1800 B.C. 33 More
30 Joan G. Westenholz, Legends of the Kings of Akkad . . . (forthcoming).
31 id'im samsum kakkabu li-su-ii ana nakrim, RA 45 (1951) 174:63-64; for
a different interpretation see J.-J. Glassner, RA 79 (1985) 123.
32 For omens referring to Sargon of Akkad see H. Hirsch, AfO 20 (1963) 7ff .
33 F. Rochberg-Halton, Aspects of Babylonian Celestial Divination: The Lunar
11
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
important, Sargon's later namesake, Sargon II of Assyria, also
records, no doubt intentionally referring to his illustrious
predecessor's example, that a lunar eclipse portended victory
for him on his campaign against Urartu in 714 B.C. 34
Portents from lunar and solar eclipses, as well as from other
lunar, solar, stellar, and meteorological phenomena eventually
were collected and more or less standardized in the omen col-
lection called from its incipit Enuma Anu Enlil 'When Anu (and)
Enlil 7 comprising seventy books (Akkadian: "tablets" 35 ) along
with various excerpts from these and commentaries to them. 36
But while these prognostications provided warnings for king
and country— though rarely for an individual— the stars and
planets were not thought to affect man's destiny by their direct
influence, as they were in Greek horoscopic astrology. In Otto
Neugebauer's words:
Before the fifth century B.C. celestial omina probably did not
include predictions for individuals, based on planetary positions
Eclipse Tablets of Enuma Anu Enlil, Archiv fur Orientforschung, Beiheft 22
(Horn, Austria: Ferdinand Berger, 1989). See also P. Huber, "Dating by Lunar
Eclipse Omens with Speculations on the Birth of Omen Astrology," in From
Ancient Omens to Statistical Mechanics. Essays on the Exact Sciences Presented to
Asger Aaboe, J. L. Berggren and B. R. Goldstein, eds., Acta Historica Scien-
tiarum Naturalium et Medicinalium, 39 (Copenhagen: University Library,
1987) 3-13. For attempts at using omens that connect lunar eclipses with his-
torical events (the so-called "historical omens") for the purposes of dating
these events, see Johann Schaumberger, "Die Mondnnsternisse der Dritten
Dynastie von Ur," ZA 49 (1949) 50-58, and idem, "Astronomische Untersu-
chung der 'historischen' Mondnnsternisse in Enuma Anu Enlil," AfO 17
(1954-56) 89-92.
34 A. L. Oppenheim, "The City of Assur in 714 B.C.," JNES 19 (1960)
133-47
35 The term "tablet" is used in Assyriology to designate a chapter, book,
or other unit of a series of clay tablets, so named because it is written on one
clay tablet, and normally bears in its colophon a subscript naming it the nth
tablet of the series.
36 The collection is in the process of being edited by Reiner and Pingree,
Rochberg-Halton, and van Soldt; so far published are BPO fascicles 1 and 2
(by Reiner and Pingree) covering E(numa) A(nu) E(nlil) Tablets 50-51 and 63,
AfO Beiheft 22 by F Rochberg-Halton (see note 33) covering Tablets 15-22,
and Solar Omens of Enuma Anu Enlil: Tablets 23(24)-29(30) by Wilfred H. van
Soldt (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1995). An edi-
tion of Tablet 14 was published by F Al-Rawi and A. R. George, AfO 39
(1991-92) 52-73.
12
INTRODUCTION
in the signs of the zodiac and on their mutual configurations. In
this latest and most significant modification astrology became
known to the Greeks in the Hellenistic period. But with the excep-
tion of some typical Mesopotamian relics the doctrine was
changed in Greek hands to a universal system in which form alone
it could spread all over the world. Hence astrology in the modern
sense of the term, with its vastly expanded set of "methods" is a
truly Greek creation, in many respects parallel to the development
of Christian theology a few centuries later. 37
Yet besides Greek deterministic astrology, that is, geneth-
lialogy, or horoscopic astrology, to which the quoted strictures
of Neugebauer apply, and Mesopotamian omen literature with
which he contrasted it, there exist areas in which the Babylo-
nians acknowledged the influence of the stars. These are, firstly,
catarchic astrology, which endeavors to find the most auspicious
moment for commencing an undertaking; secondly, belief in
the stars 7 power to imbue ordinary substances with supernatural,
magic effectiveness, which I discuss in Chapters II and III; and
thirdly, the apotropaic and prophylactic application of astral
influence, both benefic and malefic, especially in the machina-
tions of black magic, insofar as stars can protect from and avert
the evil wrought by sorcerers or portended by an ominous sign.
Cuneiform sources reveal how the Babylonians conceived the
celestial bodies, what power they attributed to them, what they
expected to obtain through these powers, and what were the
means they used to gain their influence. Documentation for
these concerns is found not so much in the literature that con-
cerns itself with celestial omens but in the scientific writings of
the Mesopotamian intellectuals. These writings include, in
addition to fields that are generally acknowledged as science
today, such as medicine, others that are not, such as divination
and various activities around it. Much new material can be
found in the recently reexamined correspondence of Assyrian
and Babylonian scholars in the letters they addressed to the
kings of Assyria in the eighth and seventh centuries, 38 and in
their reports on astronomical observations which include pre-
37 O. Neugebauer, HAMA 613.
38 Published by Simo Parpola, LAS, revised and expanded in his Letters
from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars, SAA 10 (1993).
13
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
dictions based on the phenomena observed as well as the
means to avert portended evil. 39 We may follow them in mak-
ing no distinction between scientific astronomy and magic
operations.
Parallels with beliefs and practices of the Hellenistic world,
as I try to show in these pages, strengthen my claim of the uses
made of the astral powers; Mesopotamian sources not custom-
arily adduced for the history of culture may thereby add their
evidence to the history of magic, especially astral magic.
39 Published by Hermann Hunger, Astrological Reports to Assyrian Kings,
SAA 8 (1992).
14
CHAPTER I
The Role of Stars
Stars function in a dual role in relation to man: they exert a
direct influence and serve as mediators between man and god.
Directly, through astral irradiation, they transform ordinary
substances into potent ones that will be effective in magic, medi-
cine, or ritual, as materia medica, amulets, or cultic appurte-
nances. Stars also provide reliable answers to the query of the
diviner. More important, in their second role stars are man's
medium of communication with the divine.
The role of the stars as mediators emerges from the descrip-
tions given in Mesopotamian poetry. For poetry can be found
not only in the much-anthologized pieces from Gilgames and
other myths or epic tales, or in the hymns and prayers of the
official cult that have from early on attracted attention and com-
parison with the psalms of the Old Testament. It is often
hidden in the scientific texts, those that constitute the corpus
of the professional exorcist and diviner, disdained by the .sci-
entist and dismissed as boring by the literary historian.
The mediating role of the stars -not unlike the role of saints -
is most clearly stated in the prayer of the supplicant to the Yoke
star, approximately our Bootes, in an apotropaic ritual against
mistakes occurring while executing temple offices:
Yoke star standing at the right, Yoke star standing at the left,
the god sends you to man, and man to the god,
(and now) I send you to (my personal) god who eats my food-offering,
drinks my water (libation),
accepts my incense offering. 40
40 MUL.SUDUN A.ZI.DA GUB.BA MUL.SUDUN A.GUB.BA GUB.BA
isapparkunusi ilu ana ameli amelu ana ili
anaku aspurkuriust ana DINGIR akil NINDA.MU NAG ! A.MU
mahiru sirqiya
KAR 38 r. 24ff. and duplicates, see Caplice, Or. NS 39 (1970) 124ff.
15
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
Stars are messengers who are to take the supplicant's prayer
to the deity, as in:
may the star itself take to you (goddess) my misery;
let the ecstatic 41 tell you, the dream-interpreter repeat to you,
let the (three) watches of the night speak to you . . . 42
Other stars of the night sky appear in a like role. Besides the
prayer to the Yoke star, the cited apotropaic ritual contains
appeals, first, to the "gods of the night," then to Venus, and
finally to the Pleiades, adjured to be at the supplicant's right,
and to the Kidney star, adjured to be at his left. 43
Stand by me, O Gods of the Night!
Heed my words, O gods of destinies,
Anu, Enlil, Ea, and all the great gods!
I call to you, Delebat (i.e., Venus), Lady of battles (variant has:
Lady of the silence [of the night]),
I call to you, O Night, bride (veiled by?) Anu.
Pleiades, stand on my right, Kidney-star, stand on my left!
Of the several copies some preserve only the partial invoca-
tion "[. . .] Pleiades, stand at my left, [I ? send] you to the god
and goddess [who ate my food offering,] drank my water [liba-
tion], [. . .] intercede for me!" 44 Rare as such explicit state-
41 The translation of the word "ecstatic" presupposes the reading zabbu
selected here, on account of its parallelism with sabru, 'interpreter of dreams/
However, in the reading zappu, equally possible, the word means 'Pleiades'
and possibly this is what was originally meant. As for the parallel, sabru (or
sapru), it does not refer, to my knowledge, to a star or constellation.
42 murus libbiya MUL-ma lubilakki
zabbu liqbakimma sabru lisannaki
EN.NUN.MES sa musi lidbubanikki
LKA 29d ii Iff. The lines speaking of "the watches of the night" also occur
in LKA 29e right col. 1 and its parallel STT 52:2ff., see W. G. Lambert, RA
53 (1959) 127. The "three watches of the night" are also addressed in KAR
58 rev. 7, along with Nusku. Of course there remains the problem of the
meaning of "send" and "take" in the cited prayers.
43 KAR 38:12f., see E. Ebeling, Aus dem Tagewerk eines assyrischen Zauber-
priesters, MAOG 5/3 (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1931) 45ff.; also edited by
Ebeling, RA 49 (1955) 184, and, with duplicates, by R. I. Caplice, Or. NS 39
(1970) 124ff. A poetic German translation appears in SAHG no. 69.
44 [. . .] MUL.MUL ina GUB.MU i-zi-za [. . . -ku]-nu-si ana DINGIR u d Istar
[. . .] is-tu-u me-e-a [. . .] abutl sabta, RA 18 (1921) 28:5ff. The ritual seeks to
16
THE ROLE OF STARS
merits are, they shed light on other appeals that leave the mode
of the stars' intercession unspecified.
Just as the Sun sees all of the earth by day so do the stars
by night. They are also often addressed with the same words:
"You who see the entire world." 45 Rarely do we find, however,
prayers of such elaborateness as those whose title designates
them as 'lifting-of-the-hand/' 46 a name referring to the appro-
priate prayer gesture accompanying them. Such prayers are pre-
scribed in the elaborate rituals, 47 often extending over several
days, intended to purify the temple or the king. Our knowl-
edge of the existence of some of the prayers to stars comes
solely from the listing of their incipits in these ritual texts.
Lifting-of-the-hand prayers to the constellations Wagon
(Ursa Maior), True Shepherd of Anu 48 (Orion), the Pleiades, 49
the Scorpion 50 (Scorpius), and to the Arrow Star 51 (Sirius) are
known. 52 That the planets Venus and Jupiter were invoked is
known from incipits of lifting-of-the-hand prayers, but it is not
avert the evil portended by a mistake committed while serving in a temple
office (HUL GARZA), see Caplice, Or. NS 39 (1970) 124f.; a further duplicate
(with the star names not preserved) is published in Hermann Hunger, SpTU,
vol. 1 no. 11 r. 4-8.
45 ha' it kibrati, see CT 23 36 = BAM 480 iii 52, cited Chapter III.
46 German: Handerhebung, translating the Sumerian term su-ila, 'hand-
lifting/ written su.il. la, from which the loanword suillakku has been derived
in Akkadian. The most recent study, with a catalogue of these prayers,
including the category "Gebete an Gestirne," and an edition of a number of
them, is that of Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylo-
nischen "Gebetsbeschworungen" Studia Pohl: Series Maior, 5 (Rome: Biblical
Institute Press, 1976). An earlier edition, with transliteration and translation
of the then known texts is by Erich Ebeling, Die akkadische Gebetsserie "Hand-
erhebung" (Berlin, 1953).
47 For these rituals (bit rimki 'House of Bathing'; bit salcC me 'House of
Sprinkling Water') see Parpola, LAS 2 p. 198f . ad no. 203. For bit mesiri 'House
of (ritual) enclosure' see R. Borger, JNES 33 (1974) 183ff. and HKL 2 (1975)
p. 195f. ad G. Meier, AfO 14. For mis pi 'mouth-washing' see Chapter VIII.
48 A literal translation of the Sumerian compound SIPA.ZI.AN.NA.
49 Sumerian MUL.MUL 'Stars,' Akkadian zappu = 'Bristle.'
50 Sumerian GIR.TAB = Akkadian ZuqaqTpu.
51 Sumerian KAK.SI.SA = Akkadian Sukudu.
52 The existence of others can be seen from ABL 23 ( = LAS no. 185), in
which such prayers are prescribed to the god Nusku, the Moon, the Pleia-
des, Sirius, Mars, and Be[let-balati?], see Parpola, LAS 2 pp. 177f. and
p. 349 n. 643, and from ABL 1401 = LAS no. 233.
17
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
known whether they were addressed as deities or planets,
while surviving prayers to Mars 53 show that he was addressed
both under his planetary name Salbatanu and as the deity,
Nergal, whose astral manifestation Mars is. Ambiguity obtains
of course in prayers addressed to the Moon, whose name Sin
applies equally to the Moon god and to the Moon as one of the
seven planets. Lifting-of-the-hand prayers are also addressed,
collectively, simply to "stars," or "all stars" 54 often called "gods
of the night." 55
Unequivocally astral names are used in the treaties that Esar-
haddon concluded with the vassals of Assyria to secure the
rights of succession of his son Assurbanipal; they were put
under the protection of not only the major gods Samas, Sin, and
Istar, who are elsewhere too identified with Sun, Moon, and
the planet Venus, but also of other astral deities. Thus Jupiter
introduces the list of six astral deities in Esarhaddon's Succes-
sion Treaty, the other five being Venus, Saturn, Mercury, Mars,
and Sirius, in this order. 56 Similarly, Jupiter precedes Sirius 57
in another treaty 58 which is known only from its mention in a
letter of Esarhaddon's son Samas-sumu-ukln. 59 The treaties
concluded in Anatolia between the kings of the Hittites and
their neighbors some six hundred years earlier were also put
53 Among them the prayer to Salbatanu (Mars), listed as Nergal 1 in
Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen (note 46 above) 402. For prayers to Sirius,
Venus, the Pleiades, and Isum see Parpola, LAS 2 p. 349 n. 643.
54 SU.IL.lA MUL.MES DU.A.BI [. . .] LKA 58 rev., edited Ebeling, Die ak-
kadische Gebetsserie "Handerhebung" (Berlin, 1953) 152f., cited Werner Mayer,
Untersuchungen (note 46 above) 429. For lines 1-3 see R. D. Biggs, SA.ZLGA.
Ancient Mesopotamian Potency Incantations, Texts from Cuneiform Sources, 2
(Locust Valley, NY: J. J. Augustin, 1967) 75.
55 See Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen (note 46 above) 427f.; the prayer is
also cited ABL 370 = LAS no. 203.
56 SAG.ME.GAR, Delebat, d UDU.BAD.SAG.US, d UDU.BAD.GUD.UD, Sal-
batanu, KAK.SI.SA in Esarhaddon's Succession Treaty, newly published in
Simo Parpola and Kazuko Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths,
SAA 2 (1988) no. 6 lines 13ff., also LAS no. 1 rev. 18f., see Parpola, Iraq 34
(1972) 32 n. 57 and LAS 2 p. 5.
57 MUL.SAG.ME.GAR and MUL.KAK.SI.SA.
58 See Parpola, Iraq 34 (1972) 32 n. 57
59 Edited by S. Parpola, "A Letter from Samas-sumu-ukln to Esar-
haddon," Iraq 34 (1972) 21-34.
18
THE ROLE OF STARS
under the protection of the planets and stars, particularly of
Venus, called "resplendent Istar (variant: Venus)" 60 as well as
of the storm god and such cosmic powers as mountains and
rivers, and of the "gods of the nether world" for which a variant
substitutes Ereskigal, the queen of the nether world. 61 The
appeal to Babylonian deities in their astral manifestation can
still be found in Syriac magic texts. 62
Invocations to stars are not necessarily long and elaborate.
A few lines, often a few words suffice to state the petitioner's
appeal. In extreme cases, divine favor is requested by a simple
enumeration of star names beside names of gods, natural
forces, and other entities such as the days of the month, in a
litany-like sequence, as in the type of text composed to gain
absolution that I have called lipsur litanies from their kenning
lipsur 'may absolve/ 63 For example, in one such litany 64 an
enumeration of various gods is followed by "Gods of the night,
Pleiades, Virgo, Orion, Jupiter 7 ," and the names of the rivers
Tigris, Euphrates, and other rivers. 65
Of all the stars, it is Sirius that is especially often addressed,
both under its stellar name Arrow/ 66 and as the star's divine
manifestation, the god Ninurta. The hymnic invocation "Arrow-
star by name, making battle resound 7 , . . . paths, making
60 d Istar (variant: MUL Dil-bat) mul-tar-ri-hu , also d A-sur kakkabu, variant:
d Istar MUL Dil-bat (Treaty between Suppiluliuma and Sattiwaza, KBo 1 1,
variants from KBo 1 2, see E. F. Weidner, Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien,
Boghazkoi-Studien 8 [Leipzig, 1923] 30ff. r. 45 and 57), and d lstar-MUL
(Treaty between Sattiwaza and Suppiluliuma, see Weidner, ibid. 54 r. 42).
61 E.g., MRS 9 85ff. RS 17.338+ lines 105-10, a text edited by Guy Keste-
mont, Ugarit-Forschungen 6 (1974) 85-127, for lines 105-110 see ibid. 116-17.
For Ereskigal's occurrence in Greek magic texts < ** Hans Dieter Betz, "Frag-
ment from a Catabasis Ritual," History of Religions 19 (1979-80) 287-95. A Baby-
lonian ritual against snakes (Or. NS 36 [1967] 32 rev. 5) also prescribes a
prayer to be recited before Ereskigal; the connection of the chthonic goddess
with snakes is obvious.
62 See Philippe Gignoux, Incantations magiques syriaques (Louvain: E.
Peeters, 1987).
63 Reiner, "'Lipsur' Litanies," JNES 15 (1956) 129-49.
64 ABRT 1 56-58 K.2096 and duplicates, see JNES 15 144£f .
65 DINGIR.MES MI MUL.MUL MUL E-ru MUL SIPA.ZI.AN.NA MUL S[ul ? -
pa-e] ABRT 1 57:23, dupl. K.6308:l-2. These and the following lines are not
treated in JNES 15.
66 (MUL.)KAK.SI.SA = Sukudu.
19
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
everything perfect" 67 is part of a collection of incantations,
some in Sumerian and others in Akkadian, 68 known under
the title HUL.BA.ZI.ZI 'Begone, Evil!/ literally "Evil (HUL) Be
gone (BA.ZI.ZI)." 69 The last incantation of the collection con-
jures the evil in the name of Jupiter, the Pleiades, and the god
Irragal: "Be conjured by the powerful, fearsome, brilliant Jupi-
ter, by the Pleiades and Irragal, let 'any evil 7 not come close." 70
A magic effect is sought by praying to a deity called First-
born of Emah:
O First-born of Emah, First-born of Emah, you are the eldest son
of Enlil
You descended from Ekur, and you stand in the middle of the sky
with the Wagon. 71
The stellar nature of the divine being addressed is evident
from the second line, where he is described as standing in the
middle of the sky, with the Wagon star. As for the astronomical
identity of the "First-born of Emah," such a star, described as
"first-born son of Anu," is listed in an astronomical com-
pendium from about 1000 B.C. 72 as the star that stands in the
"rope" of the Wagon, 73 and has been identified with the Pole
67 MUL.KAK.SI.SA MU.NE mu-sa-lil qab-li mus-te-'-u ur-he-ti mu-sak-lil
mim-ma sum-su STT 215 i 65-66, duplicates KAR 76:14f., KAR 88 i ! 10f., or
a short exclamation "By the Arrow-star" (nls MUL.KAK.SI.SA nls MUL.
KAK.SI.SA KAR 76 r. 25f., and duplicates).
68 Part of this collection was first edited by Ebeling under the title "Samm-
lungen von Beschw6rungsformeln / ,, as "Gattung IV," ArOr 21 (1953) 403-23.
69 It is being prepared for publication by I. L. Finkel under this title. The
title is taken from a rubric in the last line but it seems that the subscript
HUL.BA.ZI.ZI refers to one or more of the preceding incantations, not nec-
essarily to the entire collection.
70 nls gasru rasbu supi d Sul-pa-e-a nls MUL.MUL u d Ir-ra-gal lu tamat
mimma lemnu aj itha, STT 215 vi 15-17.
71 EN DUMU.US E.MAH DUMU.US E.MAH aplu rabu sa Enlil attama
istu Ekur [t]uridamma ina qabal same itti MUL.MAR.GIDDA tazzaz
[ ] KAL-an-ni li-iz-ku-ta at-ta-ma
[ ] UZU.HAR.BAD NU (variant: ul) NAG TU 6 EN
(text from BAM 542 iii 13-16 and dupl. ND 5497/21+ ii 4'-9').
72 MULAPIN I i 21f., edited by Hermann Hunger and David Pingree,
MUL.APIN.
73 MUL sa ina turrisu izzazzu MUL.DUMU.US.E.MAH maru restu sa Anim
'the star that stands in its rope' (i.e., of MAR.GID.DA.AN.NA 'Wagon of
Heaven/ Ursa Minor). C. Bezold, Zenit- und Aquatorialgestirne am baby-
20
THE ROLE OF STARS
Star. A prayer to it is prescribed in the hemerology for the
month of Ululu (month VI). 74
But the First-born of Emah is also a deity, since he is
addressed as the son of Enlil, one of the three supreme gods,
whose temple Ekur in the ancient city of Nippur is the earthly
counterpart of, we assume, a celestial Ekur in one of the heavens
where the gods dwell. Some descriptions of the heavens speak
of seven heavens, and some of three only, each made of a differ-
ent precious stone. 75
It is noteworthy that the address to the "First-born of Emah"
appears in a medical text in which remedy for toothache is
sought from the "first-born of the Mountain, Marduk"; it is to
be recited in connection with a ritual that includes fashioning
a clay model of a jaw with the aching tooth. The "Mountain"
is an epithet of the god Enlil, and so far the two appeals to the
"first-born of the Mountain" and to the "First-born of Emah, . . .
the eldest son of Enlil" seem to be identical, except that, of
course, Marduk is not the son of Enlil, but of Ea, the third god
of the supreme triad, the god of the subterranean waters and
also the god of cunning.
The reason for addressing the deity of a particular celestial
body is not normally stated, and can be inferred in obvious and
lonischen Fixsternhimmel (Heidelberg, 1913) 43, identified it with Polaris (pres-
ently a, in c. 1000 B.C., P Ursae Minoris, see F. X. Kugler, Sternkunde und Stern-
dienst in Babel. Erganzungen zum ersten und zweiten Buch [Munster, 1913] 57).
The identification is partly based on the occurrence in Astrolabe B iii 11. The
star is mentioned in the so-called "Stevenson Omen Text" (Babyloniaca 7 231
= pi. XVII) ii 4 and 5: summa UL.DUMU.US.E.MAH sa UL.MAR.GID.DA GAL-
ti ana UL.ME.GAR is-niq BE.ME GAL-si, summa KI.MIN issi SU.KU GAL-si 'if
the First-born of E.MAH, (part) of the Great Wagon, approaches Jupiter,
there will be pestilence; if ditto recedes, there will be famine/ A variant of
the star's name, DUMU.US AN.MAH, would mean 'First-born of Lofty Anu/
see Hunger ad loc. (note 72 above) p. 125.
74 4R 32 i 48 and 33* i 49, see KB 6/2 p. 12, also Benno Landsberger, Der
kultische Kalender der Babylonier und Assyrer, Leipziger Semitistische Studien
6/1-2 (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1915) 128.
75 The pertinent lines of the text, KAR 307, have been variously treated by
Benno Landsberger, "Uber Farben im Sumerisch-Akkadischen," }CS 21
(1967, published 1969) 139-73, on pp. 154f.; by A. L. Oppenheim, "Man and
Nature in Mesopotamian Civilization," DSB 15 pp. 640f.; and by A. Living-
stone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian
Scholars (Oxford: Clarendon, 1986) 82-87.
21
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
trivial cases only. Thus, for example, the prayer to Mars in his
manifestation as the god Nergal (the god of the plague) was to
be recited by the Babylonian king Samas-sumu-ukln, the son
of Esarhaddon, mentioned above, during a plague epidemic. 76
Rarely is reference made to phenomena most characteristic of
the celestial body, such as the eclipse of the moon. 77 Only in
the Hymn to the Sun 78 is there an allusion, clad in poetic
terms, to the sun's daily course and yearly cycle, reflecting the
Babylonians' characteristic preoccupation with calendric mat-
ters, a preoccupation that also surfaces in the description of the
creation of the cosmos in Tablet VI of the Poem of the Creation,
also known, from its incipit, as Enuma elis.
Some prayers are written, it appears, in the Sumerian lan-
guage, but in fact are simple transpositions of Akkadian phrase-
ology into Sumerian words and phrases. They may have been
recited -as in various rituals -by the priest or exorcist utraque
lingua eruditus 79 while the client's prayer was couched in the
vernacular, Akkadian. Such a prayer, to be recited three times
to avert "any evil" 80 from a baby, appeals to 'Ninmah, standing
in the sky, mistress of all lands 781 and to the stars standing at
the right and the left. 82 The "mistress" is probably Venus the
morning star, and the prayer is to be recited before sunrise, 83
and is followed by a fragmentary prayer to the Sun, Samas; with
this the tablet breaks off. We thus envisage a dawn ceremony in
76 See Ebeling, Die akkadische Gebetsserie "Handerhebung" (Berlin, 1953),
8ff. and von Soden, SAHG 300f.; it is listed as Nergal 1 by Werner Mayer,
Untersuchungen (note 46 above) 402.
77 The well-known rituals to avert the evil portent of the eclipse, such as
BRM 4 6, and the notorious "substitute king ritual" that such a portent neces-
sitated under the Sargonids are treated by S. Parpola in LAS 2 pp. xxii-xxxii.
78 Known to Assyriologists as the Samas hymn, a 200-line learned com-
position, for which see my book Your Thwarts in Pieces, Your Mooring Rope Cut.
Poetry from Babylonia and Assyria, Michigan Studies in the Humanities, 5
(Ann Arbor, 1985), Chapter IV.
79 'Learned in both languages/ see Tadeusz Kotula, "Utraque lingua
eruditi. Une page relative a l'histoire de l'education dans TAfrique romaine,"
Hommages a Marcel Renard, vol. 2, Coll. Latomus 102 (Brussels, 1969) 386-92.
80 Akkadian mimma lemnu, possibly with a specialized meaning.
81 [• • •] d Nin.mah an.na gub.ba nin.kur.kur.ra.[ke4] LKA 142:6ff.
82 For the "right" and "left" Yoke star (KAR 38 r. 24) see above p. 15.
83 lam Samas ittapha, line 3.
22
THE ROLE OF STARS
which the morning star Venus was addressed, followed by a
sunrise ceremony. Prayers to Venus as morning star, addressed
as a female deity, are attested through the Middle Babylonian
personal name Ina-niphisa-alsTs 'I called to her at her rising/ 84
The unnamed star addressed as "You have risen, star, you
are the first one" 85 no doubt also is Venus, this time, as the
masculine gender of the pronoun and the adjective indicate, as
evening star.
Lovers too turn to Venus, the planet of the goddess of love,
Istar. Their prayer is addressed to the goddess, but her astral
character is evident from her epithet "luminary of heaven" 86
and from the sacrifices to Istar-of-the-Stars. 87 The ritual
directs: "you set up a reed altar before Istar-of-the-Stars, you
make offerings" 88 and, having prepared six times two figurines,
"you burn (them) before Istar-of-the-Stars." 89
A "woman whose husband is angry with her" 90 recites a
prayer to Istar, 91 calling to her "in the midst of the sky." 92 The
84 PBS 2/2 53:20 and 32.
85 MUL tappuha panu atta, KAR 374:1. The pronoun atta 'you' and the
adjective panu 'first' are masculines. See also the "unnamed star" quoted
Chapter III.
86 nannarat same, see Biggs, SA.ZLGA p. 28:25, and see CAD N/1 p. 261a.
87 Istar-kakkabI, see next note.
88 ana IGI 15.MUL.MES (variant: [I]s-tar MUL.MES) patlra tukan niqe
tanaqqi (variant: teppus) Biggs, SA.ZLGA p. 27ff. (KAR 236:18ff. and dupli-
cates) lines 19f.; another ritual is probably also performed before Istar-
kakkabI: ana IGI d 15. [MUL.MES 7 ] ibid. p. 65 K.9036:6', also [ana IGI d 15 ? ].
MUL GAR-an ibid. 12'. The readings given in SA.ZLGA p. 65 have been
slightly emended in lines 10' (after AHw. s. v. urbatu) and 12'.
89 ina IZI ana IGI 15.MUL.MES tasarrap, see Biggs, SA.ZLGA p. 28:24.
90 SAL sa DAM-sa UGU-sa sab-su STT 257 r. 10 (subscript). I am indebted
to my colleague Christopher A. Faraone for drawing my attention to the use
of the k£gto<; to diminish anger between a woman and her husband, see
■ his "Aphrodite's KEZTOZ and Apples for Atalanta: Aphrodisiacs in Early
Greek Myth and Ritual," Phoenix 44 (1990) 222.
91 STT 257 rev. 2-9, listed as Istar 28 in Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen zur
Formensprache der babylonischen "Gebetsbeschwbrungen" Studia Pohl: Series
Maior, 5 (Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1976) 392.
92 asasslki Istar . . . ina qereb samami STT 257 rev. 5f. Since astronomically
such a position for Venus is excluded "midst" must be taken figuratively. The
topos is also known from Sumerian, expressed as an.sa.ta, in e.g., the Iddin-
Dagan hymn line 161 edited by Daniel David Reisman, "Two Neo-Sumerian
Royal Hymns" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1969).
23
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
charm is one of the few love charms spoken by women to recon-
quer their lovers, best known from Theocritus' Second Idyll
and Virgil's Eighth Eclogue, while in the Greek magical papyri
it is men who desire to secure the love of women. The reference
to Venus is indubitable, even though the first few words in the
pertinent ritual are broken, 93 since the prayer addresses the
star 7 (the word is broken) of the morning. 94
To Venus also, as Istar-of-the-Stars, turns the exorcist before
administering the potion to the love-stricken patient. 95 Most
often, however, it is the multitude of stars, the entire starry sky,
and not a particular planet or constellation that is invoked. A
ritual designed to have the king triumph over his enemies 96 is
performed "before all 7 stars," 97 it is accompanied by the recita-
tion of a prayer addressed to the stars of the night. 98 The next
ritual 99 prescribes the fashioning of two figurines holding the
lance and the scepter (the royal insignia) but clothed in
everyday garments, the making of offerings to Ursa Maior, and
the burying of the figurines in enemy territory A possibly
related ritual for diverting the enemy from the homeland is a
fragmentary text in which the names of the gods to whom the
prayer is addressed are not preserved, only the epithets
'Brightly shining gods, (you who are 7 ) judges.' 100 How the
stars responded to such appeals, and how they exerted their
influence upon earthly matters, will be the subject of the fol-
lowing chapters dealing with such areas affecting man as medi-
cine, herbalistry, and both apotropaic and noxious magic.
93 Possibly fMUL ? ] [Dil-bat ? ].
94 E[N x] |~ x l se-re-e-ti fx] [x] r x ~l _tu ( or: [d]i ? -par) sa mu-se-r[i ? . . .]
r. 17.
95 Thus in the Saziga texts, as in AMT 88,3:6, see Biggs, SA.ZI.GA p. 52.
96 [eli nakirl]su [uzuzzima 7 ] llta [sakani] STT 72:23.
97 IGI MUL.MES gim-r[i . . .] line 24.
98 MUL mu-si- ^"1 -[ti ? ] STT 72:1-22, with the ritual beginning in line 24,
see JNES 26 (1967) 190f .
99 Lines 41-51, to which STT 251:7-16' is a duplicate.
100 DINGIR.ME suputu maru dajanl, Hermann Hunger, SpTU, vol. 1 no.
12 line 17.
24
CHAPTER II
The Art of the Herbalist
For, who can forget the powerful and noxious herbs of
Medea, the enchanting herbs of Lucan, the fatal herbs
of Claudian, the flourishing plants of Maro, and lastly those
venomous plants, of which abundance was to be found in
Colchis and Thessally?
De Vegetalibus Magicis, written by M. J. H. Heucher (1700)
edited by Edmund Goldsmid, F.R.H.S.RS.A (Scot.) Pri-
vately printed, Edinburgh. 1886, pp. 11-12.
Among the many "firsts' 7 that can be attributed to the
Mesopotamians 101 we may certainly count the first herbals
and the first lapidaries, and a case may be made for the first
bestiary too. The cuneiform handbooks can be compared to
their later counterparts because they already exhibit their char-
acteristic structure, and go beyond simple enumerations of
stones and herbs we see in the Egyptian Onomastica. 102 Such
simple lists were among the very first documents written in
Mesopotamia or indeed anywhere. The organizing principle
they exhibit is due to the character of the cuneiform writing
system.
In the Sumerian writing system names of members
belonging to a class are preceded by a class mark, called "deter-
minative," that indicates their nature; only in a few classes does
the determinative follow. Names of professions and other
human classes, as well as bodily characteristics or deformities,
are preceded by the word for 'man' written with the sign lu;
101 For the role of the Sumerians, see Samuel Noah Kramer, History
Begins at Sumer (Garden City, NY: Doubleday and Co., 1959); 3rd, revised
ed., with additions, with the subtitle Thirty-Nine Firsts in Man's Recorded His-
tory (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981).
102 Alan H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica (Oxford: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1947), for which see Oppenheim, "Man and Nature in Mesopo-
tamian Civilization," DSB 15 p. 634.
25
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
of textiles and clothing by the word for 'wool 7 (sig), 'linen 7
(gada), or 'cloth 7 (tug); of cities, rivers, and other geographical
units by the appropriate determinative; similarly, objects made
of wood, stone, clay, reed, etc., are preceded by a class mark
indicating the nature of the item: the word for 'wood/ 'stone/
'clay/ 'reed/ etc. Names of garden plants, birds, and fish are,
however, followed by their respective class marks sar, musen,
and kue.
The earliest lists written in cuneiform, as early as the third
millennium, simply catalogue objects or living beings; the prin-
ciple of classification is obviously semantic, based on the pres-
ence of the determinative and therefore seemingly acrographic,
that is, the items are grouped according to the first sign used
to write them. Consequently, in any list, objects belonging to
a particular class are listed together, and the classification
according to the determinative doubles as a topical arrange-
ment. This principle is useful for mnemotechnical and didactic
purposes and at the same time displays a classification of the
world, a feature that may be taken, with von Soden, as a sign
of the intellectual curiosity of the Mesopotamian man. 103 Sim-
ilarly complex is the structure of the much later, late antique
and medieval, collections of lists and glossaries. 104
These Sumerian unilingual lists were eventually provided
with an additional column of Akkadian translations, but their
sequence remained the "acrographic" principle displayed by
the Sumerian.
The best known such bilingual lists, consisting of a Sumerian
column and a corresponding Akkadian column, form part of
the series known, from its incipit, as HAR-ra = hubullu, a com-
pendium of twenty-odd chapters enumerating objects of the
physical world. To these lists a later commentary (called HAR-
gud) adds a third column, also in Akkadian, which gives alter-
native translations, usually by substituting more common
103 Wolfram von Soden, "Leistung und Grenze sumerischer und babylo-
nischer Wissenschaft," in Die Welt als Geschichte, vol. 2 (Stuttgart, 1936);
reprinted, with additions and corrections, in Benno Landsberger, Die Eigen-
begrifflichkeit der babylonischen Welt (Darmstadt, 1965). See also Oppenheim,
"Man and Nature in Mesopotamian Civilization," DSB 15 pp. 634ff.
104 See James A. H. Murray, The Evolution of English Lexicography, The
Romanes lecture 1900.
26
THE ART OF THE HERBALIST
words for terms of the second column that had become obso-
lete, without thereby changing the sequence or purpose of
these lists. In certain cases the third column contains not just
another equivalent or synonym, but an attempt at scholia; for
example "Egyptian squash" to a variety of squash listed in
Tablet XXIII 105 or "mourning garment" to explain the poetic
word karru in Tablet XIX. 106
Among the chapters 107 of HAR-ra = hubullu, the XVIIth,
incompletely preserved, deals with plants. In it, the acro-
graphic principle applies in the first section, where each plant
name begins with the Sumerian word u, 'herb/ In the second
section, the names are not preceded by u, but followed by sar,
'plant/ the postposed class mark for such garden plants as vege-
tables, and other cultivated plants. Note that Greek too makes
a distinction between poxdvri 'simple 7 (medicinal plant) and
Xaxavov 'vegetable/ 108
Within a section no classificatory principle is discernible,
except that varieties of the same species, whether botanically
accurately classified or not, are by orthographic necessity
enumerated together, as for example the alliaceae, whose
names in Sumerian are composed with the element sum 'garlic'
and a descriptive element, such as sum.sag.dili 'one-headed
garlic' 109 while the Akkadian name is turu or the cucurbita-
ceae, whose names are composed with ukus 'squash' and a
descriptive element, e.g., ukus.sir.gud with Akkadian equivalent
iski alpi 'ox-testicle (squash).' 110 These lists continued to serve
as pedagogical tools for learning Sumerian.
105 Hg. D 249.
106 Hg. E 76 and duplicates; this explanation is also given in a late syn-
onym list (Malku VI 61), which gives synonyms for rare or obsolete words.
107 Usually called "tablets" in Assyriological parlance, see note 35.
108 Cited Margaret H. Thomson, Textes Grecs inedits relatifs aux plantes
(Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1955) 91, ad "Second traite alphabetique sur les
plantes, tire dAetius."
109 Literally (Sumerian:) "garlic — head — single" see Marten Stol, Bulletin
on Sumerian Agriculture 3 (1987) 57— compare hovokXcovoc; PGM IV 808.
110 Literally (Sumerian:) "squash - testicle - ox" Hh. XVII 377a and Hh.
XXIV 310. Compare, e.g., testiculus vulpis (= Orchis), testiculus canis (= Orchis
militaris L.), cited Hermann Fischer, Mittelalterliche Pflanzenkunde (Hildes-
heim: Olms, 1967) 276, and Orchis alopekos, cited from the lexicon by Nicolas
Hieropais, in A. Delatte, Anecdota atheniensia, Bibliotheque de la Faculte
27
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
A more practical purpose was served by a work composed of
four or possibly more chapters (again called "tablets") known
from its incipit as Uruanna = mastakal or, for short, Uruanna. The
two columns of this list place side by side two plant names.
Sometimes the left-side entry is a Sumerian name and the right-
side one its Akkadian equivalent as in the cited incipit; in other
instances several left-side entries, either Sumerian or Akkadian,
are equated with one (usually Akkadian) name. The explana-
tion sometimes is a name that simply gives the indication: herb
for snake bite 111 (compare our "cough drop" or the trade name
"After-Bite") or the plant is compared to another, better known
plant or even, though more rarely, warrants a brief description
quite similar to the entries in the Herbal (see p. 30). Sometimes
to the term in the right-hand side is added the remark "in
Subarian," "in Elamite," or "in Kassite," to specify that the
name in the left column comes from one or another of the for-
eign languages of the areas surrounding Mesopotamia.
Uruanna could thus serve as a pharmaceutical handbook,
used to look up Sumerian and other foreign names, and may
also have served to indicate what herb could be substituted for
another. The pharmaceutical as opposed to purely lexical char-
acter can also be inferred by the inclusion in the list of other
pharmacological substances, such as minerals (including
salts), insects, and oils.
Eventually, however, presumably around 1000 B.C., a different
type of list was composed, a treatise that might more properly
be called a precursor of herbals; in the Assyriological literature
it usually goes under such a name as a "pharmaceutical hand-
book," or "vade mecum of the physician." The ancient Baby-
lonians simply called it DUB.U.HI.A 'tablet about/on herbs/ 112
In outward appearance this list too is divided in three columns
but not on linguistic grounds: the first column gives the name,
de philosophie et lettres de l'Universite de Liege, fasc. 88, vol. 2 p. 408 line 14.
Note also the names Phallus impudicus (Fungus Melitensis) 'devil's horn';
Arabic zubb-ed-dtb 'penis lupi,' and zubb-el-hamad 'desert penis' quoted
Immanuel Low, Die Flora der Juden (Vienna and Leipzig: R. Lowit, 1926),
vol. 1 p. 44, cited M. L. Wagner, Romanica Helvetica 4 (= Festschrift Jaberg,
1937) 106 n. 1.
111 sammu nisik seri, Uruanna I 391.
112 Compare Ebeling, KAR 44 rev. 3, see Kocher, BAM V p. xi and n. 9.
28
THE ART OF THE HERBALIST
Sumerian or Akkadian, of the plant; the second, the indica-
tion, that is, the symptoms or name of the disease it is sup-
posed to counteract; and the third, the mode of application:
how it is to be prepared (e.g., ground, diluted in beer) and how
it is to be administered (e.g., as a potion, a salve, a lotion). The
arrangement follows the middle column so that the herbs are
grouped according to the disease they are good for; this layout
is convenient for finding the remedies for a particular ailment
by simply going down the middle column of the list.
For example: Yellow saffron : for constricted bladder : to
chop, to administer as a potion in fine beer; Kanis-acorn : for
the same : to chop, to administer as a potion in fine beer; Garlic
: for the same : to chop, to administer as a potion in oil or fine
beer; 113 Pistachio-herb : herb for the lungs : to chop, to admin-
ister as a potion without eating; 114 Dog's tongue : herb for
cough : to press out its juice and administer as a potion. 115
This "vade mecum" has a counterpart that deals with stones,
also simply called DUB.NA 4 .MES 'tablet about/on stones'; 116
nevertheless, these compilations are only partially comparable
to those of the late herbals and lapidaries.
The type of text that seems truly the precursor of the
medieval handbooks is the one that I will call the sikinsu type,
from the opening words. Three such handbooks are known,
one (abnu sikinsu) dealing with stones and minerals, another
one (sammu sikinsu) with herbs, and a third (seru sikinsu), of
which only a small fragment survives, with snakes. These
three books thus represent the three categories lapidaries,
herbals, and bestiaries, of which latter the snake book is pos-
sibly the sole surviving chapter.
All three handbooks evince a common structure. Each entry
begins the description with the word sikinsu, a word not easy
to translate if we consider its literal meaning alone: the word
siknu may mean "appearance, looks, character," and the like;
113 BAM 1 i 26-28.
114 BAM 1 ii 24; see note 197.
115 Ibid, ii 35. A text published by Rene Labat, "La pharmacopee au ser-
vice de la piete," Semitica 3 (1950) 5-18, prescribes the use of herbs and other
ingredients in order to secure divine favor as well as to avert evil and illness.
116 Cf. Ebeling, KAR 44 rev. 3, see Leichty apud Kocher, BAM IV p. vii.
29
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
the possessive suffix -su, 'its/ points back to the antecedent
(abnu 'stone/ sammu 'herb/ or seru 'snake'). If we take our cue
from handbooks of a later period, we may choose the English
term "nature," simply because medieval texts begin the descrip-
tion with this word (either with natura, if in Latin, or with the
form equivalent to natura in the Romance language used). 117
And so we may translate the opening words as "the nature of
the herb (stone, snake) is."
What these handbooks lack are the illustrations of the later
herbals. 118 The absence of illustrations is only partly due to
the nature of the writing and the writing material; illustrations,
even though only rarely and mostly in schematic drawing, do
appear on liver models and in some divinatory texts and on
some clay tablets inscribed with liver omens to illustrate marks
on the liver or lungs, 119 or with physiognomic omens to illus-
trate drawings on the forehead or the hand, omens that may be
taken as remote precursors of metoposcopy 120 and chiromancy.
There exist sketches to indicate the emplacement of parapher-
nalia in rituals and, even more rarely, in magic texts, as models
of figures to be drawn. 121 In lieu of illustrations, descriptions,
often very precise, have to serve: they are couched, as in later
herbals, in terms of the plant's resemblance to and difference
from other plants with which it is compared. 122
For example, "The herb whose nature is like the amhara
plant's, (but) its leaves are small, and it has no milky sap, its
117 For example, "La natura del pavon es aital . . . ," "La natura de la fur-
micz es aital . . ." Der waldensische Physiologus, ed. Alfons Mayer, Roma-
nische Forschungen 5 (1890) 390-418, nos. 4 (Pavon) and 42 (De la furmicz).
118 Illustrations appear late also in Byzantine, Arabic, and other later
herbals.
119 See Nougayrol, RA 68 (1974) 61f .
120 Angus G. Clarke, "Metoposcopy: An Art to Find the Mind's Con-
struction in the Forehead," in Astrology, Science and Society: Historical Essays,
Patrick Curry, ed. (Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1987) 171-95.
121 See Reiner, "Magic Figurines, Amulets and Talismans," in Monsters
and Demons in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds. Papers Presented in Honor
of Edith Porada, Ann E. Farkas et al., eds. (Mainz on Rhine: Philipp von
Zabern, 1988) 27-36.
122 Texts: Kocher, Pflanzenkunde 33, 34b, and 35, see Reiner, Bibliotheca
Orientalis 15 (1958) 102f .; BAM 327, 379 and dupl. Egbert von Weiher, SpTU,
vol. 3 no. 106; STT 93.
30
THE ART OF THE HERBALIST
seed resembles linseed, that plant is called labubitu. The herb
whose nature is like that of the amhara-plant's, but its seed is
red like that of the abulilu-plant, that herb is called [...], it
is good for removing paralysis; to dry, to crush, and to apply
as a salve (mixed) in oil." 123
Or: "The herb's nature is: its thorn is like the thorn of cress,
its leaves are as large as cress leaves, that herb is called namhara,
whoever drinks it will die." 124
An even more detailed description runs: "The herb's nature
is like that of the 'dog's tongue,' or, according to a second
source, like the haltappanu-herb; its leaves are long, its fruit is
like the Adad-squash, 125 it grows tall, its seed, like the tubaqu
plant's, is divided(?) 126 in three: that herb is called sunazi, and
in the language of Hatti they call it tubaqanu [that is, the tubaqu-
like herb]; it is good for scorpion sting; its mode of preparation:
to dry, to crush, to administer as a potion in beer." 127
Obviously, these descriptions are very much like those found
not only in herbals such as Dioscorides, 128 but also in the
spells collected in Hellenistic magical papyri, written in
Greek 129 or in Demotic, as in "The ivy -it grows in gardens; its
leaf is like the leaf of a shekam plant, being divided into three
123 Kocher, Pflanzenkunde 33:4-7.
124 Kocher, Pflanzenkunde 33:12-13.
125 Written with the Sumerogram U.UKUS. d IM.
126 The verb form used is ummud.
127 Kocher, Pflanzenkunde 33:15-16.
128 E.g., "hie autem folia habet similia porro, sed oblonga et tenueiora,"
Dioscorides Longobardus Book I 5c, De quiperu indicu, ed. Konrad
Hofmann-T. M. Auracher, Romanische Forschungen 1 (1883) 58. Or also "Poli-
gonon masculus aut carcinetron aut . . . vocant. Erba est virgas habens
teneras molles et multas, nodosas, spansa super terra, sicut agrostis. Folia
habet ruta similia, sed oblonga et mollia. Semen habet foliis singulis, unde
et masculus dictus est, flore albu aut fenicinu habens. Virtus est illi stiptica
et frigida, unde sucus eius bibitus emptoicis medicatur . . . De poligono
femina. Poligonon femina frutex est .i. Virga habens, molle et cannosa, . . .
omnia suprascripta facere potest, sed minus virtute habet," Dioscorides
Longobardus Book IV lie d/ De poligonon, ed. Hermann Stadler, Roma-
nische Forschungen 11 (1901) llf. (= Dioscorides IV 4). For Dioscorides see
now John M. Riddle, Dioscorides on Pharmacy and Medicine (Austin: University
of Texas Press, 1985).
129 For example, PGM IV 798-810.
31
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
lobes like a grape leaf. It is one palm in measurement; its
blossom is like silver (another [manuscript] says gold)." 130
Some of the more exotic names raise the question whether
names designating parts of the body of animals that are listed
among the pharmaka actually refer to animal substances or are
to be taken as descriptive names of plants, as the "dog's tongue"
in the previous quote, a literal translation from Akkadian, 131
equivalent— in name at least— to cynoglossum. R. Campbell
Thompson thought that "The Assyrian was as ready to call
what was almost certainly opium by name of 'lion fat' (lipi nesi)
or 'human fat' (lipi ameluti) or castor oil as 'the blood of a black
snake' (dami siri salmi) as later alchemists were to give ridicu-
lous synonyms for mercury, cinnabar, cadmia, and such." 132
That some of the strange names were indeed used to refer
to plants is shown by an often quoted passage from the Greek
magical papyri: 133
Because of the masses' eagerness to practice magic, the temple
scribes inscribed the names of the herbs and other things which
they employed, on the statues of the gods, so that the masses, as
a consequence of their misunderstanding, might not practice
magic. . . . But we have collected the explanations [of these names]
from many copies [of the sacred writings], all of them secret.
Here they are:
A snake's head: a leech.
Blood of a snake: haematite.
Lion semen: human semen.
130 Demotic Magical Papyrus XIV 735, translated by Janet H. Johnson, in
The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, H.-D. Betz, ed. (Chicago and London:
University of Chicago Press, 1986) 234.
131 Akkadian Ulan kalbi 'tongue of dog'; the corresponding Sumerian com-
pound is eme.ur.gi7.
132 DACG p. xiii, cited -disapprovingly -by Dietlinde Goltz, Studien zur
Geschichte der Mineralnamen in Pharmazie, Chemie und Medizin von den
Anfangen bis Paracelsus, Sudhoffs Archiv, Beiheft 14 (Wiesbaden: Franz
Steiner, 1972). Note also the article "Mageia" by Hopfner in RE 27 (1928)
301-93, and especially the fancy names of remedies ridiculed by Artemi-
dorus, Onirocriticon 4, 22 (Pack, Teubner 1963; French translation: Artemi-
dore. La Clef des Songes, transl. A. J. Festugiere [Paris, Vrin 1975]).
133 Papyrus Leiden xii 17£f. ( = PGM XII 400ff.), cf. Hopfner, Offenbarungs-
zauber, vol. 1 §493, also Dioscorides, cited Hopfner, ibid. §494.
32
THE ART OF THE HERBALIST
Semen of Hermes: dill.
Blood from a head: lupine.
Blood of Hephaistos: artemisia.
Human bile: turnip sap.
Fat from a head: spurge,
but "blood of porcupine: really from the porcupine." 134
Yet, we might question whether these terms were indeed
used as "secret" names, as the papyrus indicates. The use of
"secret" or "cover" names (German: "Decknamen") is not nec-
essarily intended to keep the craft or learning from the unini-
tiated or, in case of a lucrative profession, from the competition.
Complicated and rare words and spellings may simply attest
to the sophistication of the writer, and enhance his reputation.
The practice may be comparable to the use of outlandish sign
values in a Middle Babylonian glass text, once thought to have
been used to safeguard professional secrets. 135
Still, late herbals speak of these substances as if they indeed
were animal (see note 110). Other plant names are less fanciful,
even though they may betray wishful thinking: imhur esra 'it
cures twenty— that is, twenty ailments, and even imhur-timu
'it cures a thousand/ just as in Hungarian there is an herb called
ezerjofu, 'thousand-good-herb/ The German Tausendguldenkraut,
literally 'thousand-gold-pieces-herb/ on the other hand, seems
to be a caique on Latin centaurium (compare English centaury),
etymologized as 'hundred' (centum) 'gold pieces' (aurum). 136
The name of the herb centaury (Greek Keviaupeiov) is said to
derive from the word Centaur, so named after the centaur
Chiron, who healed his wound with it. 137
134 dXTiGcbc; xoipoypuUou, PGM XII 414.
135 For the use of outlandish sign values in the Middle Babylonian glass
text and the implications of this scribal practice see A. Leo Oppenheim, Glass
and Glassmaking in Ancient Mesopotamia (Corning, NY: The Corning Museum
of Glass, 1970) 59ff.
136 See Handbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens s.v.
137 Suggested by Reinhold Stromberg, Griechische Pflanzennamen, Gote-
borgs Hogskolas Arsskrift 46, 1940:1 (Goteborg, 1940) 100: "Man hat
geglaubt dass Cheiron diese Heilpflanzen zuerst verwendet hatte"; he is fol-
lowed by the Greek etymological dictionaries of Frisk and Chantraine. The
connection of the plant with Chiron comes from Theophrastus, Historia Plan-
tarum 3.3.6 and Pliny, NH 25.66.
33
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
In ancient natural histories it is often added to the descrip-
tion of the plant that the species comes in two sexes: male and
female, as the above cited poligonon (see note 128). These des-
ignations have nothing to do with the plant's sex essential for
propagation, but refer to its potency. This is evident from the
fact that stones too— that is, beads of semi-precious stones -
come in both masculine and feminine varieties; this was
known in Greek literature since Theophrastus (end of the 4th c.
B.C.) but, like many small and perhaps insignificant details of
the transmission of beliefs and knowledge, harks back to Baby-
lonian sources. Not only Classical authors 138 noted this divi-
sion but modern jewelers as well. 139 The division of materia
medica into masculine and feminine is well known from Greek
and Latin authors; according to commentators, among them
Pliny the Elder, masculine herbs are stronger and more
effective than the feminine ones. Note mascula tura "male
incense" in Virgil, 140 explained by the commentator as mascula
tura, id est fortia "male incense, hence stronger." 141 In Babylonian
138 Joan Evans, Magical Jewels of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1922, republished New York: Dover, 1976) 15. See also, for
Pliny, NH 36.39 (aetites), 37119 (cyaneus), 3725 (magnet) and for Orph.
lithica kerygmata (topaz) Hopfner, Offenbarungszauber, vol. 1 §564 and §565.
The Orphic lapidaries are now edited by Robert Halleux and Jacques
Schamp, Les Lapidaires grecs (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1985); see ibid. 151,
Orphei lithica kerygmata 8.6: Outoq (scil. tokol^ioc;) eonv 6 dporjv, 6 8e
GrjXuKoc; eXoKppoiepoc; 'C'est la variete male. La variete femelle est plus
legere . . .' See also J. C. Plumpe, "Vivum saxum, vivi lapides. The concept
of 'living stones' in Classical and Christian Antiquity," Traditio 1 (1943), 1-14;
R. Halleux, "Fecondite des mines et sexualite des pierres dans l'antiquite
greco-romaine," RBPH 48 (1970) 16-25, both cited in Robert Halleux and
Jacques Schamp, Les Lapidaires grecs (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1985) 326.
139 "Les pierres precieuses masculines sont celles qui possedent une
couleur plus vive, les feminines celles qui ont une couleur plus pale." G.
Boson, Les metaux et les pierres dans les inscriptions assyro-babyloniennes.
Inaugural-Dissertation . . . (Munich: Akademische Buchdruckerei von F.
Straub, 1914) 73 n. 4 (possibly quoting "Dies ist ein terminus technicus der
Edelsteinhandler . . . Mannliche Steine sind die sattgefarbten, weibliche die
blassen Steine," Oefele, "Gynakologische Steine," ZA 14 [1899] 356ff.) In
Akkadian too the subu stone comes in a male and a female variety (BAM
112:10), and so do the su stone (see the dictionaries), the arzallu stone, black
frit, and others. See also Chapter VII, notes 591-92.
140 Eel. 8, 65.
141 Philargyrius 2.3, cf. Pliny, NH 12.61; note also tritu cum ture masculo
34
THE ART OF THE HERBALIST
medical texts the substance UB.PAD (to be read probably uppattu
or upputtu) comes in male and female varieties. 142
Sometimes the etymology of the name is transparent. While
'sunflower' (w. d UTU sammi samas) probably describes any
heliotrope, that is, a flower that always looks at the sun: "the
flower of Samas that faces the setting of the sun/' 143 other
names composed with a name of a god or goddess are more
suggestive. We do not know to what botanical species for
example the herb called "Ninurta's aromatic" (Sumerian sim.
d Ninurta, equated in Akkadian with nikiptu) 1 ^ refers, both vari-
eties of which, masculine and feminine, are mentioned in
recipes; however, the name of the herb called sim. d Ishara, 'aro-
matic of the goddess Ishara,' which is equated with Akkadian
cjunnabu, 'cannabis,' 145 may indeed conjure up an aphrodisiac
through the association with Ishara, goddess of love, and also
calls to mind the plant named ki.nd Istar, in Akkadian suhsi Istar
or majal Istar, both meaning 'bed of Istar.'
The pharmaceutical lists, whether of the Uruanna or the
sikinsu type, provide the physician or the pharmacist with the
knowledge about the appropriate herb to be used for a partic-
ular ailment. However, it is important to know not only your
roots and herbs, and what they are good for but also the proper
time and manner for picking the herb, or digging up the root,
so as to maximize its healing power and, not least, to guard
against the evil consequences of your acts. Then, and perhaps
most important, one has to know the proper time to administer
the medicine, by selecting an astrologically propitious moment.
A sixteenth-century doctor urged: "Above all things next to
grammar a physician must have surely his Astronomye, to
know how, when and at what time every medicine ought to be
administered ." 146
'crushed with male incense/ Dioscorides (Lombardus) II 48a (Romanische For-
schungen 10 [1899] 204f.).
142 AMI 104:15.
143 sammi Samas sa ana ereb samsi panusu saknu, AMT 74 ii 25, cf . KBo
9 44 r. ii 6.
144 The Akkadian word is probably derived from the Sumerian word
ligidba which is the gloss given to the compound sim. d Ninurta.
145 ZA 73 (1983) 243 no. 12. Compare the scholion or variant SIM.GIG : qu-
un-nab in the medical text CT 55 377:4.
146 Katherine Oldmeadow, The Folklore of Herbs (Birmingham, n.d.) 6. For
35
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
The rules and precautions to be followed at the gathering
of a plant are not set out in the pharmaceutical handbooks;
they have to be culled from prescriptions in medical texts and
some rituals. The directions given to the herbalist are very
similar to those observed by the 'root-cutter' (the literal trans-
lation of Greek rhizotomos) in antiquity, in the Middle Ages, and
in folk medicine, as collected in Armand Delatte's Herbarius, 147
to which these examples from Mesopotamia may serve as
supplement:
(Look for) a gourd which grows alone in the plain;
when the Sun has gone down,
cover your head with a kerchief,
cover the gourd too, draw a magic circle with flour around it,
and in the morning, before the Sun comes out,
pull it up from its location,
take its root . . . 148
These instructions specify the time for picking the plant, and
the precautions to be observed in regard to both the plant
and the herbalist. The scene is night (between sunset and sun-
rise); the plant is isolated by a magic circle and covered; and
the herbalist protects himself by covering his head.
Nighttime may be specified in other ways: sometimes it is
sufficient to say that the sun must not "see" the herb: for
example, a root "which the sun did not see when you pulled
preparing and administering the medicine at a propitious moment see
Chapter III.
147 Armand Delatte, Herbarius. Recherches sur le ceremonial usite chez les
anciens pour la cueillette des simples et des plantes magiques, Bulletins de l'Academie
Royale de Belgique, Classe des Lettres, t. 22 (1936); re-edited Paris: Droz 1938.
148 u.ukus.ti.gil.la an.edin.na AS. a mu.a d Utu.e.a.na ku4.ra.na tug sag.zu
u.me.ni.dul u.ukus.ti.gil.la u.me.ni.dul zfd u.me.ni.hur a.gu.zi.ga.ta d Utu
nam.ta.e ki.gub.ba.a.ni.ta u.me.ni.sfr erina.bi su u.me.ti : tigilla sa ina
seri edissisu asu klma Samas ana bltisu erebi subata qaqqadka kuttimma
tigilla kuttimma qema esirma ina seri lam Samas ase ina manzazi(su) usuh-
suma surussu leqema, CT 17 19 i 17-24 and dupls. Egbert von Weiher, SpTU,
vol. 2 no. 2 i 29-40, etc., see Borger, HKL 2 (1975) 289. The translation 'gourd'
here used is intended to serve as allusion to the gourd (Hebrew qiyqayon;
see Jack M. Sasson, Jonah, The Anchor Bible, vol. 24B [New York: Doubleday,
1990] 291), that provided shade for the prophet Jonah; other terms such as
squash, cucumber, melon, are equally possible translations of the Akkadian
word, for which see M. Stol, Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture 3 (1987) 81ff.
36
THE ART OF THE HERBALIST
it up." 149 A medical text enjoins "you crush the root of the
namtar-plant which was not exposed to the sun when it was
dug up." 150 Recall the
Root of hemlock digg'd i'the dark,
as well as
. . . slips of yew
Sliver'd in the moon's eclipse
that the witches, in Macbeth, throw into their caldron. 151
Covering the plant and surrounding it with a magic circle are
necessary because the plant may not willingly give up the root,
leaf, or shoot needed for preparing the medicine; one must buy
it from the plant, or at least give some compensation for it.
Theophrastus notes, 'That one should be bidden to pray while
cutting is not perhaps unreasonable, but the additions made
to this injunction are absurd: for instance, as to cutting the kind
of all-heal {partakes) one should put in the ground in its place
an offering made of all kind of fruits and a cake; and that, when
one is cutting gladwyn [Gk. £,ipig = iris 7 ], one should put in
its place to pay for it cakes of meal from spring-sown wheat,
and that one should cut it with a two-edged sword, first
making a circle round it three times. . . ," 152
In Babylonia the acacia shrub (U.GIR) is such a plant. When
collecting acacia shoots, you spread them under an acacia shrub
that grows on a mud wall 153 and say: "You have received the
149 Akkadian: sa ina nasahika Samas la Tmuru, e.g., [U . . .] GIS.U.GIR sa ina
Zl-ka d UTU NU IGI.DU 8 .A (BAM 1 i 7); U sursi GIS.NIM sa ina Zl-ka d UTU NU
IGLDUs.A (BAM 1 i 10); (isid) lisan kalbi sa ina nasahika Samas NU IGI.[DU 8 ]
(BAM 396 iii 7, also BAM 575 iii 25); d UTU NU IGI.LA (BAM 55:12); see CAD
N/2 s.v. nasahu meaning 2d-l'.
150 SUHUSxSE nam-tar-ru sa ina na-pa-li d UTU NU IGI.BAR tasak-unpub-
lished medical text from Emar, line 46, courtesy A. Tsukimoto, and the simi-
lar sums GIS.NAM.TAR NITA u sin-nis MAN NU IGI-rum KU NAG ina GU
GAR.GAR 'root of the namtar (or read: pillu) plant, male and female, (that)
the sun did not see, to give to eat (or) drink (or) put around the neck' and
sursi GIS.NIM.BABBAR sa ina nasahika d UTU NU IGI.DU 8 , CT 14 23 K. 229:10,
and, with sursi GIS.U.GIR ibid. 7 For napalu 'to dig up' see Marten Stol, Bulle-
tin on Sumerian Agriculture 3 (1987) 65.
151 Act IV, Scene 1.
152 Theophrastus, Historia Plantarum 9.8.7. Cf. also L. B. Lawler, 'Three
cakes for the dogs," Classical Bulletin 30 (1954) 25-28.
153 Typical of the shrub acacia (Prosopis farcta, Arabic sok).
37
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
present intended for you, now give me the plant of life." 154 At
the very least, the herbalist must propitiate the plant by speak-
ing a greeting or a prayer, for which I may again quote Pliny
(NH 25.145): "Some instruct the diggers [of the pimpernel] to
say nothing until they have saluted it before sunrise, and then
to gather it and extract the juice, for so they say its efficacy is
at its greatest." Even Christian monks recommended that while
gathering herbs it would be holy to speak the salutation:
All hail, thou holy herb, vervin,
Growing on the ground. 155
The two-edged sword, or any other tool used, must not be
made of iron, a precaution that is well known from Classical
Greek and Latin texts, as can be seen from a passage in Pliny's
Natural History (24.103): "The plant called selago is gathered
without iron with the right hand, thrust under the tunic
through the left arm-hole, as though the gatherer were
thieving." 156 The earliest attestation for this practice too comes
from Babylonia, as was recognized as early as 1941. The Baby-
lonian herbalist, too, draws a circle around the herb, in the
cited text 157 with flour; in other recipes with an instrument but
not with one made of iron. The precaution of approaching the
herb the head covered with a cloth and covering the plant itself
seems aimed at "blinding" the plant so that it does not recog-
154 SE.KAK tasabbus ina sapal U.GIR sa eli pitiqti asu tatabbak klam
taqabbi umma attama qlstaka mahrata samma sa balati idnamma, BAM 248
iv 34, dupl. AMT 67,1 iv 27. Incidentally, not only plants receive a bakshish
for yielding up their bounty (for offerings to plants, described in Pliny, see
the references collected by Delatte, Herbarius [note 147 above]) but also other
participants in the magic actions: the claypit (kullatu) from which the clay
for fashioning ngurines is taken (Bibliotheca Orientalis 30 178:5) and the river
that carries away the contaminated material (KAR 227:18, see Erich Ebeling,
Tod und Leben nach den Vorstellungen der Babylonier [Berlin and Leipzig: de
Gruyter & Co., 1931] 125).
155 T. F. Thiselton Dyer, The Folk-lore of Plants (New York: Appleton, 1889)
285. Or: "Hail thou holy herb Growing in the ground," as quoted in Kath-
erine Oldmeadow, The Folklore of Herbs (Birmingham, n.d.) 6.
156 "sine ferro dextra manu per tunicam qua sinistra exuitur, velut a
furante," quoted Delatte, Herbarius (note 147 above) 175f. [= pp. 139ff.], with
variant interpretations, e.g. " L'etoffe qui recouvre la main sert d'isolateur . . ."
157 See note 148.
38
THE ART OF THE HERBALIST
nize the herbalist. 158 The reference to "as though . . . thieving"
also indicates that the gatherer of the herbs pretends to be
someone else, so as not to bring down upon himself the herb's
revenge, an evil from which the Babylonian herbalist would
have protected himself by an apotropaic ritual, but I know of
no such ritual.
The plant "growing alone in the plain" or the "lone tamarisk"
is singled out already by its habitat; 159 other habitats are also
singled out as significant. Especially effective, apparently, are
plants growing on a grave (Akkadian kimahhu), as the texts
often specify: "root of camel thorn from a grave, root of an
acacia-shrub from a grave"; 160 or "acacia-shrub which grew on
a grave." 161 Compare:
Iubet sepulcris caprificos erutas,
iubet cupressos funebris . . . aduri
"(Canidia) orders wild fig trees uprooted from the tombs, funereal
cypresses/' 162
Most efficacious are plants growing in the mountains; there
on the mountains 7 heights they are better exposed to the influ-
ence of the stars, not only because they are closer to them but
also because the atmosphere is thinner. 163 Among addresses
158 ". . . nous reconnaissons quelques precautions parmi les plus cou-
rantes: l'heure du premier contact et celle de la cueillette, qui sont surtout de
nuit ou de l'aurore plutot que diurnes, et surtout le cercle magique delimite
autour de la plante. Le plus souvent, il est trace sur le sol avec un instrument
(rarement en fer), qui l'entame assez profondement; dans notre texte, il sera
dessine avec de la farine repandue. Pourquoi un cercle? On y voit symbo-
liquement une prise de possession isolant la plante de tout secours, mais
aussi une veritable purification, le cercle la soustrayant aux mauvaises
influences exterieures. Une particularite de ce rituel est l'approche . . . 'la
tete couverte d'un vehement'; . . . cette precaution se double de celle de
couvrir la plante elle-meme; le but vise parait etre d' "aveugler" la plante et
d'empecher que l'herboriste soit connu d'elle . . ." G. Contenau, "Herbarius,"
RA 38 (1941) 53-55, ad 4R 3a:32-41, now CT 17 19, cited above.
159 For the "lone (or single) palm tree" see Babylonian Talmud P e sachim
lll a , also lll b , cited Strack-Billerbeck, vol. 4/1 p. 518.
160 sums balti sa eli [kimahhi] sums asagi sa eli kimahhi, AMT 102:38.
161 asagu sa ina muhhi kimahhi asu, AMT 99,3 r. 15, and passim.
162 Horace, Epod. 5.17 sq. Note also Et strigis inventae per busca iacentia
plumae "a screech-owl's feathers found among sunken tombs," Propertius
III 6,29.
163 See the texts quoted by Hopfner, Offenbarungszauber, vol. 1 §466.
39
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
to herbs whose healing properties are sought, several begin by
describing the plant as mountain-grown: "The heartsease grows
in the mountains . . " 164
Herbs can serve not only to heal but also to diagnose a con-
dition. The patient's reaction to a medicine may very well indi-
cate what his illness is and what the prognosis may be. Rare
as they are, the attestations of this diagnostic method indicate
that they may have been used more often than the extant texts
reveal. One of the few is a Babylonian medical text that testifies
to the use of a so-to-speak patch test. The sick man is bandaged
with a poultice made of ingredients that act as an irritant and
produce a blister. After having applied the poultice for three days,
on the fourth day you remove it and inspect the blister that was
produced by the poultice. The color of the blister, whether it
is white, red, yellow, or black, will predict the course of the man's
illness: "if the blister is white, his intestines will quiet down;
if it is red, his intestines 'hold too much heat'; if it is green, (the
affliction is due to) overexposure to sun; if it is black, the affliction
will cause him suffering and he will not live." 165 Only after the
diagnosis is made does the physician apply a medication to alle-
viate the condition provoked.
A similar test is described in a recently found medical text
from Emar on the Euphrates: 166 "he chops 7 herbs for 'leprosy'
with a fig-tree branch, he grinds 7 figs and raisins and ties them
on in a bandage; on the next day at night he removes them, if
they are white, he replaces the bandage, on the third day he
164 sammu sa libbi ina sadi aslma, see my Your Thwarts in Pieces, Your
Mooring Rope Cut. Poetry from Babylonia and Assyria, Michigan Studies in the
Humanities, 5 (Ann Arbor, 1985), Chapter V.
165 Edith K. Ritter, "Magical-Expert (= Asipu) and Physician (:= Asu).
Notes on two Complementary Professions in Babylonian Medicine/' Studies
in Honor of Benno Landsberger on His Seventy-Fifth Birthday, Aprils 21, 1965,
AS 16 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965) 304, see also CAD B s.v.
bubu'tu.
166 U.MES sa epqanni ina PA (= hatti?) sa GIS.PES imahhasma GURUN
GIS.PES u GIS.GESTIN.UD.DU i-has-sal-ma irakkas-sunuti ina UD.2 GI 6
ipattarsunuti summa pesu appuna irakkas-sunuti ina UD.3.KAM ipattarsunuti
summa pesu appuna irakkas-sunuti summa pesu ihalliqu u summa pesusunu
la iggamar TA NA 4 .ZU uhappasunutima . . . summa pani simmisu mithu-
ruma samu SE.MUS5 . . . izarruma iballut summa la iballut . . . tartanakkas-
su iballut (Emar med. text 72-94, courtesy A. Tsukimoto).
40
THE ART OF THE HERBALIST
removes them, if they are white, he replaces the bandage, (but)
if the white (color 7 ) disappears or if their white (color) is not
absorbed 7 he crushes them with an obsidian stone ... if the
surface of his wound is uniformly red, he strews 'bitter barley'
(etc., over it) and he will get well, if he does not get well, you
keep placing a bandage (made with various ingredients) on him
and he will get well."
A rare pregnancy testing text from Babylonia has also come
to light. It was used to test whether a woman is able to conceive.
The test consists of inserting a pessary made from medications
wrapped in a wad of wool, or of giving the woman a potion
to drink. If the potion causes her to vomit, she is pregnant; if
the wad of wool has turned green, she is pregnant. While sim-
ilar tests had been known from Egyptian medicine, and they
have been compared with Classical parallels, 167 the newly
identified Babylonian pregnancy test is the first Mesopotamian
example of this practice. 168
The fame of Babylonian herbalists is attested in a ninth-
century a.d. Arabic book, known as Nabatean Agriculture,
which reports that certain medicinal plants were introduced by
Babylonian kings, whose names it lists. 169 In fact, we know
from Babylonian medical texts that certain salves 170 and
strings of amulet stones were attributed to a famous king of the
past, for example, to Hammurapi, Naram-Sin, and Rim-Sin. 171
Another, perhaps not quite trustworthy, witness to the fame of
167 Erik Iversen, Papyrus Carlsberg No. VIII with Some Remarks on the Egyp-
tian Origin of Some Popular Birth Prognoses, Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes
Selskab, Historisk-nlologiske Meddelelser 26,5 (1939), and J. B. deC. M.
Saunders, The Transitions from Ancient Egyptian to Greek Medicine (Lawrence:
University of Kansas Press, 1963) 15-18. See also the article "Empfangnis"
by Erna Lesky, in RAC 4 (1959) 1248-52.
168 The text is edited and commented on in Erica Reiner, "Babylonian
Birth Prognoses;' ZA 72 (1982) 124-38.
169 D. Chwolson, Uber die Uberreste der altbabylonischen Literatur in arabi-
schen Ubersetzungen (St. Petersburg, 1859) 42. Unfortunately, the new translation
of the Nabatean Agriculture announced by T. Fahd has not yet been published.
170 teqlt Inl sa Hammurapi latku 'proven eye-salve from Hammurapi'
BAM 159 iv 22; teqltu sa Hammurapi latiktu, Egbert von Weiher, SpTU, vol.
2 no. 50:12.
171 See Chapter VII.
41
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
Babylonian drugs is the woman scorned in Theocritus' Second
Idyll, who swears:
If he continues to grieve me, I call on the Fates as my witness
Soon he shall knock at the portals of Hades, such sinister drugs I
Keep in my medicine chest, which I learned about from a
Chaldean. 172
172 Theocritus 2.160-162, translated by Daryl Hine, Theocritus Idylls and
Epigrams (New York: Atheneum, 1982). (Greek: cpdpfxaKa . . . 'Aaaupico . . .
napd ^eivoio fxaGoiaa).
42
CHAPTER III
Medicine
For when those who first wrote on the subject gave their
attention almost solely to meditation about the stars, and
believed natural philosophy and the healing art to be inti-
mately connected with these heavenly bodies, they dis-
seminated seeds of magic, from which that science grew
to such a degree that it over-spread the whole world with
its pollution.
Bibliotheca Curiosa. Magic Plants; being a translation of
a curious tract entitled De Vegetalibus Magicis, written by
M. J. H. Heucher (1700) edited by Edmund Goldsmid,
F.R.H.S.F.S.A (Scot.) Privately printed, Edinburgh. 1886,
pp. 13-14.
The Tale of the Poor Man of Nippur, the earliest example 173 of
the folktale motif "The First Larrikin" best known from the
Thousand and One Nights has often served to show that ancient
Mesopotamian literature too knew the physician as a comic
figure. This tale narrates how a poor man, wronged by the cor-
rupt mayor of the city of Nippur, takes his revenge by giving
the mayor three good thrashings for the one he received. He
administers the second thrashing in the garb of a doctor from
the city of Isin, under the pretense of tending the wounds that
he himself had inflicted when he thrashed the mayor in a
different disguise. Another humorous story, only recently pub-
lished, The Tale of the Illiterate Doctor from Isin, 174 also pokes
fun at the medical profession represented here again by a phy-
sician from Isin.
He is depicted as an illiterate who, when invited to Nippur
to a banquet, cannot find his way to the house of his host be-
-fO. R. Gurney, 'The Tale of the Poor Man of Nippur and its folktale
parallels," Anatolian Studies 22 (1972) 149-58.
** Erica Reiner, "'Why Do You Cuss me?'," Proceedings of the American
Philosophical Society 130 (1986) 1-6.
43
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
cause he does not understand Sumerian, the elite language still
spoken by the inhabitants. Even the old woman on the street
corner who gives him directions is bilingual. She addresses
him in Sumerian but has to repeat everything she said in the
only language he knows, in Akkadian. The doctor's ignorance
of Sumerian, the language of learning, is as ridiculous as a
physician's ignorance of Latin would have been in the not-so-
distant past. Through the person of the physician the story also
makes fun of the city of Isin itself, as famous in Mesopotamia
for its physicians and as synonymous with medicine as
medieval Salerno was to become. The most famous in the
ancient world were of course the Egyptian physicians; so great
was their fame that their neighbors in Anatolia begged them
to come and provide treatment and medication, a topic that has
been amply treated by Egyptologists. 175
The two humorous tales that show that the physician was a
comic figure in Babylonian literature just as he was in Moliere —
and still is — have contributed to rekindle the interest in Mesopo-
tamian medicine. The study of Mesopotamian medicine has
also benefited from the upsurge of interest in the history of
ancient medicine, 176 and has attracted a number of Assyriolo-
gists competent to deal with the original material. They con-
tribute to collective works on the history of medicine 177 but in
the main their studies have focused on the identification of the
diseases and of the materia medica used in the prescriptions.
This, however, is the area that is fraught with the greatest
difficulties, since we are rarely able to identify the substances —
plants, minerals, and other matter— that enter as ingredients in
recipes, or even to give a precise translation of the symptoms
175 E.g., Elmar Edel, Agyptische Arzte und agyptische Medizin am hethiti-
schen Kon igshof (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1976).
176 To mention, e.g., the studies on Hippocratic medicine resulting from
the Colloque of Strasbourg in 1972, and the books of G. E. R. Lloyd, the most
recent being The Revolutions of Wisdom. Sather Classical Lectures, vol. 52
(Berkeley- Los Angeles -London: University of California Press, 1987).
177 For example, Krankheit, Heilkunst, Heilung, H. Schipperges, E. Seidler,
P. U. Unschuld, eds., Veroffentlichungen des Instituts fur Historische
Anthropologic e. V., vol. 1 (Freiburg: Alber, 1978), or Diseases in Antiquity;
a survey of the diseases, injury, and surgery of early populations, Don R. Brothwell
and A. T. Sandison, eds. (Springfield, 111.: C. C. Thomas, 1967).
44
MEDICINE
FIGURE 6. Middle register of a bronze plaque, showing a patient being
cured. Courtesy of the Louvre, no. 22205.
described. The conceptual advance represented by the struc-
tural approach of Dietlinde Goltz 178 has remained largely
without following, as have the more philosophically oriented
studies of Lloyd; even though we no longer give credence to
Herodotus' report on the lack of physicians 179 or make fun of
the Babylonians' "Dreckapotheke." Herodotus' report that the
Babylonians bring their sick to the market in order to inquire
of passers-by what remedies they would suggest has served as
argument in the market-economy dispute more importantly
than in the history of medicine, and we realize that the Dreck-
apotheke was a well-known pharmaceutical handbook of the
seventeenth century. 180
Understanding Babylonian medicine is especially seriously
hampered by the character of the prescriptions, as they
nowhere explain the reasons for the treatment indicated nor
the property of the ingredient that recommends its use.
In this respect the medicine of the Babylonians is not
different from the rest of their scientific literature which knows
only two forms: the list -from sign lists and Sumerian and
Akkadian bilingual word lists and grammatical paradigms to
mathematical and astronomical tables -and the procedural
178 Dietlinde Goltz, Studien zur altorientalischen und griechischen Heilkunde,
Sudhoffs Archiv, Beiheft 16 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1974).
179 Hdt. 3.1, see A. Leo Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia (Chicago: Uni-
versity of Chicago Press, 1964) 294f . The anecdote is repeated in Strabo XVI
1.20.
180 The 1696 work Neu-vermehrte, heylsame Dreckapotheke ... by Christian
Frz. Paullini.
45
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
text. In medicine, the list form is used in the pharmaceutical
compendia and the procedural in prescriptions. Even proce-
dure texts do not constitute a proper handbook, however. Sci-
entific texts in Babylonia deal with the particular, not the gen-
eral; they describe procedures but not the justification, the
underlying reasons, for the procedures; they are casuistic and
not universalistic; they deal not with theory but with applica-
tion. This holds, as has been many times stated, for Babylonian
collections of laws, which hence it is no longer customary to call
"law codes"; for Babylonian mathematics, which deal with
problems and not with proofs; for the few "procedure" texts
which describe step by step how to make glass, how to dye
wool purple, how to train horses and, we can now add from
a recently published manual, how to prepare meat dishes. 181
In addition to the comparison of Babylonian and Greek medi-
cine on the epistemological and structural level as Goltz has
done, the examination of the astral components of Babylonian
medicine, what in antiquity was called iatromathematics, is of
interest for identifying the direct threads that connect the two.
A guide for discovering the rationale -if one may call it that-
behind the instructions to the physician found in these sources
is handily provided by Greek and Latin, Classical and late, and
even medieval texts. The non-Mesopotamian texts may serve as
guides, inasmuch as they can provide the general background
for the beliefs and practices we find in Mesopotamia; compar-
isons, illuminating as they may be, should not be taken as
attempts to ascertain the priority of the Babylonian over the
Greek or the direction of influences, if any. 182
Treatment and cure of diseases in Babylonia were the pur-
view of two different kinds of practitioners: the asipu and the
asii. 183 The asipu was the expert who performed apotropaic rit-
181 Jean Bottero, Textes culinaires Mesopotamiens (Winona Lake: Eisen-
brauns, 1995).
182 p or th ese questions a summary with previous bibliography is found
in Christopher A. Faraone, "Hephaestus the Magician and Near Eastern Par-
allels for Alcinous' Watchdogs/' Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 28 (1987)
257-80, especially 277ff. A revised version is found in Christopher A.
Faraone, Talismans and Trojan Horses (Oxford University Press, 1992) 18-35,
Chapter 2, "Beastly Guardians at the Gate."
183 p or literature see Edith K. Ritter, "Magical-Expert (= Asipu) and Phy-
sician (= Asu). Notes on two Complementary Professions in Babylonian
46
MEDICINE
uals, recited incantations, and executed magic manipulations;
hence the term is often translated as 'conjurer/ 'exorcist/ or the
like. It fell to him to examine the patient and to make a diag-
nosis of the illness, to prognosticate its outcome, and also often
to determine its aitiology: whether the illness had a somatic
cause or whether it was brought about by a god or demon, or
by the infringement of a taboo. His role is evident from the
handbook known, from its incipit, as enuma ana bit marsi asipu
illiku, "when the exorcist goes to the house of the sick person/ 7
a handbook comprising forty chapters, to many of which an-
cient commentaries have also been preserved. 184
The treatment of the patient was the domain of the other
practitioner, the asu, whose title may be appropriately trans-
lated as 'physician/ He was in charge of the preparation and
administration of the medicine and of other treatments among
which those we might call magical must also be counted. Sev-
eral chapters of the corpus of the physician are extant, but they
seem not to have been organized into a single treatise such as
the exorcist's were. These chapters have such titles 185 as "if a
man's eyes are 'sick/" 186 "if a man's head is feverish," 187 and
commentaries to several of these chapters, as well as to others
that are not extant, are also known.
Although elsewhere it is the exorcist who performs exorcistic
and apotropaic rituals, the rituals and procedures designed to
make the medical treatment more effective belong in the
Medicine," Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on His Seventy-Fifth Birthday,
April 21, 1965, AS 16 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965) 299-321;
R. D. Biggs, "Babylonien," in Krankheit, Heilkunst, Heilung, H. Schipperges,
E. Seidler, P. U. Unschuld, eds., Veroffentlichungen des Instituts fur Histo-
rische Anthropologic e. V., vol. 1 (Freiburg: Alber, 1978) 91-114.
184 Edited by Rene Labat, Traite akkadien de diagnostics et pronostics medi-
caux (Leiden: Brill, 1951); additional pieces of the treatise and commentaries
have been published by Hermann Hunger, SpTU, vol. 1 nos. 27-42, and
Egbert von Weiher, SpTU, vol. 3 nos. 87-89. A catalogue of the series is pub-
lished by I. L. Finkel, 'Adad-apla-iddina, Esagil-kln-apli, and the Series
SA.GIG," in A Scientific Humanist. Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs, Erie
Leichty, M. dej. Ellis, P. Gerardi, eds. (Philadelphia: The University Museum,
1988) 143-59.
185 Titles appear as subscripts on the cuneiform tablets.
186 E.g., BAM nos. 510-16.
187 E.g., Hermann Hunger, SpTU, vol. 1 nos. 44, 46, and 48.
47
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
physician's domain. Foremost among them are those designed
to ascertain that the celestial powers make the medication
efficacious; to attain this goal the medicine has to be prepared
under the stars' benefic influence, and administered at a pro-
pitious time.
The most commonly occurring phrase among the instruc-
tions to this effect is "you let (the preparation) spend the night
under the stars." 188 Since the instruction refers to a medication
prepared ahead of time, on the eve before it is administered to
the patient, it could be taken as the normal way of expressing
"to let stand overnight," as in fact it has been translated in the
Chicago Assyrian Dictionary. 189 There are indeed practical rea-
sons for letting the preparation stand overnight: the ingredi-
ents must be steeped in the carrier— oil for salves, liquids for
potions and baths— in order to be properly blended. 190 The
mixture is sometimes put in the oven to steep or simmer over-
night, and removed in the morning and cooled before use. Nev-
ertheless, the practical reason alone does not explain or justify
the procedure: exposition of the medication "to the stars" is nec-
essary to obtain astral irradiation.
The phrase is first encountered in medical texts written in
Akkadian at the Hittite capital Hattusa (present-day Boghazkoy)
in Anatolia where they were excavated in the early years of this
century; they can be dated to c. the thirteenth century B.C. As
these texts themselves are no doubt copies of, or modeled on
originals written in Babylonia, they take us back to the middle
of the second millennium and possibly even earlier, to the Old
Babylonian period from which few medical texts are extant.
The Boghazkoy material, in structure, content, and termi-
nology, resembles the large corpus of medical texts from the
first millennium more than it does the few known Old Baby-
lonian and Middle Babylonian exemplars; since much of the
intellectual as well as political history of Babylonia is hidden in
188 ina kakkabi tusbat, literally, 'you have (it) spend the night in the star/
the singular form (M)UL being more frequent than the plural (M)UL.MES.
189 Sub vv. bdtu and kakkabu.
190 Dietlinde Goltz, Studien zur altorientalischen und griechischen Heilkunde,
Sudhoffs Archiv, Beiheft 16 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1974) 51 with n. 300:
"Das Ziel des Stehenlassens ist eine Mazeration."
48
MEDICINE
the so-called "dark ages/ 7 roughly from c. 1600 to c. 1400, the
break in the tradition, also evidenced by the Boghazkoy texts,
remains difficult to date and to explain. Nevertheless, one of
the Old Babylonian prescriptions already mentions that the
medication "should spend the night under the stars." 191 The
only difference between the Old Babylonian and the more
recent version is that the latter speaks to the physician, and the
early prescription speaks of the medicine.
A typical prescription found in a Boghazkoy text reads:
you mix (the ingredients) in first-quality beer, you let it spend the
night under the stars, in the morning you strain the first-quality
beer and you give it to him to drink. 192
Another prescription:
you [steep] (the materia medico) together in water, you let it spend
the night under the stars, in the morning you [. . .] that water. 193
Several other texts, many of them fragmentary, contain simi-
lar instructions, for example: "you let that water (mixed with the
blood of a bat ? ) spend the night under the stars"; 194 note espe-
cially "you let it spend the night [. . .], in the morning [. . .]." 195
The same instructions, occasionally in an amplified version,
occur frequently in the large corpus of medical texts written in
191 [i-n]a MUL li-bi-it-ma, YOS 11 29:6-7 (collated by Walter Farber), i.e.,
ina MUL = ina kakkabim "in the star," and libit from the same verb, bdtu (Old
Babylonian biatum), 'to spend the night/ conjugated in the intransitive rather
than in the factitive stem.
192 ina KAS.SAG tamahhas ina MUL.MES tusbat ina serti KAS.SAG
tuzak . . . tasaqqlsuma, KUB 37 55 iv 15.
193 iltenis ina me ta[rassansunuti] ina MUL.MES tusbat ina sertim me su-
nuti [...], KUB 37 50:4ff. and parallel 55 iv 8ff.
194 me sunuti ina MUL tus-bat, KUB 4 48 i 15 (edited Biggs, SA.Z7.GA
p. 54f.), ana MUL tusbat, ibid, iii 15 (ibid. p. 55), ina MUL tusbat, KUB 37 43
ii 4 and, with added injunction for not exposing it to sunlight (see p. 37) in
the parallel 44:17, also KUB 37 49:6', and, with only the verb tusbat preserved,
[ina MUL tu]-us-bat, KUB 4 27:10 and [ina MUL t]u-us-bd-a-at , ibid. rev. 5.
195 [ . . .] tus-ba-at a-ku-zi-en-ga [. . .], KUB 37 56:4. The spelling a-ku-zi-
en-ga represents, in "phonetic" spelling, the Sumerogram A.GU.ZI.GA =
Akkadian sert u 'morning/ From another western source, the ancient city of
Emar in Syria (modern day Meskene), come the similar phrases ina MUL
tus-bat and ina MUL tus-bat ina se-[er-ti . . .] Arnaud, SMEA 30 (1992) 226 no.
27 i 5' and 20'.
49
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
Mesopotamia. We know these texts both from the library of
Tiglath-Pileser I in Assur from the eleventh or tenth centuries
B.C. and from the seventh-century library of Assurbanipal at
Nineveh, but their date of composition is uncertain. For example:
If a man's left temple hurts him and his left eye is swollen and
tears, you crush dates, Telmun-dates, flsw-plant, and cedar resin in
myrrh oil, you expose it overnight to the stars, 196 in the morning,
without eating, 197 you daub (his eyes with it) 198
You dry and crush 'dog's tongue' 199 which, when you pulled it
up, the sun [did not see], 200 [you mix it] into beer from the tavern-
keeper, you expose it overnight to the star(s), [he drinks it] without
eating [and gets well]. 201
You expose (the emetic) overnight to the star(s), he drinks it and
will vomit. 202
Powdered minerals are added to beer and then mixed with
juniper oil, 203 exposed to the stars, and in the morning, before
the sun rises, "you anoint the patient's entire body"; 204 a sim-
196 A less literal translation of the phrase "you let it spend the night
under the stars." The phrase is comparable to Greek astronomein, that is, to
expose to stellar irradiation, for which see Delatte, Herbarius (note 147 above)
192, with reference to CCAG 12 pp. 127,16; (ipetc; vuktok; vd daTpovo[iiar|<;)
128,8; cf. 129,15; (TpeiQ vuktok; e£co ev toi<; doipoK;) 131,12 De septem herbis
planetarum, ex codice 3 (= Cod. Mus. Paleogr. Acad. Scient. Petropoli-
tanae). The German verb 'besternen' was used by H. Ritter in his translation
of the Arabic Picatrix as a single-word equivalent to "dem astralischen
Einfluss aussetzen."
197 The injunction could refer not only to the patient's fasting, as it has
usually been taken and as it also seems to mean here, either because it was
recognized that ingesting medicine on an empty stomach makes it more
effective or because fasting is essential for cultic purity, but it could refer, as in
other cultures, to swallowing medicine and the like without chewing or, as
Pliny puts it, without the teeth touching it (quoniam dentibus tactis nihil pro-
sint 'because if the teeth are touched [the medication] is useless' Pliny, NH
30.35). Probably for similar reasons is the use of a reed tube (Akkadian tak-
kussu, cf . Pliny's per harundinem) for administering medicine recommended.
198 ina UL tusbat ina serim balu patan teqqi, BAM 482 iii 2.
199 A plant whose Akkadian name corresponds to cynoglossum, but
whose botanical identity is not known, see p. 32 and note 131.
200 p or t hj s precaution see Chapter II.
201 ina UL tus-bat balum patan [isattlma ina'es], BAM 396 iii 7-9.
202 ina UL tus-bat isattlma i'arru, BAM 578 iii 1 and 2.
203 saman surmeni.
204 kala zumrisu tapassas, AMT 90,1 iii 6.
50
MEDICINE
ilar recipe directs: "you set out a holy water vessel, put tama-
risk, mastakal-plant, sweet reed, and cedar oil into it, expose it
to the stars overnight, draw [a magic circle around it], 205 and
in the morning, facing the sun, you massage [. . .]." 206
The texts are sometimes explicit about prescribing the admin-
istration of the drug "in the morning, //207 sometimes adding
"facing the sun," 208 but more often mention only the exposure
to the stars, 209 occasionally adding "at night," 210 or amplifying
the phrase as "to the stars of the night." 211
To the stars are exposed other substances as well. To protect
from ghosts, a clay pot covering a figurine is exposed for three
days, to the sun during the day and to the stars at night: "you
make a figurine of 'any evil/ clothe it in a lion skin, you string
carnelian and put it around its neck, you provide it with a sack
and give it travel provisions, for three days you place in front
of it nine food portions, . . . -soup, you place it on the roof of
the patient's house, and libate for it . . . -flour mixed in water
and beer, you erect around it three cuts of cedar, you surround
it with a circle of flour, you upend over it an unfired . . . -pot,
by day let the sun see the . . . -pot, at night let the stars see
it, on the third day at midday 7 22 ? . . . you place a censer with
205 For restoration see BAM 578 i 37-41, cited p. 59 n. 245.
206 a g U bba tukan ana libbi blni mastakal [GI ? ].DUG.GA saman ereni ana
libbi tanaddi [ina] UL tusbat [x (x)]-es-sir ina seri ana IGI d Samas [. . .
tu]massa', AMT 70,7:10-12.
207 ina seri, written syllabically, for example, ina musi ana IGI MUL tus-bat
ina se-rim tusabsal . . . lam Samas napahi tasaqqisu "at night you expose it to the
stars, in the morning, before sunrise, you give it to him to drink," BAM 57:10-
13, or written with the Sumerogram A.GU.ZI.GA 'morning/ e.g., AMT 90,1
iii 6, BAM 514 ii 29, and (in an apotropaic ritual for digging a well) CT 38 29:48.
208 ina A.GU.ZI.GA ina IGI MAN (variant: d UTU), BAM 449 iii 6 and 15
(= AMT 90,1), ina se-rim ana IGI d UTU, AMT 70,7:12, both "in the morning
before the sun." For the meaning of the phrase "before the sun," scil. the Sun
as supreme judge, in magical rituals see Parpola, LAS 2 p. 182 ad no. 187.
209 ina MUL tusbat, AMT 62,3 r. 4 = Biggs, SA.Z7.GA p. 51; ina MUL tus-
bat, AfK 1 (1923) 36:4 and 9 (copy p. 38); KAR 65 r. 7 = RA 48 (1954) 132 no.
7; ina UL tusbat, AMT 37,2 r. 8, AMT 1,3:9, BAM 396 ii 24, 480 ii 7, 482 ii 3,
499 iii 13, 516 i 63, 575 i 17, STT 102:11, AMT 91,2 and dupl., see Caplice, Or.
NS 36 (1967) 25:12; 79-7-8-115 :7ft., see Caplice, Or. NS 36 (1967) 32.
210 ina musi ina UL tusbat 'at night you expose it to the stars/ BAM 152:7.
211 ana MUL musiti Or. NS 36 (1967) 287:9, 295:25, both belonging to the
class of apotropaic rituals. Another apotropaic ritual preserves only [. . . tus-
bat ina A.GU.ZI.GA . . ., Or. NS 40 (1971) 164 no. 63:5'.
51
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
juniper before Samas, at night you pour out millet-flour before
the stars, for three days he should recite over it" (the incanta-
tion follows). 212
Nowhere is it stated in what way the stars are expected to act
on the medication or what specific effect their irradiation is to
achieve. Again, were it not for the knowledge we gain from the
Greeks, we might have been satisfied with the rationalist expla-
nation mentioned earlier. Still, there exist clues that should
have made us Assyriologists realize that more than a practical
result was desired by the nocturnal exposition. For the instruc-
tions do not confine themselves to prescribe overnight exposi-
tion to "stars" in general, but sometimes specify to which star
or constellation the preparation should be exposed. For ex-
ample, a variant to one of the just cited prescriptions, instead
of exposition to "the stars of the night," specifies exposition to
the Goat star. 213 The instructions of another prescription are:
"at night you place it in front of the Goat star, and in the
morning, before sunrise, before he sets foot on the ground, he
drinks it." 214 Or also, for a salve for the eyes: "at night on the
roof [you expose it] to the Goat 7 star, in the morning, before
sunrise [you . . .] these herbs." 215
The Goat star, which corresponds to the constellation Lyra,
is the celestial manifestation of the goddess Gula. Gula is the
goddess of healing; a chthonic goddess with a dog as her com-
panion, and in other respects too resembling Hecate. This
212 salam mimma lemnu teppus masak nesi tulabbassu samtu tasakkak
ina kisadisu tasakkan naruqqa tusasbas[su] u sude tanaddinsu UD.3.KAM
9 kurummassu UTIJL sirpeti ana panlsu tasakkan ina ur bit marsi tuszassuma
ZlD.SE. SA. A ina me u sikari tamahhasma tanaqqlsu 3 silti GIS.ERIN.NA itatisu
tuzaqqap zisurra talammlsu DUG.NIG.DUR.BUR NU AL.SEG 6 .GA elisu tukat-
tam ina umi DUG.NIG.DUR.BUR d UTU llmursu ina musi MUL.MES limurusu
UD.3.KAM BAR. BAR umi 22 NIG x nignak burasi ana pan Samas tasakkan
ina musi ZID.ZIZ.Am ana pan MUL.MES muslti tasarraq ana pan Samas u
MUL.MES UD.3.KAM ana muhhi [li ? ] -im-tan-<an)-nu, BAM 323:4-13 ( =
KAR 184), edited by Jo Ann Scurlock, "Magical Means of Dealing with
Ghosts in Ancient Mesopotamia" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1988),
Prescription 56.
213 BAM 578 i 38-41, variant from BAM 159 i 34; parallel also BAM 60:7-11.
214 ina MI ana IGI MUL.UZ tasakkan ina serti lam Samas ase lam sepsu
ana qaqqari isakkanu isatti, AMT 59,1 i 29.
215 ina MI ina UR ana IGI MUL.U[Z ? . . .] ina seri lam Samas ase U.HI. A
annu[ti . . .], BAM 516 i 57f.
52
MEDICINE
aspect of the goddess also explains the fact that votive dogs
have been found in great numbers in the Gula temples,
including the recently excavated temple in Nippur. We should
also note that the goat is the animal of Hecate — and of her mani-
festation as Selene— too. 216
As most specific instructions mention the constellation of
Gula, the Goat, or rather She-goat, 217 it should be evident that
the aim of the procedure is irradiation by the star of the goddess
of healing. The star of Gula, especially the 0.1 magnitude Vega
in the constellation Lyra, the fourth brightest of all the stars, is
particularly prominent in the summer sky, but can be seen at
varying times any night of the year. 218 Other prescriptions state:
"These 24 herbs and aromatics you arrange before the Goat star,
you moisten them with beer, in the morning you boil it"; 219
"at night you let it stand overnight before the Goat star, in [the
morning] you boil it," 220 and so on. 221
Any doubts about this identification should be dispelled by
the explicit instruction: "at night you let it stand overnight
before the Goat star, (you draw a magic circle around it with
flour, you cense it) and you invoke the names of Gula and of
Belet-ill." 222 The Goat star of one prescription is further
identified as the "cattle-pen" of Gula. 223 Instead of Goat star,
some texts simply say "before the goddess Gula." 224
216 Wilhelm Heinr. Roscher, Uber Selene und Verwandtes. Studien zur Grie-
chischen Mythologie und Kulturgeschichte vom vergleichenden Standpunkte. Viertes
Heft (Leipzig: Teubner, 1890) 43 and 105. Greek magical papyri also occasion-
ally interchange the moon goddesses Hecate and Selene, for example PGM
IV 2525, 2711, and 2821.
217 Akkadian enzu.
218 To quote H. A. Rey, The Stars. A New Way to See Them (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1952, twelfth printing 1970) 38.
219 .. . ana IGI MUL.UZ tukan ina sikari tulabbak . . . ina serti tusabsal,
BAM 579 iv 19.
220 ina MI ana IGI MUL.UZ tu[s-b]at ina [serti] tusabsal, BAM 579 iv 5f.
221 ina MI ana (variant: ina) IGI MUL.UZ tus-bat, BAM 574 i 29, variant
from 575 iv 49; and, with parallel MUL MI 'the star(s) of the night/ BAM 159
i 34, BAM 578 i 40.
222 ina musi ana IGI MUL.UZ tusbat . . . sum Gula u DINGIR.MAH tazakkar,
BAM 49:17ff., also ibid. r. 37ff., 50 ii 14ff., 54:10.
223 ana IGI MUL.UZ TUR d Gu-la tusbat, BAM 579 iv 38ff.
224 ana IGI d Gu-la 'before Gula/ BAM 575 iii 54; cf., in a healing ritual,
"you sweep the roof ina IGI d Gu-la 'before Gula/" KAR 73:6.
53
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
FIGURE 7. Seal representing Gula with her dog. Courtesy of the British
Museum, BM 89846, published by Dominique Collon, "Neo-assyrian Gula
in the British Museum," in Beschreiben und Deuten in der Archaologie des
Alten Orients (Altertumskunde des Vorderen Orients, 4), Miinster: Ugarit-
Verlag, 1994, pp. 43ff .
FIGURE 8. Gula and her dog represented on a boundary stone. Courtesy
of the Louvre, no. SB 22, published by V. Scheil, Memoires de la Delegation
en Perse, vol. 2 (Paris: Leroux, 1900), pi. 24.
54
MEDICINE
A further proof for the identity of the Goat star and the god-
dess of healing is the recipe: "You take equal amounts of var-
ious herbs, chop them, sprinkle them with pure juniper juice,
and place the mixture before Gula" while a duplicate to this text
says "place it before the Goat star." 225 Even the veterinarian
exposed the tonic he prepared for horses to the Goat star: "take
one-third liter each from the 23 plants enumerated above, . . .
leave them overnight exposed to the Goat star, in the morning
boil them, . . . this is a tonic for horses." 226
The same sources from Anatolia that provided the earliest ref-
erences to the practice of nocturnal exposition are also those
that give the reasons for it. They are, however, written in the
Hittite language, and thus were less accessible to Assyriolo-
gists. One text, from about the thirteenth century, directs the
exorcist: "Take it (the substance to be used) up to the roof, and
recite as follows: 'From on high in the sky may the thousand
stars incant it, and may the Moon god incant it.' And it remains
under the stars." 227
The Hittite verb used for the celestial irradiation, hukkisk-,
can be more easily translated into German, with the verb
'besprechen/ as the editor of the text, Kronasser, had done. For
lack of a similarly appropriate term in English, I have applied
the verb 'to incant/ reminiscent of "incantation" to express
influence through irradiation. The Hittite text emphasizes the
power the stars exercise and the way in which this power is
manifested, while the Akkadian texts highlight the practi-
tioner's act of the exposition. The result expected in both cul-
tures, however, is not in doubt: the stars will make the potion
or salve potent and efficacious.
It was not always Vega, the Goat, that was invoked to irra-
diate the medication, possibly because its position in the sky
was not favorable or the day not propitious for praying to the
225 malmalis tusamsa UR.BI takassim me burasi elluti tasallah ina pan
d Gula (variant: MUL.UZ) tukan, BAM 168:35f., dupl. STT 97 ii 6ff.
226 BAM 159 v 41-46. Herbs are exposed to the Goat star also in BAM
90:7', 561:5', 579 iv 5f., iv 19, and (in broken context) BAM 38 rev. 11.
227 KUB 7 no. 1 ii 20-24 (§6), see Kronasser, Die Sprache 7 (1961) 149 (tran-
scription) and 151 (translation). Cf. §7 (ii 27ff.) "In der Nacht haben es die
tausend Sterne und der Mondgott besprochen . . ." See also Ernst Tenner,
ZA 38 (1929) 187f . ad lines 21ff.
55
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
goddess Gula. Corresponding in prominence to Vega in Lyra,
the brightest summer star, the brightest winter constellation is
Orion, known as the True Shepherd of Anu according to its
Sumerian name, Sipazianna. 228 While Orion too was wor-
shipped as a deity in Mesopotamia, 229 few medical texts invoke
it. A fragmentary text 230 that preserves a ritual, including liba-
tions, before the constellation probably belongs in the medical
corpus, judging by the few preserved ends of lines: "you salve
him," 231 the name of the herb 'it-cures-twenty/ 232 and the in-
junction "without eating" (line 8). 233 An equally fragmentary
text invokes Orion against vertigo. 234
More rarely, medical texts contain appeals to the Yoke star,
a constellation roughly equivalent to Bootes (see Chapter I), the
Scorpion, and Centaurus. But the constellation most frequently
beseeched to irradiate the substance exposed to it is Ursa
Maior, our Big Dipper, which occurs frequently in the Greek
magical papyri too under its more common Greek name, Bear
(apKioc; 'she-bear'). The Babylonians called it Wagon, 235 after
the shape of the seven most conspicuous stars, a name that is
also used by various Eurasian peoples: in English (Charles')
233 i
2
228 The constellation's Akkadian name, Sitaddalu or Sidallu, is a word of
unknown meaning and etymology.
229 For Sipazianna's role in Babylonian ritual see Chapter VIII. He was
invoked in the Hellenistic magical papyri as Saint Orion (PGM I 29-36).
230 BAM 502.
231 SES-su line 5.
232 U.IGI.20 = imhur-esra line 6.
.] Sipa-zi-an-na UR SAR
.] x GAR-an KAS SAG
BAL-qi
3 [. . .] TI ? BI.ZA.ZA SIG7.SIG7
4 [. . .] x KU es-ret (or: GIS.SID)
5 [. . .] SES-su
6 [. . . U].IGI.20
7 [. . .]-x-hat (possibly: [mesunu
tas]ahhat)
8 [. . . balu] pa-tan
9 [. . . ] Tel
234 EN MUL.SIPA.ZI.AN.NA [. . .] mukkisu GIG [. . .] En-la-ta ina same
nap-[ha-ta . . .] sidanu [. . .] mahraka AN [. . .], LKA 25 ii 20-24 (end of ob-
verse 7 ); the duplicates to this text (see p. 136) omit the prayer to Orion.
235 Sumerian MAR.GlD.DA = Akkadian Eriqqu.
[before] Orion you sweep the roof
you set out [. . .], you libate hrst
quality beer
... a green frog
you salve him
"it-cures-twenty"-herb
'you squeeze their juices'
[without] eating
56
MEDICINE
Wain, in Latin plaustrum, carrus, in French chariot (le chariot du
roi David), in Italian Carro, in German Wagen, in South Slavic
(Velika 'Big') Kola, in Hungarian Szeker (Goncolszeker), etc. Both
Bear and Wagon are attested in Homer: "the Great Bear that
mankind also calls the Wagon; she wheels on her axis always
fixed, watching Orion, and she alone is denied a plunge in the
Ocean's baths/' 236 Only in Babylonia, however, do we have a
more detailed description of this constellation as well as the
enumeration of its parts: the yoke, the pole, and the side-pieces,
which in these prayers are equated with divine beings. 237
Since Ursa Maior is a circumpolar constellation, and thus
never sets -"she alone is denied a plunge in the Ocean's baths"-
or, as the Babylonians put it, "it stands there all year," 238 it
could be invoked at any season of the year, so that practical con-
siderations could have played a role in its choice. We should also
note that the Akkadian word for Wagon, eriqqu, is of feminine
gender. Thereby the Wagon constellation may be identified with
the goddess Istar, and with her heavenly manifestation, the
planet Venus. The identification is attested not only in the
ancient star lists and commentaries according to which "The
236 "ApKiov 0', fiv Kai "Ajxa^av 87iiK^r|aiv Ka^eooaiv,
fi x' aircoO Gip&peiai kou t' 'Qpicova 8oKei3ei,
oi'r| 6' awiopoc; eon Xoeipoov 'QKeavoio.
II. XVIII 487-89 and Od. V 273-75, translation from Homer, The Iliad. Trans-
lated by Robert Fagles (New York: Viking Penguin, 1990). The passage is
cited, among others, by Festugiere, La Revelation d'Hermes Trismegiste 2 (1950)
vol. 1 pp. 182f. and Eric P. Hamp, "The Principal Indo-European Constella-
tions," Proceedings of the Eleventh International Congress of Linguists, Luigi Heil-
mann, ed. (Bologna: il Mulino, 1974) 1239. Most recently, the fact that the
Greek name atnaxa, 'chariot/ was borrowed from Babylonia has been pointed
out by Duchesne-Guillemin, CRAI 1986 p. 237.
237 STT 73:61-64 and 71-75, see JNES 19 (1960) 33; a duplicate to this text,
UET 7 118:8-10 and 17-20, writes the name of the constellation as
MUL.MAR.GID.DA.AN.NA, which elsewhere designates Ursa Minor, see the
references collected by Wayne Horowitz, "The Akkadian Name for Ursa
Minor," ZA 79 (1989) 242. Another prayer to Ursa Maior, addressing her as
MUL.MAR.GID.DA.AN.NA GIS.MARGID.DA samami, is published in Egbert
von Weiher, SpTU, vol. 4 no. 129 v 21ff., and an unpublished text, BM 33841
+ 48068, signaled by W. G. Lambert to von Weiher, is mentioned on p. 39
ad loc.
238 BPO 2 Text III 28c: kal satti izzaz.
57
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
Wagon is Venus in the East" 239 but is also evident from the
inclusion of omens from the Wagon among celestial omens
derived from phenomena of Venus observed. 240 In her mani-
festation as the year-round visible, circumpolar constellation
Ursa Maior, the Big Dipper, Istar can exert her influence even
when her planet, Venus, is invisible. 241
Other stars remain nameless. The chapter "if a man's head
is feverish" of the medical compendium includes recipes to
stop loss or thinning of hair, and the treatment is accompanied
by the recitation of charms. The last of a series of six such
charms (labeled "incantation") is addressed to an unnamed
star, identified only as the "first" star, and is accompanied by
offerings consisting not only of the usual foodstuffs (dates,
flour, a sweet confection, ghee, herbs and spices, etc.) but also
of a lamb. The address to the star is as follows:
You, star, who illuminates [. . .] the midst of heaven, who surveys
(all four) regions,
I, so-and-so, son of so-and-so, 242 prostrate myself before you this
night, decide my case, give me a verdict,
let these herbs wipe away the evil that affects me. 243
Just as a magic circle around the herb itself before it was dug
up was indicated, a magic circle around the medicinal prepara-
tion was supposed to enhance the effect expected from the noc-
turnal exposition. Thus, a recipe directs: "you place (the three
herbs steeped in beer) before the Goat star (variant: the stars
of the night), you draw a circle around it, 244 in the morning
[. . .] you strain it, he drinks it without eating." 245
239 [MUL.MA]R.GlD.DA MUL Dil-bat ina d [UTU.E].A, LBAT 1564:13, see
Weidner, Handbuch 118, and the unpublished tablet BM 37391.
240 See BPO 3; note also that a scholion gives Venus as explanation to the
Goat star: MUL.UZ d Dil-bat (Hermann Hunger, Astrological Reports to
Assyrian Kings, SAA 8 [1992] no. 175 r. 7).
241 For rituals performed before Ursa Maior see Chapter V.
242 Here the name and patronymic of the patient are to be supplied.
243 atta kakkabu munammir x x x x qereb same haft kibrati
anaku annanna mar annanna ina musi anne maharka kamsaku dinl din
purussa'a purus
sammu annutu lipsisu lumnl,
BAM 480 iii 52-54.
244 Literally "surround it with a 'drawing/ "
245 ana pan MUL.UZ tasakkan usurta talammi ina serti [x x] nu tasahhal
58
MEDICINE
A medication prepared with herbs gathered in the proper
fashion, and exposed to irradiation by the stars often is also
administered at an astrologically propitious moment. Favor-
able days for commencing some activity or enterprise are listed
in the hemerologies, but administering medicine is not singled
out, apart from the injunction "the physician must not treat a
patient" 246 which is mentioned among forbidden activities on
certain unpropitious days. The choice of particular times of the
month or year and the role of constellations and planets is sig-
nificant not only in medicine but also in various domains of
magic; it will be given an appropriate place in Chapter V.
Stars can be efficacious in healing illness since they may have
been its cause. Poetic texts speak of illness "drizzling down
from the udders of heaven" 247 or "raining down from the
stars"; charms for protection against some illness may state that
it "has come down from the stars in the sky"; 248 dew coming
from stars may be evil as well as beneficial, as the phrases "evil
dew of the stars" and the "pure dew of the stars" 249 show.
More specific is the attribution to the planets Jupiter and Mars
of spleen and kidney ailments. We have here the first occur-
rence of melothesia 250 and the only known Babylonian ex-
balu patan isatti, BAM 578 i 38-41, variant from BAM 159 i 34; parallel also
BAM 60:7-11. For 'without eating' see note 197.
246 asu ana marsi qassu la ubbal, KAR 176 r. ii 26, and passim.
247 JCS 9 (1955) 8ff . (the cuneiform text is now published as YOS 11 no.
8), see Oppenheim, "Man and Nature in Mesopotamian Civilization," DSB
15 p. 640, while other texts speak of illness sprung up from the bowels of
the earth (Ludlul II 52), see E. Reiner, Your Thwarts in Pieces, Your Mooring
Rope Cut. Poetry from Babylonia and Assyria, Michigan Studies in the Human-
ities, 5 (Ann Arbor, 1985) 115.
248 The maskadu-disease istu MUL.MES samami urda, urdamma istu MUL.MES
samami 'descended from the stars of the sky, it indeed descended from the
stars of the sky,' BAM 390:5-7. For the disease maskadu — its "true" name, see
E. Reiner, "Nocturnal Talk," in Lingering over Words: Studies in Ancient Near
Eastern Literature in Honor of William L. Moran, Tzvi Abusch et al., eds., Har-
vard Semitic Studies, 37 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990) 424 n. 18, while its
"common" name is suu — see CAD s. vv.
249 nalsu lemnu sa kakkabi and nalsu ellu sa kakkabi, Hermann Hunger, SpTU,
vol. 1 no. 48 and dupl., cited Walter Farber, Schlaf, Kindchen, Schlaf! Mesopota-
mische Baby-Beschworungen und -Rituale (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1989) 63.
250 A. Bouche-Leclercq, LAstrologie grecque (Paris, 1899, reprinted Aalen:
Scientia, 1979) 320ff .
59
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
% % r
FIGURE 9. Clay models of sheep livers inscribed with liver omens. Cour-
tesy of the Louvre, nos. AO 19829 and AO 19834.
ample. The commentary to a medical text in which it occurs
does not make this connection clear. It cites the entry from a
medical text and then comments upon it. The first entry is "If
a man's spleen hurts him"; this is followed by the phrase that
normally introduces scholia: "as they say" (or "as it-scil. the
commentary- says"), and finally the scholion or explanation
itself: "in the spleen = Jupiter"; a lexical equation, SA.GIG =
tu-li-mu 'spleen/ ends the quote. The next entry is similarly
structured: "If a man's kidney hurts him, (the disease comes
from the god) Nergal, as they say: 'The Kidney-star is Mars.'" 251
In this last scholion the tertium comparationis, namely "Nergal is
Mars," has been omitted. It is well known, from Ptolemy and
others, that Mars "governs" the kidneys; Jupiter "governs" the
liver and the stomach. 252
251 summa amilu tulimsu lkulsu . . . sa iqbu ina SA SA.GIG : d SAG.ME.
GAR : SA.GIG = tu-li-mu, . . . summa amilu kallssu lkulsu d Nergal sa iqbu
MUL.BIR = d Salbatanu (Civil, JNES 33 [1974] 336f., Text 3); see E. Reiner,
NABU 1993/26. The unfortunately fragmentary commentary to a medical text
comments on the ingredient "blood from a bull's kidney," with the equation
MUL.BIR // ka-li-ti 'Kidney-star : kidney/ Hermann Hunger, SpTU, vol. 1 no.
54:11'.
252 CCAG 7 p. 216.5. CCAG 6 p. 83:9-13 (De septem stellarum herbis) attrib-
utes to Mars the shoulders (metaphrena) and kidneys, to Jupiter a>n,oi kou
Gcopa^, cf . Demophilus ap. Porphyry, p. 198. Tycho-Brahe, in a lecture from
1574 (De disciplinis mathematicis oper. omn. f J. L. E. Dreyer, ed., vol. 1 [1913]
157) adduced by Boll-Bezold-Gundel p. 55, assigns the heart -the source of
heat— to the Sun, the brain to the Moon, the spleen to Saturn, the liver to
Jupiter, the gallbladder to Mars, the kidneys to Venus, the lungs to Mercury.
For planetary melothesia see Alessandro Olivieri, Melotesia planetaria Greca
(Napoli: Accademia di Archeologia Lettere e B. Arti, 1934).
60
CHAPTER IV
Divination 253
They gaze at the stars (and) slaughter lambs
(Neo-Assyrian letter)
Mesopotamian man sought to learn what the future holds
from every conceivable event and manifestation of the world
around him. Gods gave signs through such happenings, and
these signs, the gods 7 warnings, could be read, and the future
that they predicted could be averted through penitence, prayer,
and appropriate apotropaic rituals, just as even the stern God
of the Old Testament could be swayed by the Ninivites' repen-
tance, as the Book of Jonah teaches.
Some signs came unprovoked, through fortuitous happen-
ings in house and fold and in the sky; others were specifically
requested as answers to questions put to the gods through a
variety of media. 254
The fortuitous occurrence and a subsequent good fortune or
misfortune were linked in the mind of Mesopotamian man, as
they were in many early cultures and still are in primitive soci-
eties, not so much as cause and effect, but as signals or fore-
warnings and events. Such linked pairs, consisting of a protasis
(if -clause) and an apodosis (forecast), a pair called by the tech-
nical term "omen/ 7 were collected in lists, and these lists even-
253 p or literature see A. L. Oppenheim, "The Arts of the Diviner/' in
Ancient Mesopotamia (note 179 above) 206-27; idem, "Man and Nature in
Mesopotamian Civilization/' DSB 15 pp. 634-66; Jean Bottero, "Symptomes,
Signes, Ecritures," in Divination et Rationalite, J.-P. Vernant, ed., 70-197. A con-
cise summary of ancient divination is given in Georg Luck, Arcana Mundi
(Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985) 229-31 and
251-57.
254 In the Classical world these two types of omens are called omina obla-
tiva '(freely) brought about omens' and omina impetrativa 'asked for omens/
see Bouche-Leclercq, Histoire de la divination dans Yantiquite (Paris: Leroux,
1879-82), vol. 4 p. 184.
61
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
tually developed into the large compendia that we call omen
series. Usually, topically connected lists in the cuneiform
writing system are acrographic as well, that is, each item— each
line— begins with the same cuneiform sign or group of signs,
a feature that articulates the ancient syllabaries and vocabu-
laries, as we saw earlier. Lists can therefore often be expanded
indefinitely through the addition of items that repeat the prot-
asis with further specifications; 255 the forecasts connected
with these additional omens are accordingly modified. For
example, a phenomenon occurring on the right side of the liver
was paired with the same one occurring on the left, with the
opposite forecast. If one color occurred in the omen, similar
omens with other colors— five in all: white, black, red, green,
and variegated, always in this sequence— could be added. Num-
bers were increased from one or two to three and more, even
if the increase resulted in an absurdity, as for example in the
enumeration of multiple births up to eight or nine. 256 "[T]he
original practical purpose of such collections of omens was
soon expanded, and even superseded, by theoretical aspira-
tions. Instead of expressing general principles of interpretation
in abstract terms, the scribes strove to cover the range of pos-
sibilities by means of systematic permutations in pairs (left-
right, above-below, and so on) or in long rows." 257 The Baby-
lonian omen series kept growing in this way.
Omens could be provoked by observing the shapes taken by
oil poured on water, a procedure called lecanomancy (from
Greek lekane 'basin 7 ), and by observing the configurations of
the smoke rising from an incense-burner, libanomancy (from
Greek libanos 'frankincense 7 ). These techniques were in vogue
in the Old Babylonian period, in the first half of the second mil-
lennium B.C., but die out with it. 258 But the most ancient and
the most tenacious in surviving of all the Babylonian divinatory
255 Oppenheim, DSB 15 p. 642 with note 98.
256 Erie Leichty, The Babylonian Omen Series summa izbu, Texts from
Cuneiform Sources, 3 (Gliickstadt: Augustin, 1969) Tablet I 131.
257 Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia (note 179 above) 211.
258 A few later excerpts of lecanomancy and libanomancy are extant but
their existence as a written tradition need not indicate that the techniques
were still in use, even though Nougayrol, Or. NS 32 (1963) 381 n. 1, argues
in favor of their survival.
62
DIVINATION
techniques is divination from the entrails (exta) of the lamb,
extispicy, a term more general, since it includes divination from
the gall bladder, the spleen, and the lungs, than the more com-
monly known term, hepatoscopy, 'inspection of the liver/ As
is well known, hepatoscopy was practiced in Italy by the Etrus-
cans, so that the Romans called this divination the "Etruscan
discipline"; just as the hepatoscopy of the Etruscans ultimately
goes back to Mesopotamian origins 259 so another technique
practiced by the Etruscans, divination from thunder, bron-
toscopy, also had its antecedents, no doubt, in Babylonia where
the meteorological omens formed part of the larger collection
of celestial omens. 260 Hepatoscopy remained the main means
of consulting the will of the gods, even as divination from celes-
tial bodies was gaining in importance; as late as in the reign of
King Nabonidus the portents of celestial omens had to be
tested, as we shall see, by submitting queries about them to
the haruspex.
The diviner par excellence was the haruspex, whose name,
barii, literally means 'observer, seer/ The term was also applied
to those diviners who observed the configurations of the oil or
smoke, while the scholars who made astronomical observations
and recorded the forecasts derived from celestial phenomena
were called tupsar Enuma Anu Enlil, a term meaning "scribe of
(the celestial omen series entitled) 'When Anu, Enlil . . ./" and
best translated, albeit freely, "expert in celestial matters." An
abundant correspondence from the Neo-Assyrian empire at-
tests the importance at the royal court of the diviners and
the astronomers who apprised the king of the portents, and the
exorcists who were expert in averting ill-boding forecasts by
their rituals. 261 The astronomers regularly conveyed to the
king such routine reports as the monthly sighting of the new
259 Jean Nougayrol, "Les rapports des haruspicines etrusque et assyro-
babylonienne, et le foie d'argile de Falerii Veteres (Villa Giulia 3786)/' CRAI
1955, pp. 509-19.
260 Bouche-Leclercq, Histoire de la divination dans Vantiquite (Paris: Leroux
1879-82) vol. 4 pp. 32£f.
261 This correspondence was recently reedited and commented by Simo
Parpola, LAS, and revised in his Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars,
SAA 10 (1993). See also Oppenheim, "Divination and Celestial Observation
in the last Assyrian Empire/' Centaurus 14 (1969) 97-135.
63
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
moon and the date of the opposition of sun and moon as well
as special reports on various predictable and predicted celestial
and meteorological phenomena, such as conjunctions, occupa-
tions, and rain and thunder. 262 More than a thousand years
earlier, in Mari, the correspondents reported on such extraor-
dinary events as torrential rains and thunder. 263
Of the diviner we know from as early as the Old Babylonian
period that he accompanied the king on his campaigns; 264
most diviners were attached to the court, though at least some
villages had a resident bUru, as is shown by the complaint of an
Old Babylonian correspondent that there are not enough lambs
in the village even to provide the baru. 265 Nevertheless, some
diviners had to live by their wits. This is shown by the apotro-
paic ritual aiming at "achieving renown for the diviner." 266
Such renown, based on correct predictions, would attract the
customers that the haruspex needed for his livelihood since he
belonged to the professionals -the diviner and the physician -
who made their living from private clients, as did also the inn-
keeper and baker with whom the diviner and the physician are
joined in another ritual to ensure brisk business. 267
262 These are edited by Hermann Hunger, Astrological Reports to Assyrian
Kings, SAA 8 (1992).
263 ARMT 23 90 and 102, also ARMT 13 133, ARM 14 7, cited Joannes,
ARMT 23 p. 100 sub a.
264 For example, "The diviner, Ilusu-nasir, servant of my lord, will lead
the troops of my lord, and a Babylonian diviner will go with the Babylonian
troops," ARM 2 22:24f ., cited CAD B p. 124. For the role of the diviner in Mari,
see J.-M. Durand, Archives epistolaires de Mari 1/1 (= ARM 26, Paris: Edi-
tions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1988) 3-80.
265 "There are few ewes in the village, they are hardly sufficient to (pro-
vide) lambs for the diviner" TCL 18 125, cited CAD B p. 121.
266 tanatti baruti amaru u suma taba lequ 'to hnd praise for the diviner
and to obtain fame (literally: a good name)/ BBR no. 11 r. iii 15 and no. 19 r. 15.
267 Ritual to be performed "in order that brisk trade not bypass the house
of a tavern keeper, or of a diviner, or of a physician, or of an exorcist, or of a
baker" ZA 32 (1918/19) 164-84. See Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia (note
179 above) 303. For considering the primary reason for this ritual the purifica-
tion of the tavern in order to return business to it see Stefan Maul, "Der Knei-
penbesuch als Heilverfahren," in La circulation des biens, des personnes et des
idees dans le Proche-Orient ancien, Actes de la XXXVIIP Rencontre Assyrio-
logique Internationale (Paris, 8-10 juillet 1991), D. Charpin & F. Joannes,
eds. (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1992) 389-96, esp. p.
64
DIVINATION
The standing of the haruspex at the Neo-Assyrian court and
the respect accorded to his craft is evident from a "letter of rec-
ommendation" addressed to the king. 268 The writer of the
letter recommends various scholars to the king as well-trained,
and justifies his opinion by characterizing even the expert in the
celestial omen series with the words baruti ile'i 'he is expert in
barutu', although it is possible that the word barutu is here used as
a general term for 'divination' and not solely for 'hepatoscopy' 269
Before proceeding to the examination of the ominous parts
of the lamb sacrificed for this purpose, the diviner appealed to
his patron deities. These were, in the first millennium at least,
the sun god, Samas, and the storm god, Adad; the haruspex
invoked them at the beginning of his query as "O Samas, lord
of judgment, O Adad, lord of divination." 270 In the earlier, Old
Babylonian, period prayers of the diviner for a successful extis-
picy are similarly addressed to both deities 271 but also to Samas
alone. The appeal to Samas is easily understood since the Sun,
Samas, sees everything from above -the verb used is baru 'to
see.' 272 More difficult to explain is the statement in these
prayers that he also "inscribes the omens in the entrails of the
395. Note that the Latin Picatrix speaks of Ymago ad faciendum ut phisicus
lucretur. . . . et videbis [laminam ymaginem habentem] mirabiliter trahere
homines ad ilium locum. Picatrix I v 30 (Pingree p. 21f.).
268 CT 54 57, edited by Hermann Hunger, "Empfehlungen an den
Konig," AOS 67 (1987) 157-66; new edition in Simo Parpola, Letters from
Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars, SAA 10 no. 160.
269 On the relationship of the various experts at the Assyrian court see
Simo Parpola, "Mesopotamian Astrology and Astronomy as Domains of the
Mesopotamian 'Wisdom/" in Die Rolle der Astronomie in den Kulturen Meso-
potamiens, Hannes D. Gaiter, ed., Grazer Morgenlandische Studien, 3 (Graz,
1993). w
270 Samas bel dlni Adad bel blri, see Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen zur
Formensprache der babylonischen "Gebetsbeschworungen'/ Studia Pohl: Series
Maior, 5 (Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1976) 423 sub [2.]
271 For example, YOS 11 22, edited ** Goetze, JCS 22 (1968) 25-29, also
AO 7032, see Nougayrol, RA 38 (1941) 87 (copy only); and see for these
prayers Ivan Starr, The Rituals of the Diviner (Malibu: Undena, 1983) 44ff.
272 The epithet 'Divine Seer of the land/ Akkadian d baru sa mati (written
d HAL sa KUR), cited Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen (n. 270 above) 411 sub
10 after the edition by Caplice, Or. NS 36 (1967) 9ff., is based on the single
source LKA 127:9, and its reading and interpretation are uncertain.
65
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
lamb/ 7 an often quoted phrase whose exact significance still
eludes us, and which may have its origin in a mythological tale
that has been lost. 273
The role of Adad, the storm god, as patron of the haruspex
is not as clear as that of the sun god, Samas, even though both
are invoked in the standard first-millennium prayer of the ha-
ruspex. There is, however, another tradition according to which
it is not these two who stand by the haruspex to ensure correct
and reliable omens. Rather, it is to the stars and constellations
who alone are present during his lonely vigil before he exam-
ines the liver at dawn that the diviner addresses his prayer for
a successful extispicy This is the Prayer to the Gods of the
Night we saw.
No other text is as explicit as this prayer about soliciting the
influence of the stars to secure a favorable outcome of the div-
ination. Rare in Mesopotamia is also the lyricism of this poetic
text, with its setting of the still night. All are asleep, even the
great gods; alone are present the diviner preparing himself for
the act of sacrifice and divination, and the gods of the night,
the stars.
Two slightly divergent versions of this prayer have been pre-
served from the Old Babylonian period, that is, the eighteenth
or seventeenth century B.C.; in one of them ten constellations
are invoked by name: "Fire god (possibly Sirius), Erra (the god
of plague, possibly referring to Mars), Bow, Yoke, Orion,
Dragon, Wagon, Goat, Bison, Hydra"; 274 in the other version,
omitting the Yoke and Hydra but adding the Pleiades, nine
only. 275 Most of them are zodiacal constellations; as in other
ancient catarchic magic, few non-zodiacal constellations, such
as Ursa Maior and Minor, Sirius, Orion, the Pleiades, and Pega-
sus, are mentioned. 276
273 The reference to C. J. Gadd, Ideas of Divine Rule in the Ancient East
(note 28 above) 57 n. 4, adduced by Nougayrol, CRAI 1955 p. 510 n. 5 in this
context does not clarify this image.
274 Girra (wr. d GIBIL) Erra Qastum Nirum Sitaddarum Mushussum
Eriqqum Enzum Kusarikkum Basmum. Dossin, RA 32 (1935) 180 (= ZA 43
[1936] 305).
275 Ibid. 180 AO 6769. For these two texts see also C. B. F. Walker, "The
Myth of Girra and Elamatum, ,, Anatolian Studies 33 (1983) 146f .
276 "Die ausserzodiakalen Gestirne und Einzelsterne kommen als Heil-
gotter seltener in Frage, ebenso ist in der Astromagie und in der zukunfts-
66
DIVINATION
The prayer, along with its description of the night, reappears
about one thousand years later, in the library of Assurbanipal
in Nineveh. In the late version the constellations addressed are
much the same as those of the Old Babylonian period:
Enter, gods of the night, great stars,
Yoke, Orion, Sulpae, [break],
Wagon, Ferry, Centaurus, Field,
Enter, gods of the night, goddesses of the night,
Stars of the south and the north, of the east and the west,
Enter, Ninsianna, Great Lady, and the innumerable neighboring
stars.
Perhaps even as late as the seventh century B.C. the prayer
served a practical purpose, and the diviner recited it before he
examined the entrails of the lamb. 277 Still, we should not dis-
card the possibility that the text survived not only due to its
practical usefulness but in some measure also to its poetic
merit, as Oppenheim has suggested. To its lyricism our own
sensibility responds, even though in the later and more elab-
orate prayer the nocturnal setting has become a topos and lost
the direct personal, emotional tone, a feature that seems to
have been censored by first-millennium taste.
The prayer exists also in a version midway in date between
the two, from c. 1200 B.C., found in the capital of the Hittite
empire (today Boghazkoy). It is embedded in a Hittite ritual,
but written in the Akkadian language albeit in an orthography
that shows it was written by a Hittite scribe. It has been known
deutenden Sternreligion ihre Bedeutung wesentlich geringer als die der
Planeten- und Tierkreisbilder. Aber trotzdem kann man auch ihre Bilder
und Krafte sich auf verschiedener Weise nutzbar machen; ihre Energien und
ihre Schicksalseinfliisse werden durch mehr oder weniger ausfuhrliche
Abhandlungen immer wieder auf den verschiedensten Gebieten dargelegt.
Miinzen, Gemmen, Ringsteine u. a. m. beweisen, dass auch der Grosse und
Kleine Bar, Sirius, Orion, die Pleiaden, Pegasus und andere Gestirngotter in
Altertum, Mittelalter und Neuzeit in prophylaktischer oder therapeutischer
Absicht benutzt worden sind." W. Gundel, "Religionsgeschichtliche Lese-
fruchte aus lateinischen Astrologenhandschriften," Melanges Franz Cumont,
Annuaire de l'lnstitut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves, vol. 4
(Brussels, 1936), vol. 1 p. 246.
277 For an edition of the ftrst-millennium text and the literary apprecia-
tion of the images see Oppenheim, "A New Prayer to the 'Gods of the
Night/" Analecta Biblica 12 (1959) 282ff.
67
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
since its publication by A. Jeremias in 1909. 278 It ends with the
prayer to the gods of the night, and includes an enumeration
of seventeen stars and constellations. 279
The prayer to the "gods of the night" is addressed to the noc-
turnal stars and constellations, after the sun, the moon, and
the evening star Venus have set: "The gods and goddesses of
the country- Samas, Sin, Adad and Istar-have gone home to
heaven to sleep, they will not give decisions or verdicts
(tonight)." 280
The setting of another Old Babylonian prayer of the harus-
pex 281 is also night. It appeals to the planet Venus alone, as the
stellar deity Ninsianna, addressing it as a male deity, that is,
in the planet's male manifestation; 282 the diviner invokes the
celestial power to ask that his examination find favorable signs:
O my lord Ninsianna,
accept this offering,
be present in my offering, and place in it a portent of well-being
and life
for your servant Ur-Utu. 283
278 A. Jeremias, Das Alter der babylonischen Astronomie, KAO 3 (Leipzig,
1909) 33, see Weidner, KAO 4 (Leipzig, 1914) 17f. and Handbuch 60, with
Addendum p. 144. The ritual in its entirety has been recently reedited by
K. van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia. A Comparative
Study (Assen/Maastricht: Van Gorcum & Comp., 1985), 125ff. For notes and
corrections see the review by Wolfram von Soden, AfO 34 (1987) 71. Van der
Toorn's text is a kind of lamentation (sigil), only the last ten lines (rev. 39-48),
not translated anew by him, represent the "gods of the night" prayer, for
which see the bibliography in Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen (note 270
above) 428 no. 2a.
279 For this star list see BPO 2 p. 2.
280 Oppenheim, Analecta Biblica 12 (1959) 296.
281 Leon de Meyer, "Deux prieres ikribu du temps d'Ammisaduqa," in
ZIKIR SUMIM: Assyriological Studies Presented to F. R. Kraus (Leiden: Brill,
1982) 271-78.
282 See p. 6 and note 14.
283 DINGIR be-lf d Nin-si 4 -an-na
SIZKUR anniam mu-hu-[ur]
ina SIZKUR-ia izizma
UZU te-er-ti sulmi balati
ana Ur- d Utu IR-ka suknamma.
ZIKIR SUMIM, p. 274 lines 1-5. I have rendered the word written with the
Sumerogram SIZKUR as 'offering' and tertu as 'portent' rather than as
68
DIVINATION
It is also to the "gods of the night" that the haruspex turns
if the examination of the entrails discloses missing or otherwise
ill-portending parts: 284
You great gods of the night,
whom Anu and Enlil have created,
you efface the evil signs that have arisen [for me],
' you remove from the man's house the ill-portending features that
occurred in [my] extispicy,
remove from me the evil sign that occurred in [my] house,
let that evil bypass me,
and I will sing your praises as long as I live. 285
The reverse of the tablet records another prayer of the diviner,
similar to the just quoted one, but shorter: "I call to you, O great
'prayer' and 'oracle' as de Meyer had done. Instead of 'portent/ one could use
simply 'entrails/
284 These are described as siru (UZUME) hatuti, rev.(!) 28. Missing parts of
the exta are of ill portent and two paragraphs concerning them ("if in month
x the gall bladder is missing"; "if in month x the 'finger' is missing") are in-
cluded in one recension of the series iqqur Tpus, see Rene Labat, Un Calendrier
babylonien des travaux, des saisons, et des mois (Paris: Champion, 1965) 138f.
n. 4, and on the unpublished tablets BM 65137 and 65570. (The tablet frag-
ment K.11142 cited U. Jeyes, JEOL 32 [1991-92] 32 n. 45, preserves only the
protasis about the missing "finger" in each of the twelve months; it may
belong either to iqqur Tpus or to a tablet of liver omens.) A ritual to avert the
portended evil has to be performed; see, for an apotropaion against missing
parts (ha-liq-ti UZU), Caplice, Or. NS 42 (1973) 515:8; for the phrase, though
with another interpretation ("loss of flesh," following S. Eypper, Or. NS 44
[1975] 193), see Parpola, LAS 2 p. 156 on ABL 361:12 (= LAS no. 167 = SAA
10 no. 212); and for amulets against absence of an ominous part in the exami-
nation of the exta see BAM 367:21, all cited CAD S/3 p. 121 s.v sTru A mng. 4a.
285 attunu ilu rabutu sa musl[ti]
sa Anu u Enlil ibnukunu[ti]
tapassasa ittati lemneti sa ittanab[sanimma]
ina bit ameli tunakkar(a) slra lemna sa issaknu ina ter[tiya]
nukkirani ittu lemuttu sa basu ina bit [. . .]
lumna suatu sutiqanni[ma]
[adi ana]ku baltaku dallllkunu [ludlul]
STT 231 obv.(!) 31-37, see Reiner, JNES 26 (1967) 186f.; also Nougayrol, RA
61 (1967) 95 sub 1.
The text also prescribes prayers with rituals to Marduk (obverse 7ff.) and
Samas (reverse 12ff.). I would like to take this opportunity to correct some
of the crassest errors in my transliteration: in line 4 read BI.RI = tulimu
'spleen'; in line 16, with Benno Landsberger, . . . tasakkansu mesir abari
(A.BAR ! ) (ina qablisu tarakkassu).
69
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
gods, stand by me in (this) night, undo the evil of the absence
of the ominous part that has occurred for me. I am afraid,
worried, exceedingly worried. Let that evil not come close to
me, not approach me, not attain me!" 286
The outcome of the inspection of the exta is conveyed in a
letter to the person who requested the extispicy, or is recorded
in brief, indeed laconic form on small tablets. A number of such
reports, which often begin by stating the query posed to the
god, have survived from the Old Babylonian period. 287
Around the middle of the second millennium, in Middle Baby-
lonian reports on the inspection of the liver, the star Sirius is
also mentioned in the phrase "let him give instructions that
ditto ( = they pray) to Sirius"; who the parties addressed are,
the haruspex or his client, is not stated in the text. 288 While sev-
eral prayers to Sirius have been preserved, on which more will
be said later, none of them specifically asks the star to secure
good omens in the extispicy.
It is not only the haruspex who sought the stars' benefic
influence as he inspected the entrails of the lamb. At the more
popular level of divination, which I have dubbed "fortune-
telling," 289 and which uses means accessible to clients who
could not afford a lamb so that it could be called "divination
for everybody" ("/a divination pour tous") by Jean Bottero, 290
appeals are made to stars, especially to Ursa Maior, the Wagon
of the Babylonian sky. The popularity of the Big Dipper is also
attested in the Greek magical papyri which include several
prayers to this constellation under its Greek name 'Bear' (Greek
apKxoc;).
286 ilu rabutu alsikunusi ina musi izizzanimma lumun [haliq]ti slri sa
issaknamma pusra [palha]ku adraku u sutaduraku lumnu sasu ay itha ay
iqri[ba ay isniqa 7 ] ay iksudanni; rev.(!) 8-11.
-* Albrecht Goetze, "Reports on Acts of Extispicy from Old Babylonian
and Kassite Times," JCS 11 (1957) 89-105; Jean Nougayrol, "Rapports paleo-
babyloniens d'haruspices," JCS 21 (1967, published 1969) 219-35; Jean-Marie
Durand, "Les devins" AEM 1/1 (= ARMT 26) 3-68.
288 lispurma MUL.KAK.SI.SA KI.MIN (= liseppu), JAOS 38 77ff.:51, see
Reiner, Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on His Seventy-Fifth Birthday,
April 21, 1965, AS 16 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965) 248 n. 5;
the text has been edited anew by F. R. Kraus, JCS 37 (1985) 150.
289 In my article "Fortune-Telling in Mesopotamia," JNES 19 (1960) 23-35.
290 In Divination et Rationalite, J.-R Vernant, ed., p. 123.
70
DIVINATION
Two prayers to Ursa Maior are prescribed in the instructions
for "fortune-telling" to help obtain a reliable portent through
a dream. The first runs:
O Wagon star, Wagon of the pure heavens!
Your yoke is Ninurta, your pole is Marduk,
Your side-pieces are the two heavenly daughters of Anu.
You rise in Assur, you turn toward Babylon.
Without you the dying man does not die and the healthy man
cannot go on his journey
If I am to succeed on this journey I am undertaking, let them give
me something (in my dream),
If I am not to succeed on this journey I am undertaking, let them
accept something from me (in my dream). 291
And the second:
O Wagon star, heavenly Wagon!
Whose yoke is Ninurta, whose pole is Marduk,
Whose side-pieces are the two heavenly daughters of Anu.
She rises toward Assur, she turns toward Babylon.
Let a dream bring me a sign whether so-and-so, son of so-and-so,
will become healthy and well! 292
How the dream would indicate the recovery of the sick
person is left unsaid in the second of the prayers to Ursa Maior.
The first prayer, however, specifies what the dream content
should be to indicate success or failure of the enterprise con-
cerning which the consultation is made. The significance of
giving or being given some object is detailed in the Assyrian
Dream-book, 293 and the stipulation of the prayer implies the
existence of this Dream-book, even though the expected predic-
tion is not affected by the nature of the object given or received,
only by the fact that something is either given or received. This
simplification of an ominous occurrence is in accordance with
291 S7T 73:61 _ 64
2 92 S7T 7 3:71 _75 an d dupl., cited JNES 19 (1960) 33; the then unpub-
lished duplicate YBC 9884 quoted there is now published as YOS 11 75.
Another duplicate is UET 7 118. A list of texts mentioning prayers to Ursa
Maior and of their incipits appears in Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen (note
270 above) 429f.
293 See A. Leo Oppenheim, The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient
Near East, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series,
46/3 (Philadelphia, 1956), with additional material in Iraq 31 (1969) 153-65.
71
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
many later divinatory consultations, which restrict the answer
to 'yes' or 'no/ In the late Assyrian period the haruspex evi-
dently was only interested in learning whether the various fea-
tures observed were favorable or unfavorable; adding them up
he gave a favorable prognosis if the favorable features exceeded
the unfavorable ones, and vice versa. 294
Another method listed in the same text for ascertaining the
favorable or unfavorable outcome of some enterprise, 295 which
is not specified, consists of pouring water over the head of a
recumbent ox and observing its reactions: whether it gets up
or not, lifts its tail or not, and the like. This particular technique
was not included in the cuneiform divinatory corpus, but a sim-
ilar procedure is known from Greece: "At Delphi the goats to
be sacrificed were tested by sprinkling a few drops of water into
their ear or on their coat to see whether the animal will remain
unmoved or react to this instigation." 296 Among the Baby-
lonian divinatory texts was included a group, attested in several
exemplars, in which the movements and behavior of the lamb
led to slaughter before extispicy are observed so as to foretell
what the findings of the exta will be. 297
Answers couched in similar terms, that is, success or failure -
literally: kasad sibuti 'attaining (one's) desire' and la kasad sibuti
'not attaining (one's) desire— are elsewhere based on omens
derived from the "shape" of shooting stars (the shape possibly
denoting the streaks of light or, less likely, the shape of the mete-
orite found on the ground) in the omen series summa alu 'if a
city,' 298 while in the text concerned with "fortune-telling" and
in its partial parallel 299 it is the path of the shooting star -from
right to left— that will determine success. 300
294 See Ivan Starr, Queries to the Sungod, SAA 4, pp. xxxiv-xxxv.
295 kasad sibuti 'attaining (one's) desire/ i.e., success, and la kasad sibuti
'not attaining (one's) desire,' i.e., failure, lines 122-38.
296 "a Delphes, on essayait les chevres a immoler en leur jetant quelques
gouttes d'eau dans l'oreille ou sur le pelage, pour voir si l'animal resterait
morne ou reagirait sous cette excitation." Bouche-Leclercq, Histoire de la Di-
vination (note 254 above), vol. 1 p. 150.
297 For these texts see Meissner, AfO 9 (1933-34) 118ff. and 329f.
298 See Caplice, Or. NS 39 (1970) 115f.
299 LKA 138, see Reiner, "Fortune-Telling in Mesopotamia," JNES 19
(1960) 28f.
300 p or tne om i nous significance attached to shooting stars see also
Chapter V.
72
DIVINATION
Before pouring water on the ox, there is an appeal to the
"gods of the night/' collectively called ilii dajanu 'divine
judges': 301
I invoke you, divine judges, in the pure heavens;
I beseech you unceasingly with prayer and prostration.
Shining torch in the midst of heaven, all the world longs for your
light.
People observe your verdicts, the weak submits to your decrees.
Divine judges whose pronouncement cannot be changed,
In this midnight watch I pour pure spring water on the forehead
of an ox;
Let me see your true judgment and your divine verdict so that I
may make a pronouncement.
Let the ox provide a verdict whether so-and-so, son of so-and-so,
will have success.
Even though the phrase ilil musiti 'gods of the night' does not
appear in the title of the prayer, the ritual instructions that
follow it, which prescribe offerings to the "gods of the night,"
make it clear that the prayer addresses the stars. 302
It is probably also in order to secure reliable oracular answers
that the prayers designated in their subscripts as ikribu were
composed. Most of them are too fragmentary to ascertain their
purpose with assurance. The word ikribu, a noun derived from
the verb karabu 'to pray,' was assumed to designate a special
category of prayer accompanying a nocturnal consultation by
the diviner, since both the Old Babylonian prayer to the gods
of the night and those of the haruspex to the planet Venus under
its name Ninsianna cited earlier 303 have, in their subscripts,
the title ikribu. Other stellar deities are known to have rated
ikribu prayers, as Nougayrol has reminded us. 304 A text that has
301 S7T 73 : iio-H7, see Reiner, JNES 19 (1960) 35; the epithet 'divine
judges' is in lines 110 and 114.
302 I had surmised, wrongly, in my discussion (JNES 19 28) that 'divine
judges' designate Samas and Adad, the patrons of the diviner; this sugges-
tion was followed by Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen (note 270 above) 423.
303 Leon de Meyer, "Deux prieres ikribu du temps d'Ammisaduqa," in
ZIKIR Sumim: Assyriological Studies Presented to F. R. Kraus (Leiden: Brill,
1982) 271-78.
304 Reference to ikribu prayers to stellar deities, such as Istar, Sin, and
Sirius, is made by Nougayrol, Or. NS 32 (1963) 381 n. 1. For the genre ikribu
see also Ivan Starr, The Rituals of the Diviner (Malibu: Undena, 1983) 44ff.
73
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
been known for a long time 305 contains most likely three ikribu
prayers: one to the Moon god Sin, another to Jupiter, and— the
last one — possibly to Venus. The prayer to Jupiter, still incom-
plete, begins: "Jupiter, holy god, foremost of the gods, more
majestic 7 than the stars in the sky" 306
While the diviner depends on the stars for eliciting reliable
predictions, practitioners of other divination techniques depend
on the haruspex to interpret and confirm the ominous signs
obtained through other media, primarily from celestial phe-
nomena. 307 Even the prophecies of ecstatics had to be sub-
mitted to the test of hepatoscopy, a test for which the hair of
the ecstatic's head and the fringe of his cloak were dispatched
to represent the person on whose behalf the divination was
carried out.
The long known and famous case of the diviner Asqudum
in Mari is now better situated with the publication of an entire
archive dealing with this haruspex who had to authenticate by
performing an extispicy not only the prophecies and dreams
of the ecstatics but even the prediction of a lunar eclipse. 308
King Nabonidus' recourse, a thousand years later, to liver
omens in order to interpret a lunar eclipse is equally famous
and often studied.
Less explicit, and thus in greater need of explanatory com-
ments, are the diviner's interpretations of two ominous celes-
tial phenomena under Assyrian kings: of the lunar eclipse in
714 B.C. during Sargon's eighth campaign, and of the "secret
place" reached by Jupiter at Esarhaddon's advent to the throne.
Both episodes are recounted in the res gestae of the kings, the
305 It was published by S. Langdon, "A Fragment of a Series of Ritualistic
Prayers to Astral Deities in the Ceremonies of Divination," RA 12 (1915)
189ff.; another piece, K.3794, published by E. G. Perry, Hymnen und Gebete
an Sin, Leipziger Semitistische Studien 2/4 (Leipzig, 1907) as no. 5b, has since
been joined to it.
306 dg ul .p a . e dingir KU SAG.KAL DINGIR.MES MAH UGU M[UL.MES sa]
AN-e, RA 12 (1915) 190 Ki. 1904-10-9,157 = BM 99127:14.
307 The necessity for such a confirmation is attested among the Romans
too according to Pliny the younger: "... I will consult a haruspex whose
expertise I have often tested." Without delay, he makes a sacrifice, and
declares that the exta and the signs from the stars are in agreement. Epist.
2.4-5.
308 See now J.-M. Durand, ARMT 26 no. 81, cf. ibid. 495.
74
DIVINATION
so-called "royal inscriptions/' styled as first-person accounts.
Sargon's account is styled as a letter to the god Assur. 309
While Sargon was en route to Urartu the moon became
eclipsed and the darkness lasted from the first night watch into
the second; the haruspex, who as usual accompanied the king
on his campaign, was called upon to interpret the meaning of
the eclipse, a much-feared ill-portending event. 310 Sargon con-
tinued his route only upon being assured that the portent pre-
saged victory— in his case, unlike Croesus/ the prediction for-
tunately was not equivocal. Sargon's letter contains another
allusion to a favorable portent given the king by a certain, not
specified, phenomenon of Jupiter, here called "the star of
Marduk." 311 The interrelation between celestial portents and
liver omens is also attested, as we have seen (p. 12 above), in
reference to Sargon of Assyria's third-millennium predecessor,
Sargon of Akkad.
King Esarhaddon, Sargon's grandson, reports on how he
secured the throne for himself in the midst of the struggle for
power among the sons of Sennacherib after the king had been
murdered. His rightful succession was foretold in the stars:
among other favorable signs the "secret place" reached by the
planet Venus is mentioned. 312 When Jupiter shone exception-
ally brightly and reached its "secret place"— which seems to cor-
respond to what in Greek astrology was called the planet's
"exaltation" (hypsoma), the sign of the zodiac in which it has the
greatest influence — in the beginning of his reign, 313 this sign
was interpreted as a favorable portent for the rebuilding of
Babylon.
The two experts in divination, the haruspex and the astrol-
309 Thureau-Dangin, Une relation de la 8 e campagne de Sargon . . . (TCL 3).
The cryptic eclipse report appears in line 318.
310 A. L. Oppenheim, "The City of Assur in 714 B.C.," JNES 19 (1960) 137f .
3ii //r rh e s t ar f Marduk (i.e., Jupiter), who went on to take up his posi-
tion among stars which made me resort to arms." See A. L. Oppenheim, Cen-
taurus 14 (1970) 121 and n. 46.
312 Borger, Esarh. 2 i 39-ii 5.
313 Borger, Esarh. 17 Bab. Ep. 13; see Schaumberger, in F. X. Kugler, Stern-
kunde und Sterndienst in Babel. 3. Erganzungsheft zum ersten und zweiten Buch
(Miinster, 1935) 311f .
75
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
oger, are coupled in the accusation cited in the Assyrian letter
of the crown prince Samas-sumu-ukln to Esarhaddon. 314
"They gaze at the stars (and) slaughter lambs, (but) do not (or:
he does not) tell (anything) about the king, our lord, (and) the
crown prince of Babylon. Aplayu alone is a haruspex, Bel-eter
(and) Samas-zera-iqlsa are astrologers; they look day and night
at the sky" 315 As Parpola notes, "The elaborate techniques of
astrology and extispicy were seriously utilized by the royal
palace in order to foresee the future course of events, and all
diviners — not only those resident at court— were obliged to
inform the king of their findings." 316
It is, however, the episode concerning the lunar eclipse
under Nabonidus, the last of the Babylonian kings (555-539
B.C.), that best exemplifies the continuing predominance of
hepatoscopy. As the king recounts it,
When Nannar requested a high priestess
the Son of the Prince showed his sign to the inhabited world;
the Bright-Light manifested his reliable decision.
To Nabonidus, king of Babylon, provider for Esagil and Ezida,
the reverent shepherd who shows concern for the sanctuaries of
the great gods
Nannar, the lord of the crown, who bears the signal for all peoples,
revealed his sign concerning his request for a high priestess.
On the thirteenth of Ululu, the month of the work of goddesses,
the Fruit became eclipsed and set while eclipsed.
"Sin requests a high priestess' — such was his sign and decision.
As for me, Nabonidus, the shepherd who reveres his divine maj-
esty, I reverently heeded his reliable order,
so that I became concerned about this request for a high priestess.
I sought out the sanctuaries of Samas and Adad, the patrons of
extispicy,
and Samas and Adad, as usual, answered me a reliable yes,
wrote a* favorable omen in my extispicy,
the omen pertaining to the request for priestesses, the request of
the gods to man.
314 Edited by S. Parpola, "A Letter from Samas-sumu-ukln to Esar-
haddon," Iraq 34 (1972) 21-34.
315 MUL.MES emmuru puhadani inakkisu ina muhhi sarri belini mar sarri
Babili la iqabbi ma Aplayu udesu baru Bel-eter Samas-zera-iqlsa tupsar UD-
mu Anu Enlil sunu musu kala umu same idaggulu, Iraq 34 (1972) 22:19-25.
316 Parpola, Iraq 34 (1972) 31. See also Ivan Starr, Queries to the Sungod,
SAA 4, pp. xxx-xxxv.
76
DIVINATION
Elsewhere 317 I commented on the imagery and poetic lan-
guage of Nabonidus' inscription. What is of interest here is that
the sign given by the Moon god, a total eclipse in the month
of Ululu in the last watch of the night, a portent that is listed
in the compendium of celestial omens Enuma Anu Enlil with
the apodosis "Sin requests a high priestess/' was not sufficient
for the king to act on it. The portent derived from a celestial
phenomenon had to be checked by the most ancient, most reli-
able divinatory method, namely extispicy
The celestial omen observed under Nabonidus was a total
eclipse of the moon, an astronomical event not as rare as a solar
eclipse, and one that could be predicted with reasonable accu-
racy shortly before the eclipse was to take place as early as the
seventh century B.C. Nabonidus does not specify how the ha-
ruspex arrived at his verdict, what the features of the liver were
that gave him the answer to Nabonidus' query. The wording
of the king's questions indicates that the answer he expected
was in terms of yes or no, and indeed he reports that the gods
answered his queries with "yes" or "no." Nabonidus, whose
efforts to revive and relive the past are well known, 318 no
doubt consciously imitated the Sumerian practice of binary con-
sultation in regard to the choosing of a high priestess, 319 even
though, as already mentioned, the practice was also prevalent
in the late Assyrian period.
While as late as the reign of Nabonidus the two divination
techniques went hand-in-hand or complemented one another,
there must have begun even then or shortly thereafter the pro-
cess that culminated in the prevalence of astrology. The estab-
lishment of correlations between the features of the liver and
stars or constellations, and their assignment to gods and to the
twelve months of the year, must have been one of the steps in
this development, a step for which we have some evidence
from a late Uruk text.
317 E. Reiner, Your Thwarts in Pieces, Your Mooring Rope Cut. Poetry from
Babylonia and Assyria. Michigan Studies in the Humanities, 5 (Ann Arbor,
1985) Chapter I.
318 See preceding note.
319 As suggested by Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia (note 179 above)
213.
77
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
A rather obscure and poorly preserved small tablet from the
Seleucid period found at Warka 320 (ancient Uruk) enumerates
the parts of the liver (with which the gall bladder is, as custom-
ary, associated) or the marks on it, called "station" and the like,
and gives for each a correspondence with a god, a month, and
a constellation. To quote some of the better understood lines:
The "station" is Enlil; month I; [Aries]. 321
The "path" is Samas; month II; Taurus.
The "sweet mouth" is Nusku; month III; Orion.
The "strength" is Uras; month IV; Cancer, Plow-star.
The "gate of the palace" is Ninegal; month V; Regulus.
The "bubble" is the storm god Adad; month VI; Raven star.
The gall bladder is Anu; month VII; Libra.
The "finger" (identifiable as the processus pyramidalis) is god
(broken); month VIII; Goat star.
Similar are the entries for the remainder of the months on
the much eroded and hard to read reverse of the tablet.
The last two elements of each entry refer to the month and the
zodiacal sign associated with it; these are standard, and some of
them recur in the list of MUL.APIN Tablet I. 322 Month I (March-
April) is associated with Aries; month II (April-May) with Taurus;
month III with Orion in lieu of Gemini; month IV with Cancer;
month V with Leo (that is, with Regulus); month VI with the
Raven (Corvus), which has its heliacal rising in month VI;
month VII (September-October) with Libra; month VIII with
the Goat (Lyra) which has its heliacal rising in that month; 323
month X with Belet-balati; month XI with Aquarius; and month
XII apparently with Venus. (Month IX is omitted altogether.) 324
320 Egbert von Weiher, SpTU, vol. 4 no. 159; the text (W 22666/0) had been
very generously made available to me before publication by Professor von
Weiher, the epigrapher of the excavation.
321 Aries can be restored from the commentary that follows, in which the
name of Dumuzi is preserved, because the two, Aries and Dumuzi, are
paired in the astronomical text MUL.APIN Tablet I column i line 43, in the
edition of Hermann Hunger and David Pingree, MUL.APIN.
322 See MUL.APIN p. 139f.
323 MUL.APIN I ii 45 and iii 4; the traces at the end of the entry in line 17
may represent the zodiacal sign Scorpius.
324 Similar are the correspondences between months and constellations
in the "Calendar texts" discussed on pp. 114f.
78
DIVINATION
The novelty of this unique text is its establishing correspon-
dences between the liver examined by the haruspex and the he-
liacal risings of constellations. As another unique text to be dis-
cussed in Chapter V states, correspondences between terrestrial
and celestial phenomena can and indeed must be established.
The parts of the liver and the marks on it are enumerated in
the sequence they are normally examined in the course of the
hepatoscopy Their associations with the deities listed can be
explained in some cases only: in the case of the "bubble" asso-
ciated with Adad, we can point to the Raven star called the star
of Adad; 325 other associations, such as that of the mark called
"path" with Samas, and of the gall bladder with Anu, have not
yet been found in our sources. The sequence of the parts enu-
merated makes it certain that the starting point of the learned
treatise was the manual of the haruspex and that the zodiacal
signs were only secondarily associated with them.
The items of the text are accompanied by and thus were obvi-
ously deemed worthy of scholia; unfortunately, most of the
explanations offered are rather opaque. 326
Unique as this text is in Babylonian scholarly literature, it
testifies to an elaboration of the concept of the stellar influence
on the configurations that the liver could exhibit, and thereby
to the continued vitality of the Mesopotamian divinatory tra-
dition, while its association between stars and planets and
parts of the exta, paralleled in the Apotelesmatika of Hephaistio
from Hellenistic Egypt, 327 points to wide-ranging cross-
currents in the Hellenistic Near East.
325 MUL.APIN I ii 9.
326 They give philological equations, for example, to month II, written
with the Sumerogram GU 4 .SI.SA, first the verb SI.SA is translated as eseri
sa alaku "to be straight, said of going," then GU 4 , but its translation as
"bull" is now broken; the connection of the month name with the constel-
lation Taurus coordinated with it may have been further explained in the
commentary.
327 David Pingree, ed., Hephaestionis Thebani Apotelesmaticorum libri tres,
vol. 1 (Leipzig: Teubner, 1973) III 6.14-17.
79
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
FIGURE 10. Bronze bell decorated with scenes of exorcisms of demons.
Courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, no. VAN 48.
80
CHAPTER V
Apotropaia
Doch Abraxas bring ich selten!
Goethe West-ostlicher Divan
Tpus Ea ipsur Ea 'Ea has wrought it, Ea has loosed it/ 328 this
phrase from a Babylonian incantation subsumes the essence of
Babylonian magic. Ea, the god of both wisdom and cunning
and hence the figure of the trickster god, is also the god of
magic. The verb from which the form ipus 'wrought 7 derives,
Akkadian epesu, a common verb with the basic meaning 'to do/
is also the technical term for 'bewitching 7 and many nouns
derived from it denote various though for us often undifferen-
tiated machinations, such as ipsu, upsasu, upxsu, muppisutu, all
denoting sorcery, and muppisu, muppistu, muppisanu, all denoting
practitioners of witchcraft. 329 The second verb form of the say-
ing, ipsur 'loosed, 7 carries the apotropaic message par excellence,
both in its Akkadian version (verb: pasaru) and its Sumerian
counterpart, the Sumerian verb bur. It is from this Sumerian
verb that the ritual for undoing evil, Sumerian nam. bur. bi and
its loan into Akkadian, namburbu, takes its name. The
Sumerian noun is formed with the abstract nominalizing prefix
nam (in English, the suffix -ing) and the possessive suffix bi.
The literal translation, 'its loosing, 7 refers by "it 77 to a previously
328 CT 23 2:13, Or. NS 40 (1971) 141:28' and 143 r. 16, Or. NS 42 (1973) 509
r. 26, etc., and the references cited by Parpola, LAS 2 p. 41 (but instead of
the there cited K.137 + 2788 read K.157 + 2788, edited by R. I. Caplice, Or. NS
40 [1971] 140).
329 Similar is the usage in Croatian of the verb ciniti 'to do' and its corre-
sponding noun cini (pi.) 'magic/ compare the popular saying Ne cini cini na
mjesecini 'Don't do magic in the moonlight.' For Middle Latin factum 'sorti-
legium' and the Italian derivatives fatturare 'to bewitch/ and the like, and
for Greek praxis in this meaning see Wilhelm Havers, Neuere Literatur zum
Sprachtabu, Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien,
Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 223, Abhandlung 5, p. 161 and n. 1.
81
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
described ominous occurrence and the implicit or explicitly
stated impending evil that it portends. The suffix character of
bi is no longer transparent in Akkadian, and hence the loan-
word namburbu can take Akkadian possessive suffixes, -su 'its'
and -sunu 'their/ By carrying out the prescribed actions and
reciting the appropriate prayers, the evil will be loosed 330 or
simply "he/it will be loosed/' 331
This apotropaion was made available to man by the same
gods who were willing to forewarn him through some ominous
happening; the power of Ea to undo the portended evil
expressed in the cited incantation is repeated in a Neo-Assyrian
letter reporting on an earthquake and the evil portended by it:
'Ea has wrought it, Ea has loosed it, he who caused the earth-
quake has himself carried out the apotropaic ritual/ 332
One expects that each collection of omens had its parallel
apotropaic ritual. But while the omen collections were serial-
ized, that is, arranged in books or chapters with more or less
canonical divisions and numbering, this does not seem to have
been the case with the namburbu texts. 333 Rather, certain apotro-
paic rituals are inserted immediately after the ill-portending
omen, in midst of the omen collection itself; even the cata-
logues of omen series that cite the title of some chapter may
add 'including its apotropaion 7 (adi namburbesu) . 334 There are
also individual tablets inscribed with such rituals alone, one or
more; their subscripts do not indicate that they are part of a par-
ticular series. Still, apparently every evil portent signaled by
330 maskadu ippassar 'the maskadu-disease will be loosed/ BAM 81:7, (the
affliction) ina zumrisu ippassar (written with the Sumerogram BUR) 'will be
loosed from his body', BE 31 pi. 51 no. 60 r. ii 8.
331 pasir, BAM 140:6, Analecta Biblica 12 (1959) 286:107, Dream-book 343:23,
LKA 123:14, and passim.
332 epus Ea ipsur Ea sa rlbu Ipusuni sutma NAM.BUR.BI etapas (in
Parpola's translation in SAA 10) 'Ea has done, Ea has undone. He who
caused the earthquake has also created the apotropaic ritual against it/ ABL
355 r. 9, see LAS no. 35 (= SAA 10 no. 56) and LAS 2 p. 41.
333 See R. I. Caplice, The Akkadian namburbi Texts: An Introduction, SANE
1/1 (Los Angeles: Malibu, 1974), and for the edition of the texts idem, Or.
NS vols. 34-42 (1965-73) passim. A comprehensive treatment of the genre
is now available in Stefan M. Maul, Zukunftsbewaltigung, Baghdader For-
schungen, 18 (Mainz on Rhine: Philipp von Zabern, 1994).
334 CT 39 50 K.957:ll: EN NAM.BUR.BI.
82
APOTROPAIA
an ominous occurrence could be averted by the appropriate
ritual, as we gather from those texts that list in a catalogue
form 335 the events against whose evil consequences, generally
simply termed 'the evil' (Sumerian HUL, Akkadian lumnu),
such rituals could be invoked. If the origin of the evil was not
known, one could perform the rite against 'all evil' (Sumerian
HUL.DU.A.BI, Akkadian lumun kalama). 336
The ritual itself is called apotropaion (namburbu), a name that
appears at the beginning or as subscript at the end; occasion-
ally it is introduced by the phrase annu namburbusu 'this is its
loosing/ 337 or is followed by a rubric which states its purpose,
normally "apotropaion for the evil of such-and-such/' for
example, "of a snake," or more specifically "of a snake that spat-
tered the man," that is, citing the ominous occurrence that
augured ill. 338
Numerous are the apotropaic rituals that are concerned with
ominous everyday occurrences which are listed in the two
omen series summa alu ('if a city') 339 and summa izbu ('if a crea-
ture') 340 and which affect the common man in whose house-
hold they are observed. They include strange happenings in
his house, his field, and his city in the first series, and
abnormal, monstruous births in pen and fold, even among
humans, in the second. On the other hand, forecasts from celes-
335 For such catalogues see Caplice, Or. NS 34 (1965) 108ff . and 42 (1973)
514f. (the latter subsequently published in Hermann Hunger, SpTU, vol. 1
as no. 6), and Ebeling, RA 48 (1954) lOff.
336 For example, an apotropaion against "any evil" is recommended in
the letter LAS no. 334 (K.818, = SAA 10 no. 56), see Parpola, LAS 2 p. 351.
337 A. Leo Oppenheim, "A Diviner's Manual," JNES 33 (1974) 200:56.
338 [NAM.BUR.BI] |~HUL MUS] ana amili u bitisu la tehe 'apotropaion that
the evil of a snake not approach a man and his house,' Or. NS 36 (1967) 23
no. 19:10, and ibid. 24 no. 20:7', etc.; [NAM].BUR.BI HUL MUS sa amila isluhu,
Or. NS 36 21 no. 18:1.
339 So designated by the Akkadian scribes in the subscript to each of the
originally more than one hundred chapters, from its incipit summa alu ina
mele sakin 'if a city lies on high ground.' The work was edited in part by
F. Notscher, Die Omen-Serie summa alu ina mele sakin (Orientalia vol. 31 [1928],
vols. 39-42 [1929], 51-54 [1930]); a new edition is being prepared by Erie
Leichty.
340 These are the teratological omens taken from the birth of malformed
children or animals, edited by Erie Leichty, The Babylonian Omen Series
summa izbu, Texts from Cuneiform Sources, 3 (Gliickstadt: Augustin, 1969).
83
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
tial phenomena collected in the treatise Enuma Arm Enlil or
from the inspection of the liver collected in the various chapters
of the series barutu affect primarily the fate of the king and his
land, and thus have a national, even universal significance.
Only a few rare apotropaic rituals for averting such evils have
come down to us, 341 even though the titles that are listed—
without their text— in the mentioned catalogues assure us of
their existence. It is worthy of note that unknown, at least to
me, are apotropaia to avert evil portents derived from observ-
ing the shapes taken by oil poured on water, and by observing
the configurations of the smoke rising from an incense-burner,
that is, lecanomancy and libanomancy, techniques used only
in the Old Babylonian period. 342
Were it not that the absence of a certain type of apotropaic
ritual could be due to chance, the existence of apotropaia could
serve as a test to distinguish two types of divinatory text. The
ability to resort to apotropaic rituals would characterize those
omen collections in which the situation or event warns of an
impending occurrence, and the absence of apotropaia those
which do not foretell the future, but give as it were a diagnosis.
To the latter group belong, first of all, the diagnostic treatise
"When the exorcist goes to the house of the sick person" (see
Chapter III), and those compendia in which the apodosis
simply describes the person's character or habits. Among the
latter are the texts called "physiognomic omens" 343 and the
texts describing physical or behavioral characteristics known as
"A Guide to Moral Behavior Styled as Omens," 344 the omens
derived from a persons habits when speaking, 345 and the very
similar collection establishing a person's character from his use
341 Note the subscript [summa? idati] ittati ahati ana sarri u matisu basd 'if
there exist evil portents for the king and his land/ 4R 60, edited by E. Ebeling,
RA 49 (1955) 40:21.
342 See Chapter IV note 258. For the relation of namburbu's to the omen
collections see R. I. Caplice, The Akkadian namburbi Texts: An Introduction,
SANE 1/1 (Los Angeles: Malibu, 1974) 7ff .
343 F. R. Kraus, Texte zur babylonischen Physiognomatik, Archiv fur Orient-
forschung, Beiheft 3 (Berlin, 1939).
344 F. R. Kraus, "Ein Sittenkanon in Omenform," ZA 43 (1936) 77-113.
345 F. R. Kraus, "Babylonische Omina mit Ausdeutung der Begleiterschei-
nungen des Sprechens," AfO 11 (1936) 219-30.
84
APOTROPAIA
of a greeting formula. 346 Evidently these attributes, for example,
being pusillanimous, or honest, or affectionate (described in
the Guide), or scratching one's nose when speaking (mentioned
in the second compendium), even if they portended misfortune
were not thought to be susceptible of change through a ritual,
and neither were the diagnoses 347 of the causes or the out-
come of the illness or its determinations about the sex and
number of the children a pregnant woman was carrying.
Many a fortuitous happening, seemingly harmless, could
carry a warning about a grave impending event, which could be
warded off only by appealing to the gods, and what interests
us here in particular, astral gods. The evil was no less to be
feared if portended by a squeaky pot than by a more momen-
tous occurrence, just as today a black cat crossing one's path
is said to bring bad luck.
There is in fact an apotropaion 348 designed to counteract the
evil portended by a squeaky pot. The portent is preserved in
summa alu in a sequence of omens dealing with squeaky pots
of various contents, among others, "If a pot of water squeaks
in a man's house." 349 The site of the ritual, which is the bank
of the river or canal, is purified and offerings are made to the
gods Ea— god not only of magic but of sweet water as well —
and Samas. Before the patient recites a prayer to Samas, a holy-
water vessel, filled with water from the well of the temple of
Marduk into which herbs and beads of metal have been scat-
tered, is to be placed "before the [. . .] star and the Wagon." 350
After the prayer to Samas there is a break on the tablet, and
346 E. Reiner, "A manner of speaking," in ZIKIR SUMIM: Assyriological
Studies Presented to E R. Kraus on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday, G. van
Driel et al., eds. (Leiden: Brill, 1982) 282-89.
347 The term "diagnosis" in Greek medicine includes the prognosis of the
disease, see G. E. R. Lloyd, The Revolutions of Wisdom, Sather Classical Lec-
tures, vol. 52 (Berkeley-Los Angeles-London: University of California Press,
1987) 39 n. 123.
348 4R 60 K.2587, edited by Ebeling, RA 49 (1955) 36ff.
349 [summa i]na bit ameli karpat me issi, CT 40 4:87, dupl. ibid. 8
K. 10407, and passim in this tablet (cited CAD S/2 s.v sasu meaning lh). The
namburbi in Or. NS 40 (1971) 134 which enumerates squeaky pots in lines
5-6 along with other Alu omens is not specific.
350 ina IGI MUL.[x u MUL].MAR.GID tasakkan, 4R 60:24f., see Ebeling, RA
49 (1955) 36:24f.
85
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
when the text resumes, on the reverse of the tablet, we find
addresses to a plurality, as the verb forms indicate; the ad-
dressees could be the three gods of exorcism Ea, Samas, and
Asalluhi, but possibly are the two constellations to which the
holy water vessel was exposed, or even all the stars— the gods
of the night -as the phrasing of the prayer suggests: "I invoke
you from the heaven of Anu, I implore you (etc.)." 351
The holy water vessel was exposed to the stars in several
other apotropaic rituals, one to ward off the evil portended by
a snake 352 and two against the evil portended by fire striking
a house. 353 No nocturnal prayer to the stars accompanies the
exposure; it is the Sun-god, Samas, who is addressed when
morning dawns.
When a fungus that portends evil appears on the walls of a
house a he-goat 354 is sacrificed before the Pleiades, while a
prayer to the Seven Gods, that is, the seven stars of the con-
stellation, is recited 355 and a yellow she-goat (UZ SIG7) is sac-
rificed to Gula, the goddess of healing, whose celestial mani-
festation, the constellation Lyra, is called the Goat star. 356
If a man falls on his face and starts bleeding, obviously an
ill-portending happening, he will avert the evil consequences
by making a food-offering to a certain deity (the name is
broken) and to the constellation Sagittarius. 357
The evil portended by various birds — described in tablets
351 alsikunusi istu same sa Ani ashurkunusi, 4R 60 rev. 18.
352 HUL MUS, Or. NS 36 (1967) 24f . no. 20, see note 338.
353 IZI.SUB.BA: "you expose the preparation to the stars of the night" (ana
MUL mu-si-tim tus-bat) Or. NS 36 (1967) 287:9', 295:25.
354 MAS.GAL bur-ru-qd; the qualifying adjective is obscure.
355 Caplice, Or. NS 40 (1971) 143 r. 5f.: MAS.GAL bur-ru-qa ina IGI MUL.
MUL KUD-is-ma muhra d 7.BI DUG 4 .GA-ma . . . Other references to the Ple-
iades conceived as the Seven gods par excellence are RA 18 (1921) 28 and
its parallels KAR 38 r. 18ff. and K.8863. Offerings are made to the Pleiades
in a Hittite text (Bo3298 + KUB 25 32 + . . . ii Iff. §12), see Gregory Mac-
Mahon, The Hittite State Cult of the Tutelary Deities, AS 25 (Chicago: Oriental
Institute Press, 1991) 62, cf. the "Lamma of the Pleiades" (SA d 7.7.BI
d LAMMA) cited ibid. p. 48.
356 Caplice, Or. NS 40 (1971) 143 r. 34: UZ SIG 7 ana d Gula KUD-is.
357 kurummassu ana [. . .] u PA.BIL.SAG GAR-ma NU TE-sii 'he should
present his food-offering to [. . .] and to Sagittarius/ CT 37 46:7 (summa alu
Tablet 87, to be published by Ann Guinan).
86
APOTROPAIA
65 ? -67 of the omen series summa alu, which deal with the
appearance and behavior of birds in a man's house 358 — is
averted by an apotropaic ritual with prayers to the stars:
Incantation: Mighty stars who have resplendent positions in the
sky,
The g[reat ? ] gods have created you, wise Nu[dimmud ( = Ea)
has . . .] you. 359
The names of the gods Enlil, Ea and possibly Sulpae follow;
the next fragmentary line— the last line before the break— with
its mention of "stars" possibly refers to the stars of the three
"paths" of Anu, Enlil, and Ea, 360 that is, all stars rising over
the three "paths" on the horizon. 361
Similar in tenor is the prayer 362 in the parallel text meant to
avert the evil portent of a "bird," probably a bat: 363
8. [Incantation: You,] mighty stars, whom Anu and Enlil have
[created],
9. [Enlil 7 ,] Ea, Jupiter [. . .],
10. [You ? ] mighty stars who [have resplendent] positions in the
sky 364
In rare occurrences the celestial power is addressed because
358 F. Notscher, Die Omen-Serie summa alu ina mele sakin (Orientalia 51-54
[1930]) 149ff., and S. Moren, The Omen Series Summa Alu (Ph.D. diss., Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania, 1978), pp. 104ff. and 211ff.
359 [EN MUL.MES gasrutji sa ina same manzaza sarhu
ilu r[abutu ? ibjnukunusi ersu Nu[dimmud . . . -kunusi]
in an apotropaic ritual to avert the evil of a dove: Bu. 91-5-9,155 rev. 8-
10, edited by R. I. Caplice, Or. NS 36 (1967) 282f.
360 d Enlil d Ea d[§ ulpae?] lu MUL.MES [. . .]-Bu. 91-5-9,155 rev. 10-11.
361 See Introduction p. 6 and note 13.
362 Rm. 510 lines 8-10, edited by R. I. Caplice, Or. NS 36 (1967) 284f.
363 BURU 5 .HABRUD.DA. The identification with "bat" is suggested by the
description BURU5.HABRUD.DA MUSEN NITA ina MI sa DU-ku-ma (= prob-
ably ittanallaku and not simply illaku) NIM (= lamsata 7 ) ibarru '(blood of) a
male bat that goes about at night catching flies/ BAM 476:10'.
364 8. [EN attunu MU]L.MES gasrutu sa Anu u Enlil i[bnukunusi]
9. [Enlil?] d E-a d Sul-pa-e-a [. . .]
10. [. . . MU]L.MES gasrutu sa ina same manzaza [. . .]
Since line 8 of Rm. 510 corresponds to line rev 8 of Bu. 91-5-9,155, and
line 10 to line rev. 7, we conjecture that the mention of Jupiter (Sulpaea) in
line 9 was present in the broken part of rev. 9.
87
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
of its analog to the earthly event or object. One apotropaic
ritual, against the evil portended by a bow, 365 involves the Bow-
star. The Bow-star (part of Canis Maior) in this case too repre-
sents Istar, whose celestial manifestation it is, as we know from
several sources, 366 since the instructions call for two altars to
be set up, one to Ea and one to Istar, and for a sheep to be
sacrificed to Ea and a kid to the Bow-star. 367
The analogy is less transparent, and possibly more tenuous,
in the ritual to be performed by the king to avert the evil portent
of "cult city and sanctuary" 368 It directs that a sacrifice be made
and a prayer recited to the Kidney- star: "You arrange an altar
before the Kidney-star, . . . the king recites with lifted hands
before the Kidney-star as follows: Incantation. 'Enki . . .'" 369
The prayer, in Sumerian, addresses the god Ea under his
Sumerian name Enki; the relationship of the Kidney-star
(which is part of the constellation Puppis) to the god Ea is not
known from other sources, but we may surmise it from a
learned commentary on the names of the phases of the moon.
The commentary 370 lists the names of the various phases of
the moon: the moon is called "crescent" from the first to the
fifth day, and "resplendent crown" when full. From the sixth
to the tenth, the gibbous moon (amphikyrtos) is called kalitu
'kidney/ and is equated with Ea. 371
A compilation that is in some way a companion to summa alu
is the series that already in antiquity bore the name iqqur Tpus.
This series, first edited under the title "An Almanac from
ancient Babylonia," 372 was republished under the equally sug-
365 HUL GIS.BAN; one exemplar, LKA 113, was edited by Ebeling, RA 49
(1955) 137f.; another, Sm. 340, by R. I. Caplice, Or. NS 39 (1970) 116f.
366 MUL.APIN I ii 7, BPO 2 82 KAV 218 i 15, ii 16, 19, etc., see C. B. F.
Walker, Anatolian Studies 33 (1983) 147 n. 14.
367 GI.DUs.MES ana Ea Istar tukan . . . UDU . . . ana Ea teppas, unlqu ana
MUL.BAN teppas, LKA 113, see note 365.
368 ana HUL mahazi u esirti ana sarri la tehe, Or. NS 39 (1970) 132f .
369 GI.DU 8 ana IGI MUL.BIR tukan . . . LUGAL SU-su IL-ma ana IGI MUL.BIR
k[lam iqabbi] EN d En-ki . . . lines 12'ff .
370 p or re f erences se e CAD K s.v. kalitu meaning 4.
371 See lastly Alasdair Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory
Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986) 30f .
and 47
372 E. F. Weidner, "Ein Hauskalender aus dem alten Babylonien," RSO 32
(1957) 185-96.
88
APOTROPAIA
gestive title "A Babylonian Calendar of works, seasons, and
months," echoing Hesiod's Works and Days. 373 This allusion not-
withstanding, there is no work in Babylonian literature that
would parallel Hesiod's. As for those texts that indicate the
days and the months suitable for carrying out ritual or magic
manipulations, they will be our concern later insofar as these
moments are affected by astral positions.
The Babylonian almanac or calendar exists in two arrange-
ments, one according to the enterprise envisaged, and the
other according to the month. In the first, each activity forms
one paragraph, and the prognosis for each month is stated in
the style normal for omens. For example, the first paragraph—
from which the name of the series was taken— states "If he tears
down (iqqur) his house in Nisannu (i.e., month I), he . . .; if
in Ayaru (month II), . . ." and so on. Hence, each paragraph
consists of normally twelve entries, one for each month of the
year, and occasionally of thirteen, if it also includes the inter-
calary month of the Babylonian calendar, that is, the month
that was periodically added so that the year, made up of twelve
lunar months of twenty-nine or thirty days, could be brought
into agreement with the solar year of 365 and a fraction days.
The other arrangement 374 excerpts these paragraphs according
to months, so that under each month all pertinent activities are
listed along with the prognosis for him who would perform
them. Not all of these "monthly sets" are extant, though some
of the months exist in duplicate copies to show that different
traditions singled out different activities worthy of inclusion.
In fact, only the first sixty-odd paragraphs record activities
whose outcome may be favorable or not. The last forty para-
graphs deal not with intentional undertakings, but with the
forces of nature, and the transition between the two sections
is formed by paragraph 66' that deals with fire— presumably
lightning -striking a house. From paragraph 67 on the topics
are the ones treated in the compendium of celestial omens, the
series Enuma Anu Enlil, 'When Anu (and) Enlil/ 375 but include
373 Rene Labat, Un Calendrier babylonien des travaux, des saisons, et des mois
(Paris: Champion, 1965).
374 Called "iqqur Jpus mensuel" by Labat, and version B by Weidner.
375 See p. 12, note 36.
89
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
only a selection, and the predictions differ according to the
month in which a particular phenomenon takes place. The list
of ominous celestial events varies with the different sources,
ranging from the always present predictions from eclipses of
the moon and of the sun, haloes of the moon, first appearance
of Venus, and a few meteorological phenomena, among them
thunder, rain, and earthquakes, to risings of other planets 376
not attested in every source. In spite of the crude reckoning that
can have no claim to astronomical precision— days (in addition
to months) are stated only in regard to the visibilities of Venus
while the other phenomena are described solely in terms of
months, and those schematic thirty-day months— concern with
celestial phenomena is manifest in these texts too. The last of
the paragraphs concerned with celestial and meteorological
events (§104 in Labat's edition) is followed by a paragraph
(numbered §105 in Labat's edition) that lists the twelve months
and assigns each to a god or goddess. In one exemplar, VAT
9772, which lists only twelve months and omits the thirteenth,
the series does not end there but continues with additional
material. Unfortunately, the ends of the lines, which are all that
survive, show only that further predictions were listed, but not
what the phenomena were from which these were derived.
Concatenating several series is not unique to this text. Else-
where, different lexical texts are combined into a single compo-
sition, possibly reflecting the sequence of the scribe's curric-
ulum, e.g., in some recensions to the 24-tablet series HAR-ra
= hubullu was added, as Tablet 25, the list of professions lu =
Sfl; 377 and one copy of a recension of summa alu omens is fol-
lowed by omens excerpted from the celestial omen series
Enuma Anu Enlil 378 while another copy continued with the
series sammu sikinsu, the incipit of which is quoted as the
omen tablet's catch line. The second tablet of the astronomical
compendium MUL.APIN has a catch line MUL SAG.ME.GAR
376 Jupiter and Mercury are attested, see Rene Labat, Un Calendrier baby-
lonien des travaux, des saisons, et des mois (Paris: Champion, 1965) 170f. n. 6,
and so is Mars in the list for month IV in BM 26185 communicated to me
by Douglas Kennedy.
377 See Miguel Civil, MSL 12 p. 90.
378 CT 41 20f. reverse 31-37 contains celestial omens.
90
APOTROPAIA
d Sul-pa-e, an incipit which is attested on several fragments and
lists. 379
Just as there are apotropaic rituals to avert the evil conse-
quences of such everyday occurrences as are enumerated in the
series summa alu and in the series iqqur ipus, others, against the
evil portended by celestial happenings, also exist but in a
smaller number, the more regrettable as there are Arabic and
Indian magical texts with which it would be interesting to com-
pare them. Of a quite different character are the prolonged
and public expiatory rites performed when a lunar eclipse
occurred. 380
The existence of rituals to avert quite specific ill-portending
celestial phenomena can, however, be inferred from the "uni-
versal catalogues" 381 that we may call "HUL-lists" from the
words that begin each line: ina HUL, Akkadian ina lumun, 'from
the evil of.' The sequence of celestial phenomena whose evil
consequence is to be averted is the same in the HUL-lists as
the sequence of topics in the compendium of celestial omens
Enuma Anu Enlil: Moon, Sun, weather-phenomena (including
earthquakes), and stars and planets, also known as the four
books Sin, Samas, Adad, and Istar, and the sequence of those
paragraphs of the series iqqur ipus that parallel the celestial
omen compendium. One catalogue 382 enumerates, possibly
with reference to the king, eclipses of, first (in a broken section)
the moon, then of the sun and of Venus, as well as flaring up
of stars, earthquakes, and various cloud-configurations: "when
[. . .an eclipse of either the Moon] or of the Sun or of Venus,
or a flaring 7 [star (or . . .)] or an earthquake [or . . . or a] cloud 7
or a fireball 7 or an asqulalu-phenomenon is seen." 383 A list of
evil portents taken from stars and planets is preserved in a
379 See Hunger and Pingree, MUL.APIN 8f .
380 See Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen
"Gebetsbeschworungen," Studia Pohl: Series Maior, 5 (Rome: Biblical Institute
Press, 1976) lOOff .
381 Termed "general (allgemeine) namburbi-tablets" by Erich Ebeling, RA
48 (1954) 3.
382 LKA 108, edited by Erich Ebeling, RA 50 (1956) 26.
383 enuma LU[GAL . . . AN.TA.LU lu sa d Sin l]u sa Samas lu sa Istar lu
mi-si-i[h ? MUL . . .] lu rlbu [lu . . . lu A]N.GUB (or read AN.DU = andugu?)
lu akkullu lu isqulalu IGI, LKA 108:13ff., see RA 50 (1956) 26.
91
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
summa alu text 384 and another, taken from meteorological phe-
nomena, in an Assur text. 385 A parallel to these is included in
a royal ritual in which the king lists in column ii "either an
eclipse of the Moon [or of the Sun ? ] or of Jupiter or an eclipse
of . . ., [or . . .] the roar of Adad that came down from the sky,
[or . . .] or a flaring 7 star or a scintillating 7 star or [. . .] which
came close to the stars of the (three) paths" 386 and continues
with "any evil that is in my land and my palace." 387 Of the
sequel (column iii 7 ) only the first few signs of some lines are
preserved, and they are, after an introductory "ditto" (KI.MIN)
in each line, "the evil of [. . .], the evil of [. . .] signs which
[occurred 7 ] in the land, the evil of an eclipse [of . . .], the evil
of a fireball 7 [. . .], the evil of [. . .] star," 388 and two more lines
with only HUL preserved.
The ritual for averting the evil portended by an earthquake
is also mentioned in the letters of exorcists to the Assyrian
king. 389 Other evil portents given by celestial phenomena are
384 CT 41 23 i 3_i6, edited by Ebeling, RA 48 (1954) lOff ., see Parpola, LAS
2 p. 73.
385 LKA 48a, edited by Ebeling, RA 48 (1954) 82 no. 3.
386 io' . . . lu-u AN.MI Sin n < [. . .] lu-u AN.MI d Sul-pa-e-a w [. . .] lu-u
AN.MI si-i-qf \y [. . .] KA d IM sa TA AN-e ur-da w [. . . lu]-u mi-sih MUL lu-u
sa-ra-ar MUL i 5 ' [. . .] sa ana MUL.MES KASKAL.MES is-sa-ni-qu K.8091 +
10628, known to me from Geers' copies, parallel BMS 62, see Ebeling, RA
48 (1954) 8. A similar enumeration is found in the text published by W. G.
Lambert, "A Part of the Ritual for the Substitute King," AfO 18 (1957-58)
109ff., column A lines llff.: AN.MI d Sin AN.MI d Samas AN.MI d Sul-pa-e-a
[. . . AN]. MI d Dil-bat AN.MI d UDU.BAD.MES 'eclipses of the Moon, the Sun,
Jupiter, Venus, (or of) the (other) planets/ see Parpola, LAS 2 p. xxii. No
eclipse of Jupiter or Mars is mentioned in the celestial omens, but eclipses
of Venus are. Apotropaic rituals to avert the evil portended by a lunar eclipse
are published by Ebeling, RA 48 (1954) 82 as no. 2 and by Caplice, Or. NS
40 (1971) 166f . no. 65; the cuneiform text was subsequently published in auto-
graph copy as CT 51 190.
387 See p. 84 and note 341.
388 HUL [. . .], HUL A.MES [. . .] sa ina KUR [. . .], HUL AN.MI [. . .], HUL
an-qu[l-lu . . .], HUL MUL [. . .] K.8091 + 10628 iii ? l'ff.
389 LAS no. 16 (ABL 34, = SAA 10 no. 10), and nos. 147 and 148 (ABL 357
and 1118 + , = SAA 10 nos. 202 and 203), see also Parpola, LAS 2 pp. 123ff.;
the ritual itself was described in the text KAR 7 but only the prayer to Samas
mentioning HUL ri-i-b[i . . .], 'the evil of the earthquake/ is preserved in it.
A ritual performed by the temple singer kalu to avert such evil is attested in
Thureau-Dangin, Rituels accadiens (Paris, Leroux: 1921) 34ff. obverse
16-reverse 1.
92
APOTROPAIA
known only from references in the royal correspondence from
Assyria. One of the letters mentions the evil (portended) by
Mars that missed its appointed time and entered Aries. 390
Another speaks of the late rising of Jupiter 391 and a third 392 of
its dark aspect at rising. This last example provides an addi-
tional proof, if such were still necessary, that the scholars who
reported to Esarhaddon were consulting the omen series, since
the partly broken omen that the writer cites can be restored
from a number of celestial omen tablets, some of which are
cited in the commentary to the letter 393 while others 394 are as
yet unpublished.
The conjunction of Mars and the Moon was also an occasion
for an apotropaic ritual, but only the incipit is extant in the
subscript of a namburbi: "if Mars and the Moon go side by
side." 395 In yet another apotropaic ritual the "evil" is attributed
to Sagittarius ( d PA.BIL.SAG). 396 A curious ritual seeking to
"remove a star by the door from a house" 397 is written on a
tablet that is designated by its subscript as the "123rd tablet"
of a composition whose name is broken. 398 The ritual seeks to
ward off the evil portent by throwing into the river "[an effigy 7
390 HUL Salbatanu sa adansu useti[quni] u ina libbi MUL.LU.HUN.GA
i[nnamiruni], K.818 = LAS no. 334 (CT 53 8, = SAA 10 no. 381), and see Par-
pola, LAS 2 pp. 350f .
391 ACh Supp. 2 62 = LAS no. 289 = SAA 10 no. 362.
392 ABL 647 = LAS no. 67 = SAA 10 no. 67.
393 The citations adduced by Parpola in his commentary in LAS 2 p. 74
include an omen that is also quoted in MUL.APIN II.
394 K.2184, K.2286, BM 36627.
395 [1 d ] [Sal-bat] -a-nu u d Sin it-te-e[n-tu-u . . .] Or. NS 40 (1971) 169
r. 12 (preceding lines fragmentary). The restoration comes from BM 99065
( = 1904-10-9, 94) in L. W. King, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets of the British
Museum, Supplement, pi. Ill no. 130.
396 R. I. Caplice, Or. NS 40 (1971) 177 (pi. XVI) no. 71 82-3-23,37 line 5:
SU d PA.BIL.SAG. Note also [ri-h]u-ut d PA.BIL.SAG ibid, line 7. To avert the
evil, offerings are to be made to the god Hendursagga ([. . .] d Hendur.sag.ga
GAR-ma NU TE-su, line 4).
397 ka.inim.ma mul e.ta ka.na e.da.ke 4 , Or. NS 39 (1970) 113:8.
398 The restoration n[am.bur.bi] in the break has given rise to the conjec-
ture that there existed a composition of at least 123 tablets comprising nam-
burbu rituals, but it seems likely that "the serialization . . . seems to reflect
rather a local ordering within the Assurbanipal library than a canonical
sequence" (Caplice, Or. NS 34 [1965] 107).
93
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
of] the star that fell into your house" and reciting a spell in
Sumerian 399 and a prayer to Samas in Akkadian. How a
shooting star could land in a man's house is difficult to imagine,
but portents from shooting stars are not only known from stan-
dard omen collections 400 but are requested as answers to the
petitioner's question in the popular media of divination more
akin to "fortune-telling," as I have had the occasion to show. 401
The compendium iqqur ipus combined the activities and phe-
nomena of everyday life listed in §§1-66 with the portents
announced by celestial bodies in §§67ff . The compilers of iqqur
ipus simply juxtaposed omens reflecting the two domains of
heaven and earth and, correspondingly, public and private fore-
casts. Rare is a true conflation of the two, of which we saw a
late example (p. 78) establishing a relationship between parts
of the liver examined by the haruspex and zodiacal and other
constellations. An effort to establish a relation between omens
portended by various media was begun, however, even earlier.
Speculations to this effect are set out in a text already known
under Assurbanipal, from whose library its exemplars come.
It was edited by Leo Oppenheim under the programmatic title
"A Babylonian Diviner's Manual." 402 The text is a rarity not
only in regard to its subject matter but especially in its attempt
to give a rationale for the correspondences between signs
observed in the sky and signs on earth, in contrast to the
Mesopotamian approach which, as we have seen, does not nor-
mally give reasons or explanations.
The interconnections between celestial and terrestrial omens
are stressed several times but they are eventually expressed in
the simple terms: the portents on earth and those in the sky
correspond. The task of the diviner, as we can infer from the
399 The Sumerian spell begins with mul E.NUN.ta e.a 'star which has
come Out of the E.NUN'; E.NUN, Akkadian agrunnu (for which see Caplice,
"E.NUN in Mesopotamian Literature," Or. NS 42 [1973] 299-305) elsewhere
is both the underground abyss and the temple that corresponds to it on
earth, see ibid. 304f.
400 See p. 72.
401 In "Fortune-Telling in Mesopotamia," JNES 19 (1960) 28f., and see
above p. 72 and note 299.
402 A. Leo Oppenheim, "A Babylonian Diviner's Manual," JNES 33 (1974)
197-220.
94
APOTROPAIA
statements of the author, is both to interpret the signs as they
are observed individually, and to establish a relation between
the terrestrial and the celestial omens. It is noteworthy that this
"manual/' as much as it proclaims the correspondence (in the
Baudelairian sense) of terrestrial and celestial omens, is written
on tablets some of which are also inscribed with planetary
omens. ". . . our difficult text is witness to the renewed vigor
the Mesopotamian scholar brought to bear on enlarging and
refining previous divination techniques in the outgoing second
and incoming first millennium, a vigor which created a
plethora of new forms and methods of divination while at the
same time it carefully maintained the heritage of the early
second millennium achievements." 403
The text's first explicit statement: 404 "The signs in the sky
just as those on earth give us signals," 405 follows the listing of
incipits of "fourteen tablets with signs occurring on earth" and
the second, even more insistent, "The signs on earth just as
those in the sky give us signals; sky and earth both produce
portents, though appearing separately they are not separate
because sky and earth are related," is the subscript to a list of
incipits of "eleven tablets with signs occurring in the sky" 406
The correspondence between the two domains extends to the
consequences of the portents, as the Manual continues with a
warning about evil-portending signs: "A sign that portends evil
in the sky is evil on earth, one that portends evil on earth is
evil in the sky," 407 and about the necessity of calculating
whether it is susceptible of apotropaic rituals or not. 408 The
next rubric gives the grand total of the two groups of tablets:
"In summa twenty-five tablets with signs (occurring) in the sky
and on earth whose good and evil portents are in harmony (?).
You will find in them every sign that has occurred in the sky
(and) has been observed on earth. This is the method to dispel
(them): . . ," 409
403 Oppenheim, JNES 33 (1974) 210.
404 Translations are those of Oppenheim.
405 i99 : 24.
406 200:38-40.
407 200:41-42.
408 200:43-46.
409 200:53-56.
95
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
Even though far from "every sign" can be found in the twenty-
five tablets whose incipits follow, 410 we should note the sig-
nificant statement that there exists "a method to dispel them."
This method, for which precisely the term for apotropaion,
namburbu, is used, 411 is not a simple catalogue of apotropaic rit-
uals similar to the ones quoted on pp. 83f., but rather instruc-
tions for establishing, by astronomical calculations, the exact
date of the event and for finding in a hemerological table
appended to the Manual the month and day when such rituals
can be effective. 412
The already mentioned Uruk text with its correspondences
of parts of the liver with times (possibly indicating zodiacal
signs) and celestial bodies, the correspondences drawn between
the signs of the zodiac and the performance of apotropaic rites
(see Chapter VI) and the Diviner's Manual all indicate various
tentatives to refine the techniques or, to use Peter Brown's term,
"the technology of sorcery in the ancient world," 413 into more
sophisticated methods that culminate in Hellenistic astrology,
and thus testify, as I have had occasion to stress earlier, to the
continued vitality of the Mesopotamian divinatory tradition.
410 For a discussion of the significance of this statement see Oppenheim,
JNES 33 (1974) 208.
411 annu namburbusunu 'this is their "loosing/"
412 "The namburbu prescribed in our text consists in establishing the
exact date of the event observed by means of sound astronomical observa-
tions and calculations and by gleaning from the appended hemerological
table whether the month or the time of day was propitious or not for the
undertaking planned when the omen occurred." Oppenheim, ibid. 209.
413 Peter Brown, "Sorcery, Demons, and the Rise of Christianity," in
Witchcraft, Confessions & Accusations, Mary Douglas, ed. (London: Tavistock
1970) 18.
96
CHAPTER VI
Sorcerers and Sorceresses
Nunc meis uocata sacris, noctium sidus, ueni
Seneca, Medea 750
Sorcerer and sorceress 414 could coerce the power inherent in
the celestial bodies for evil purposes, as we learn from the very
rituals that are designed to counteract the machinations of
these magicians. Rituals for curing an ailment or other affliction
suspected of having been brought about by such machinations
are prescribed when "witchcraft was practised against that
man before the such-and-such star. //415 The words 'witchcraft 7
(ipsu) and 'was practiced against him' (epsusu) belong, as we
saw, to the family of the verb epesu, 'to do/ that is also the tech-
nical term for 'bewitching.' Another term for witchcraft or sor-
cery, kispu, belongs to the family of words that includes the
terms for sorcerer (kassapu) and sorceress (kassaptu), derived
from the verb kasapu 'to bewitch.'
In Babylonian sources, the witches carry out their magic
"before" a star, and they are not known to bring the stars down
from the sky as Medea raved 416 nor do magic texts reveal that
414 For 'sorceress' many descriptive terms, mostly designating these
women as coming from foreign parts, are known, see Tzvi Abusch, "The
Demonic Image of the Witch in Babylonian Literature," in Religion, Science,
and Magic, Jacob Neusner et al., eds. (New York/Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1989) 27-58.
415 ana amlli suatu ana pan MUL NN ipsu epsusu, STT 89:50, etc., see
below pp. 103ff.; for references (before Sirius: BAM 461 and dupls.; Scor-
pius: BAM 203; Ursa Maior: AMT 44,4) see Marie-Louise Thomsen, Zauber-
diagnose und Schwarze Magie in Mesopotamien, The Carsten Niebuhr Institute
of Ancient Near Eastern Studies 2 (1987), 80 nn. 89-91.
416 Hue ille uasti more torrentis iacens
descendat anguis, cuius immensos duae,
maior minorque sentiunt nodos ferae
(maior Pelasgis apta, Sidoniis minor)
97
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
they bring down the moon. To this feat there is only a cryptic
allusion in a Neo-Assyrian letter. Nevertheless, it is this allu-
sion that establishes yet another link between the Mesopo-
tamian and Classical cultures, and at the same time makes us
aware of the constraints imposed on our understanding by the
paucity and the accident of preservation of the data.
The allusion is found in a Neo-Assyrian letter written to King
Esarhaddon in the seventh century B.C. which contains the fol-
lowing passage:
As for the messengers whom the king, my lord, sent to Guzana,
who would listen to the disparaging remarks of Tarasi and his wife?
His wife, Zaza, and Tara$i himself are not to be spared. . . .
Their women would bring the moon down from heaven! 417
We might easily have dismissed the last sentence as a simple
hyperbole would it not remind us of the often-celebrated feat
of "the Thessalian witches who draw down the moon from
heaven" 418 mentioned by Plato, the feat of drawing down the
moon that had become in Latin literature the hallmark of sor-
ceresses, expressed by the Latin phrase detrahere lunam, or dedu-
cere lunam. 419
The power to draw down the moon was attributed especially
to the sorceresses of Thessaly, a land of magic compellingly
described by Lucan in The Civil War:
". . . I want the Snake that lies up there to come down here like a gigantic
torrent. I want the two Bears— the big one, useful to Greek ships, and the
small one, useful to Phoenician ships -to feel the Snake's enormous coils
. . ." Seneca, Medea 694ff.
417 ABL 633 + : 18-23, recopied with new joins CT 53 46 rev. 26f. The cited
translation was made in 1930 by Leroy Waterman. Frederick Mario Fales, AfO
27 (1980) 144 translates "The women of these people, they would bring down
the moon from the sky!"
418 Plato, Gorgias 513 A.
419 Sophie Lunais, Recherches sur la lune. I. Les auteurs latins de la fin des
Guerres Puniques a la fin du regne des Antonins. Etudes Preliminaries aux re-
ligions orientales dans l'empire romain, M. J. Vermaseren, ed., vol. 72
(Leiden: Brill 1979), Chapter XI: Le pouvoir des magiciennes sur la lune, pp.
225-33. See also Anne-Marie Tupet, La magie dans la poesie latine. I Des origines
a la fin du regne dAuguste (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1976), Chapter VII: La
descente de la lune, pp. 92-103.
98
SORCERERS AND SORCERESSES
The pregnant fields a horrid crop produce,
Noxious, and fit for witchcraft's deadly use;
With baleful weeds each mountain's brow is hung,
And listening rocks attend the charmer's song.
There potent and mysterious plants arise,
Plants that compel the gods, and awe the skies;
There leaves unfolded to Medea's view,
Such as her native Colchis never knew. 420
In this land the witches exercise their magic power to draw
down the moon:
Magic the starry lamps from heaven can tear,
And shoot them gleaming through the dusky air;
Can blot fair Cynthia's countenance serene,
And poison with foul spells the silver queen.
Held by the charming song, she strives in vain,
And labours with the long pursuing pain;
Till down, and downward still, compell'd to come,
On hallow'd herbs she sheds her fatal foam. 421
A more prosaic translation of the last section, this one by
Robert Graves: 422 "Witches have introduced the art of drag-
ging the stars from the sky; and know how to turn the Moon
dim and muddy-coloured, as though she were being eclipsed
by the Earth's shadow— after which they pull her close to them
and torture her until she secretes poisonous foam on the plants
growing underneath."
420 The verse translation is that of Nicholas Rowe from the early 18th
century.
421 .. . illic et sidera primum
praecipiti deducta polo Phoebeque serena
non aliter diris verborum obsessa venenis
palluit et nigris terrenisque ignibus arsit,
quam si fraterna prohiberet imagine tellus
insereretque suas flammis caelestibus umbras,
et patitur tantos cantu depressa labores,
donee suppositas propior despumet in herbas.
Pharsalia (also known as De hello civili) 6.499-506.
422 Robert Graves, Lucan, Pharsalia (Penguin Books, 1957) 141. A more
recent verse translation is that of P. F. Widdows, Lucan's Civil War (Bloom-
ington: Indiana University Press, 1988).
99
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
The sorceresses' ability to draw down the moon, which is
attested even in modern circum-mediterranean popular lore, 423
has been given a rationalist explanation not only in modern
times; the means to achieve this feat (with candles, water, and
mirrors) had been denounced already in the fourth century by
bishop Hippolytus of Rome. 424
The connection between the Classical topos and the refer-
ence contained in the Neo-Assyrian letter has been overlooked
for many years. 425 If in Greek and Latin poetry "bringing
down the moon from heaven" was already a topos, 426 associ-
ated with the sorceresses of Thessaly, 427 or with barbarians,
for example by Lucian in his Lover of Lies with a Hyperborean,
the origin and original referent of this strange image are
unknown. We may assume that it was already well known by
the seventh century B.C., when it appears in the quoted Neo-
Assyrian letter, since, in speaking of the barbarians of Guzana
in Syria, the simple allusion to "their women who bring the
moon down from heaven" sufficed to brand them as witches.
Even further, while Greek and Latin poets often allude to this
feat of the sorceresses— the most famous being perhaps the
verse "Charms (that is, incantations) are able to draw the Moon
423 See Tupet, op. cit. (note 419) 97ff.
424 Refutatio omnium haeresium IV 37, L. Duncker and F. G. Schneide-
win, eds. (Gottingae: Dieterich, 1859).
425 In fact, Leroy Waterman in 1930 not only translated the letter as cited,
but in his Commentary refers to a certain Sina Schiffer, and if we follow up
this reference to the journal Oriens. The Oriental Review (January 1926, p. 34,
n. 38) Schiffer had founded in Paris to promote collaboration between French
and American scholars, but which did not live beyond its first year, we find
that he speaks of the Classical origin of "this allegorical locution." Unfortu-
nately, Waterman's Commentary is hardly consulted nowadays, and so his
insight into the connection between the letter and the Classical parallels has
borne no fruit.
426 See S. Lunais, op. cit. (note 419).
427 quae sidera excantata voce Thessala
lunamque caelo deripit
"who, using the Thessalian incantations, tears the stars and the Moon
from the sky"
Horace, Epod. 5.45-46, cited Lunais p. 227. For the association of Thessaly
with magic and sorceresses see also G. W. Bowersock, "Zur Geschichte des
romischen Thessaliens," Rheinisches Museum 108 (1965) 278f .
100
SORCERERS AND SORCERESSES
from the sky" 428 of Virgil's Eighth Eclogue— there is no refer-
ence, to my knowledge, to this feat either in the poetry of the
Babylonians, or in their astral magic. It is true that the male
Moon god of the Sumerians and the Semites has less affinity
with the 'wise women' of Mesopotamia than the goddess Selene,
Cynthia, or Luna of the Greeks and Romans. Perhaps it is for
this reason that it was the power of the stars that Babylonian
sorceresses and other magicians were using to carry out their
machinations.
The means of affecting the intended victim involve, as in
other cultures, the use of figurines made of him 429 or, more
directly, imbuing with sorceries, in Akkadian kispu, the food he
eats, the water he drinks, and the oil he uses as body ointment.
An elaborate ritual extending throughout a whole night, called
Maqlu 'Burning' is designed to counteract these evil machina-
tions by burning figurines of the person suspected of having
wrought sorcery. 430 The ritual begins, appropriately, with a
prayer to the "gods of the night": "I invoke you, Gods of the
night, with you I invoke the night, the veiled bride, I invoke
(the three watches of the night) the evening watch, the mid-
night watch, the dawn watch." 431 It is from such rituals, and
from the proscription of black magic found in the law books
(the Code of Hammurapi and the Middle Assyrian Laws) that
the machinations of sorcerers and sorceresses can be docu-
mented, since instructions for practicing such noxious magic
have, for good reason, not come down to us. 432
The effect of "witchcraft practiced before the such-and-such
star" is manifested in a number of afflictions, physical as well
428 carmina vel caelo possunt deducere Lunam, Verg., Eel. 8.69.
429 See Christopher A. Faraone, "Binding and Burying the Forces of Evil:
The Defensive use of 'Voodoo Dolls' in Ancient Greece," Classical Antiquity
10 (1991) 165-99, also, in a partly different version, in Talismans and Trojan
Horses (Oxford University Press, 1992) 74-93, Chapter 4.
430 See Tzvi Abusch, "Maqlu," in RLA 7 (1989) 346-51.
431 alslkunusi ill muslti, ittikunu alsi musltu kallatu kuttumtu, alsi
bararltu qablltu u namarltu.
432 Note the two unusual and difficult texts containing a self-curse, each
addressed to a god, for which see Erich Ebeling, "Ein babylonischer Beispiel
schwarzer Magie," Or. NS 20 (1951) 167-70 a -► Wolfram von Soden, JAOS
71 (1951) 267f. ad UET 4 171 (the latter text reedited with collations by
Michael Streck, ZA 83 [1993] 61-65).
101
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
as psychological, that are described in the opening words of the
treatment. The names of these afflictions are usually written
with Sumerograms, that is, a group of cuneiform signs whose
literal meaning can usually be derived from their Sumerian con-
stituent elements, but for which the Akkadian equivalent is not
always known, and whose exact meaning is by no means se-
curely established.
Nevertheless, the very names of certain diseases or disabili-
ties indicate their astral cause: 'semen of Jupiter/ 433 '"hand"
(SU) of Sin (i.e., the Moon) 7 or '"hand" of Samas (i.e., the Sun)/
and '"seizure" by Lugalirra/ 434 one of the twin gods who, with
Meslamtaea, represents the Twin stars, Gemini. The nature of
the relationship of the disease to the deity said to have caused
it with his "hand" or his "seizure" is usually impossible to deter-
mine. As to the "semen" or "sperm" of the stars 435 describing
certain illnesses, it may be a name for "dew" (which is else-
where called "Blood of the stars"), 436 since dew is said to
descend from the stars, and dew can be maleficent— "the evil
dew of the stars"— as well as soothing. 437
Most frequently mentioned among the magic afflictions diag-
nosed as inflicted with the connivance of the stars is the one
called 'cutting the breath/ 438 Since according to the rubric of
one such ritual '"cutting the breath 7 has been practiced against
433 rihut Sulpaea. Names composed with "semen" or "sperm" and the
name of a god appear among "secret" names given to herbs in PGM XII 401,
etc. (see p. 33 above), see Hopfner, Offenbarungszauber, vol. 1 §493, and the
herbal of Pseudo-Dioscorides mentions the plant 'Sperm of Hermes/ see
ibid. §494. Whether the "sperm of the stars" refers to a particular ingredient
or is to be understood as "dew" is unclear. Note the designation "Blood of
the stars" given to dew by dream-interpreters, among other such fancy
names deplored by Artemidorus, Onirocriticon 4,22 (note 132 above), cited
Hopfner, vol. 1 §496.
434 See the text STT 89 cited presently.
435 rihut kakkabim, AfO 18 (1957-58) 63 i 12.
436 See the Artemidorus reference cited in a preceding note.
437 See note 249.
438 Another translation is "throat-cutting." The ambiguity stems from the
various meanings of the Sumerian element zi of the loanword zikurudu (from
Sumerian zi.ku(d).ru.da) and of its Akkadian equivalent napistu, that can
mean life, breath, and throat as well. For literature and suggested identifica-
tions see Kocher, BAM IV p. xvi n. 26.
102
SORCERERS AND SORCERESSES
the man in front of Sirius," 439 the cure is sought from Sirius
too. It takes the form of a complex ritual with alternating liba-
tions and prayers to (literally: before) Sirius. The rites are per-
formed in a curtained-off enclosure prescribed in other rituals
too 440 and the prayer 441 is recited three times with the appropri-
ate "lifting of the hand." The instructions say: "facing Sirius you
sweep the roof, you sprinkle pure water, you strew juniper on a
censer (aglow) with acacia-embers, you libate fine beer, you
prostrate yourself, you draw the curtains, you set out heaps of
flour, you purify that man with censer, torch, and holy-water
basin, you have him stand inside the curtains on garden herbs 7 ,
he lifts his hand, recites this 'recitation' three times, each time
he recites it he prostrates himself and tells everything that is
on his mind, and then the wrath of (his) god and goddess will
be loosed, the sorcery and machinations will be loosed." 442
Several evil machinations are enumerated in a long text,
which is identified as an excerpt from the medical com-
pendium When you approach the patient, itself a sub-series of the
diagnostic omen series. 443 The patient may suffer from such
439 [KA.I]NIM.MA summa amelu ina pan MUL.KAK.SI.SA ZI.KU5.RUDA
epussu(DU-su), BAM 461 iii 4'.
440 For example, "you draw the curtain as a diviner would do," also "(the
ceremony performed in) the curtained cubicle on the 13th day," etc., see CAD
S/2 s.v. siddu B.
441 In one of the exemplars the prayer is dubbed a "lifting-of-the-hand"
prayer (for which see p. 17) and was published, along with the extant part
of the pertinent ritual, by Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen zur Formensprache
der babylonischen "Gebetsbeschwbrungen," Studia Pohl: Series Maior, 5 (Rome:
Biblical Institute Press, 1976) 540f . The subscript is preserved in BAM 461 and
in its fragmentary duplicate BAM 462 which gives a more complete version
of the ritual but preserves only part of the prayer.
442 ina pan MUL.KAK.SI.SA ura tasabbit me elluti tasallah nignak burasi
ina penti asagi tasarraq sikara resta tanaqqi tusken siddl tasaddad zidub-
dubbe tattanaddi amela suatu nignakka gizilla agubba tullalma ina birlt siddi
ina muhhi sammi kiri tuszassuma qassu inassi minutu annltu 3-su imannu
ema imtanu usken u mimma mala libbasu sabtu idabbubma kimilti ili u istari
patratsu kispu ipsu ipattaru, BAM 461 iii 5'-13'.
443 According to the subscripts in lines 102 and 215, these are the 23rd ?
and [24th ? ] tablets of the composition (DUB 23 ? .KAM.MA ana GIG ina TE-
ka, STT 89:102, [DUB.n.KAM.MA ana GIG] ina TE-ka, STT 89:215). In the
catalogue to the diagnostic omen series published by I. L. Finkel in A Sci-
entific Humanist. Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs, Erie Leichty, M. dej.
103
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
afflictions as the previously mentioned 'cutting the breath/ 444
"seizure" by Lugalirra, 445 'semen of Jupiter' 446 and "hand" of
Sin or "hand" of Samas, 447 or 'epilepsy 7 ' m and diseases called
with such opaque names as 'hatred'; 449 other afflictions may
have been described in the broken sections. That these were
wrought by magic means can be inferred from enumerations
of the same afflictions in other sources among effects of witch-
craft; 450 in this very text one of them is attributed to the
placing of a figurine of the man in a grave with a dead man 451
and another to the fact that wax figurines of him were "laid
down" 452 — no doubt also in a grave or some other gruesome
place. That some, perhaps all, of the strange-named and
sorcery-induced diseases refer to psychological disorders has
also been suggested. 453
One affliction, called by the seemingly transparent name
Ellis, P. Gerardi, eds. (Philadelphia: The University Museum, 1988) 146, this
sub-series occupies Tablets III-XIV, and thus the serial number "23" given
in the Sultantepe text poses a redactional problem, for which see already
O. R. Gurney, The Sultantepe Tablets, vol. 1, p. 8. Recently M. Stol has pro-
posed to see in this text an older version of the diagnostic omen series, in
Epilepsy in Babylonia, Cuneiform Monographs, 2 (Groningen: Styx, 1993) 91ff .
444 zikurudu (ZI.KU 5 .RUDA) lines 27, 33, 47, etc.
445 d Lugalirra isbassu 'the god Lugalirra has seized him/ lines 105, 111, 116,
126, 135.
446 rihut Sulpaea, lines 169, 176, 186, 190.
447 line 214.
448 miqtu (AN.TA.SUB.BA), lines 138, 143, 150, 162.
449 ztru (HUL.GIG), lines 82, 89, 93.
450 Compare, for example, the enumeration kispi ruhu ru[su upsase] la
tabuti(NU.DUG.GA.MES)KI.AG.GAHUL.GIG.GADI.BA[L.A . . .] KA.DIB.BI.DA
KA.GIR.RA SUR ! (text SAR).HUN.GA [. . .] E.GAL.KU4.RA miqit temi san[e temi]
SU. d INNIN.NA SU.GIDIM.MA SU.NAM.ER[IM.MA . . .] d ALAD HUL-tim SAG.
HUL.HA.ZA m[ukll res lemutti] iskununimma . . ., Egbert von Weiher, SpTU,
vol. 2 no. 19:24-30, and the similar enumeration in W. G. Lambert, "An Incan-
tation of the Maqlu Type," AfO 18 (1957-58) 288-99, on pp. 289f . lines 11-15
and note p. 95 and in CBS 14161:7-8, in E. Leichty, "Guaranteed to Cure,"
in A Scientific Humanist. Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs, Erie Leichty,
M. dej. Ellis, P. Gerardi, eds. (Philadelphia: The University Museum, 1988)
262.
451 [. . .] itti mtti sunul, line 7.
452 NU.MES-sw sd GAB.LAL s[u-nu-lu], line 101.
■^ Edith K. Ritter and J. V. Kinnier Wilson, "Prescription for an Anxiety
State: a Study of BAM 234," Anatolian Studies 30 (1980) 23-30.
104
SORCERERS AND SORCERESSES
'seizing of the mouth/ 454 and which therefore has been taken
to describe aphasia, 455 that is, an inability to speak, can be
shown to have been imputed to evil magic by referring once
again to Classical sources. In the Wasps of Aristophanes a dog
is put on trial, accused of stealing a piece of cheese. When he
takes the stand, the dog, famed for his barking, is suddenly
and strangely silent. The president of the mock tribunal, con-
cerned lest this silence be interpreted as an admission of guilt,
is ready with a precedent for such an incident: he quotes the
case of a certain Thucydides, son of Melesias, who suffered
the same mishap when he was on trial— he suddenly became
paralyzed in his jaw. 456 According to the scholia, this Thucyd-
ides, an excellent orator, after he had heard his accusers make
their case in the course of a trial, was not able to plead his own
defense, just as if he had a tongue which had been bound from
within. In this way he was convicted and afterwards ostracized.
Other stories also recount inexplicable seizures suffered by
". . . even experienced orators while pleading at the bar";
further testimonies 457 come from inscriptions and from the life
of Libanius, the famous orator of the fourth century a.d., who
was accused of having cast a spell on a rival whose memory
failed in the midst of a speech. Libanius himself tells us in his
454 sibit pi (KA.DIB.BI.DA), line 101.
455 Also translated 'lockjaw/ see CAD Z s.v. zikurudu. For a medical pre-
scription for KA.DIB.BI.DA see 17 sammu latkutu sa KA.DIB.BI.DA 'seventeen
tested herbs for seizing of the mouth/ E. Leichty, "Guaranteed to Cure," in
A Scientific Humanist. Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs, Erie Leichty, M.
dej. Ellis, P. Gerardi, eds. (Philadelphia: The University Museum, 1988) 262
CBS 14161:5. Recently, Stefan Maul, in his review of Thomsen's book on
Magic, Welt des Orients 19 (1988) 165ff ., has suggested that the affliction refers
to stopping up the mouth of the effigy representing the victim.
456 "n ^ it seems to me that it suffered the same misfortune that once
befell Thucydides when he was on trial: he suddenly became paralyzed in
his jaw."
ook, aXX' 8K8ivo jioi 5ok8i rcercovGevai,
orcep 710X8 (peoyoov ercaGe Kai 0oi)Ki)5i5r|c;
drcorcXriKToc; e^aupvnc; eyevexo xac; yv&Gooc;.
457 All adduced by Christopher A. Faraone, "An Accusation of Magic in
Classical Athens (Ar. Wasps 946-48)," TAPA 119 (1989), citing from scholia to
Ar. Wasps 946-48, also Ar. Acharnians 703-18, cited p. 151; Libanius, cited
p. 153.
105
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
autobiography (1.245-49) how at one point late in his life he
became gravely ill and was no longer able to read, write, or
speak before his students, until there was mysteriously dis-
covered in his lecture hall the body of a chameleon, strangely
twisted and mutilated; one of its forefeet was missing, and the
other was "closing the mouth for silence." Libanius recognized
a case of magic, and what concerns us especially here, he inter-
preted the placing of the chameleon's forefoot upon its mouth
as having effected the silencing of his speech. He regained his
health, he says, only after the body of the chameleon was
removed from the room. 458
The "seizing of the mouth" in Babylonian magic texts also
was designed, no doubt, to bring about the inability to speak,
especially to speak in one's defense before the judges.
The witchcraft responsible for such afflictions was performed,
as the medical text expressly states, "before" certain stars: accord-
ing to one diagnosis, 'a "binding" was "bound" for him before
Jupiter on the 21st (or) the 22nd'; 459 according to another,
'magic [was practiced] against that man on the 4th ? of month
XI "before" Centaurus/ 460 or 'magic was practiced against that
man on the nth of month XII "before" Scorpius'; 461 and, with
the name of the star broken: '[magic was practiced] against that
man "before" [. . .].' 462 In another diagnosis only the month
name is preserved, not the star's: '[magic was practiced] against
that man [on the nth ? ] of month IV ["before" . . .].' 463 This last
458 Campbell Bonner, "Witchcraft in the Lecture Room of Libanius,"
TAPA 63 (1932) 34ff. See also Peter Brown, "Sorcery, Demons, and the Rise
of Christianity," in Witchcraft, Confessions & Accusations, Mary Douglas, ed.
(London: Tavistock 1970) 29. Especially relevant are the "judicial curse
tablets" that "attempt to bind the opponent's ability to think clearly and
speak effectively in court at an upcoming trial. . . . judicial curses are pri-
marily concerned with the cognitive and verbal faculties which are essential
to success in the law courts . . ." (Faraone, "An Accusation of Magic," 156f.).
459 ana IGI d Sul-pa-e ina UD.21.KAM ina UD.22.KAM rik-su fra-kis]-su,
STT 89 line 31.
460 ana NA BI ITI.ZIZ UD.4 ? .KAM IGI MUL.EN.TE.NA.BAR.HUM ip-su [ep-
su-sii], line 50.
461 ana NA BI ina ITI.SE ina |~UD.x.KAMl [IGI] MUL.GIR.TAB ip-sii ep-su-
sii, line 54f .
462 ana NA BI ana IGI [MU]L [...], line 36.
463 ana NA BI ina ITI.SU [. . .], line 74.
106
SORCERERS AND SORCERESSES
paragraph may already refer to 'hatred/ which follows as diag-
nosis in lines 85, 89, and 93. Even such a usually beneficent
power as the Wagon (Ursa Maior) could be used for nefarious
purposes, as an unfortunately fragmentary prescription, from
which little survives beyond the phrase "[witchcraft was prac-
ticed?] against that man before the Wagon/' 464 testifies.
What a star has wrought, a star will undo. To counteract the
evil magic, one turns again to the stars: materials to be used in
the ritual, just as medications (see pp. 48ff.), are to be exposed
to stars, as in the instruction: "you expose it to all 7 stars"; 465
two now broken lines must have held similar instructions. 466
An effluvium from a celestial body may manifest itself not
only as "seizure" or "hand"; 467 another image used is "cov-
ering" or "clapping down," an image taken from the impact of
a net. 468 For example, a diagnosis states: "the name (of the ill-
ness) is 'male fly of . f .,' a wind has swept over him, it is 'cov-
ering by Sagittarius/ you may make a prognostication," 469 and
another: "its name is 'female fly of . . ./a wind has swept over
him, it is 'covering by the Twins/ you may make a prognosti-
cation." 470 The term also occurs in the fragmentary prescrip-
tions "for 'covering by Istar.'" 471 Unidentified is the disease or
symptom called "staff of the Moon." 472
The stars are appealed to as individual divine beings whose
influence is sought in order to avert the sorcerers' machina-
tions, and it is in the same guise that they are invoked to save
from other afflictions, or to achieve a desired goal. Their
464 ana LU BI ana pan MUL.MAR.GID.[DA . . .], AMT 44,4:2.
465 ana IGI MUL DU ? tus-bat, line 17.
466 [. . . tus]-bat, line 22, ana IGI MUL [...], line 60.
467 An illness is called "hand of Venus" in the Neo-Assyrian letter to the
king, ABL 203 r. 4, see Parpola, SAAB 2 (1988) 74 n. 4.
468 sihiptu, a noun derived from the verb sahapu 'to cover, overwhelm/
469 lamsat hilati NITA MU.NI saru isbitsuma sihi[pti] d PA.BIL.SAG qlba
(DUG4.GA) GAR-an. The noun qibu 'command, declaration' is the technical
term for prognosis, prognostication.
470 lamsat hilati SAL MU.NI saru is-[bit-su-ma] sihipti d MAS.TAB.BA qf-ba
GAR-an, AMT 44,1 ii 4 and 10 = BAM 580 iii 16f. and 22.
471 ana sihipti Istar [. . .], BAM 582 ii 5' and 7'.
472 GIS.PA sd d EN.ZU, in summa LU GIM GIS.PA sd d EN.ZU GAR-sum-ma
'if (something) like the "staff of Sin" affects the man/ BAM 471 ii 21, dupl.
TDP 192:35.
107
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
influence is not yet connected, as it will be in Hellenistic astrol-
ogy, with their positions, their "houses/' and aspects.
Still, there exist a few texts from Babylonia that seem to
be precursors of Greek astrology. Two late, largely parallel,
lists from Hellenistic Uruk 473 enumerate the "regions" or
"areas" 474 of the zodiacal constellations associated with a cer-
tain activity which, in order to succeed, has to be carried out
in that region. Occasionally an explicit instruction is added: tep-
pusma isallim "if you carry it out, it will succeed."
It is again the Greek astrological tradition that provides the
clue for interpreting the Babylonian references to the signs of
the zodiac. What the texts mean when they refer to these signs
is the region of the sky where the Moon stands in that partic-
ular moment. The Moon's position is considered auspicious or
inauspicious for engaging in a specific activity, and these
moments have been collected in so-called Lunaria (when
written in Latin), preserved from the second century a.d.
onward, 475 to which the Babylonian texts represent often very
close parallels.
The lunaria not only indicate the auspicious moments (with
such phrases as bonum est, utile est) but also the times to be
avoided (with such phrases as malum est or caveat vos) when
engaging in a specific activity. The Babylonian "Lunarium"
includes, e.g., "to bring back a fugitive: region of Regulus, or
Libra," 476 comparable to finding a fugitive, indicated for several
473 BRM 4 19 and 20, edited by A. Ungnad, "Besprechungskunst und
Astrologie in Babylonien," AfO 14 (1941-44) 251-84. More recently, these
texts have been studied by Jean Bottero, EPHE, Annuaire 1974/75 130ff.,
reprinted in Jean Bottero, Mythes et rites de Babylone (Geneva-Paris: Slatkine-
Champion, 1985) lOOff .
474 The term used is the Sumerogram KI with the reading qaqqaru 'ground,
area, region/ written syllabically in LBAT 1626 rev 6' It is possible that a
better translation would be 'place' (locus).
475 The earliest preserved text is the Ilepi Kaxapxcov of Maximus, edited
by A. Ludwich, Leipzig, 1877; see Paola Radici Colace, Le parafrasi bizantine
del nEPi katapxqn di Massimo, Letteratura e Civil ta Bizantina, 4 (Messina:
Dr. Antonino Sfameni, 1988). For Greek Selenodromia see the catalogue in
Delatte, CCAG 10 p. 121; for Latin Lunaria see Emanuel Svenberg, Lunaria
et Zodiologia Latina, Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia, 16 (Goteborg:
Elanders Boktryckeri, 1963).
476 BRM 4 20:20, see AfO 14 (1941-44) 259 and 265.
108
SORCERERS AND SORCERESSES
days of the Lunarium of David and Solomon, 477 and "to enter the
palace (scil., to be well received by the ruler): region of
Cancer," 478 comparable to "bonum est ire coram rege uel
iudice 'good for going before the king or a judge'" indicated for
the position of the Moon in Aries. 479 The hitherto obscure
"placing of silver" of the Babylonian texts 480 can be under-
stood in light of the lunaria's "nummos mutuos dare uel accipere
'to give or receive borrowed money'" recommended for the
signs Aries, Cancer, Libra, and Capricorn. 481 Success is also
sought in love, in business, and in obtaining royal favor, for
example "desire: 482 region of [. . .]"; "to obtain gain for the inn-
keeper: 483 region of Cancer, variant: Aquarius."
Many of the activities listed describe calamities or diseases
in order to indicate the proper time for carrying out apotropaia
against them, especially when they were caused by maleficent
practices. Such entries are, e.g., "Vertigo: 484 region of Gemini";
and "Seizing of the mouth: . . " 485 (see p. 105); and "reversal
of verdict"; "cutting the breath"; "hatred"; and "migraine 7 ," 486
all well known and often listed among the evil machinations
of sorcerers. 487 The acts of black magic by means of which the
sorcerer and sorceress sought to achieve their goals include, for
example, "to seize a ghost and tie him to a man" 488 and "to
477 A. Delatte, CCAG 10 pp. 122ff., e.g., 6 (poycbv etipeGfiGeTai.
478 BRM 4 20:12, see AfO 14 (1941-44) 258 and 263.
479 Cod. Paris. Nouv. Acq. Lat. 299, XIII s., f. 23r-24v, in Svenberg p. 80,
13.
480 sikin kaspi, BRM 4 20:19 = BRM 4 19:7. Compare the proscription for
month II day 13: sea kaspa la isakkan 'he must not "place" barley (or) silver/
KAR 178 iv 67.
481 Cod. Vat. Pal. Lat. 834, cited Svenberg (note 475 above) p. 44.
482 SA.ZI.GA (= nis libbi), BRM 4 20:45.
483 M\h sabi sursi, BRM 4 20:25 = BRM 4 19:14; see above note 267
484 IGI.NIGIN.NA (= sidanu), BRM 4 20:10.
485 KA.DIB.BI.DA (= sibit pi), BRM 4 20:43 = BRM 4 19:38.
486 DI.BAL.A, BRM 4 20:2, with commentary nabalkut dini ibid. 55; ZI.KU 5 .
RU.DA (= zikurudu), BRM 4 20:9; HUL.GIG, BRM 4 20:22 = BRM 4 19:11,
with commentary: ze-'-i-ri 'hate/ BRM 4 20:66; and SAG.KLDIB.BA, literally:
'seizing of the forehead/ BRM 4 20:44.
487 See note 450.
488 GIDIM DIB-bat KI LtJ ana KES, BRM 4 20:33, explained in the commen-
tary (ibid. 73) as e-tem-mu sa-ba-tu it-ti ameli a-na ra-k[a-si], see AfO 14
(1941-44) 259f.
109
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
hand over a figurine of the man to death (or: to a dead
man)." 489 These are comparable to the Lunarium which speci-
fies the days suitable for making amulets and phylacteria and
carrying out magical operations. 490
Some of the entries must go back to an earlier period, as is
shown by the philological commentary appended to one of the
two texts to explicate it and to render the Sumerograms in
Akkadian; the other text has been provided with an arithmet-
ical scheme, known in Greek astrology under the name dode-
katemoria, in which two points of the zodiac are related in such
a fashion that the dodekatemorion of one position is found by
adding to a particular degree of the sign (i.e., a number
between 1 and 30) its twelve-fold multiple; the resulting
number then is expressed by a degree in another sign. 491
While only two texts are complete, several fragments dealing
with "regions" testify that such speculations were fashionable
in the late period. Most of the fragments are as yet unpub-
lished; one of them that is published shows the term "region"
in one of its rubrics. 492 The names of two zodiacal constella-
tions, Virgo and Capricorn, can be read in this small fragment;
it is possible to restore the names of others, along with the activ-
ities recommended when the Moon is in their "region," from
the two Uruk texts. For example, the Moon in the region of
Virgo assures "that he who sees you rejoices at seeing you"; 493
the Moon in the region of the (. . .) star 494 is "for being
purified through the river (ordeal)"; 495 another "so that a
'favorable finger 7 be pointed behind the man"; 496 and for the
Moon in the zodiacal signs now broken, it promises "favor 7 of
489 salam ameli ana mutu paqadu, ibid. 33 and commentary ibid. 71.
490 A. Delatte, CCAG 10 pp^ 71ff.
491 For the arithmetical scheme of BRM 4 19 see Neugebauer and Sachs,
"The 'Dodekatemoria' in Babylonian Astrology," AfO 16 (1952-53) 65-66.
492 [. . .] x.MES qaq-qa[r . . .], LBAT 1626 rev. ? 6'.
493 [amirka ana amarika] hade KI MUL.KI.DIDLI, LBAT 1626 rev. ? 2'; cf . BRM
4 20:16 = 19:2 Leo.
494 End of line; no star name seems to be missing after MUL.
495 ID.KU.GA KI MUL, LBAT 1626 rev. ? 3'; cf. BRM 4 20:11 Capricorn.
496 uban damiqti arki ameli [tarasf], LBAT 1626 rev. ? 4', restored from paral-
lels, tablet preserves [~LA~| [. . .]).
110
SORCERERS AND SORCERESSES
the king" 497 and the unfortunately obscure outcome "the
(legal) case of ? the (or: his) adversary . . " 498
By determining the propitious time for initiating an activity,
the genre represents an early example of the process known as
catarchic astrology. 499
The correspondences drawn between the signs of the zodiac
and the performance of the apotropaic or prophylactic rites
have a forerunner from a much earlier time. The tablet that
records them comes from the site of Sultantepe and is dated
to 619 B.C. 500 and thus the composition of the text must
precede this date. The same catarchic magic that was listed in
the late texts is here stated in terms of propitious dates rather
than signs of the zodiac. 501
The most significant difference between the two is the
absence in the earlier text of the astronomical data of BRM 4
19. 502 The Sultantepe text goes through the months of the
year, singling out the days of the months that are propitious for
carrying out the described enterprise. 503 Its recommendations
are expressed by the already mentioned formula teppusma
isallim "if you carry it out, it will succeed" which ends each sec-
tion. It also includes activities that are now missing or were
never included in the late texts, such as, for the first month in
its entirety ("from the 1st to the 30th") "desire," 504 also "for
(curing?) migraine and calming desire." 505
497 [ma ? -gar ? ~\ (copy: x GAR, with the GAR sign written as the numeral
"4") LUGAL KI x, LBAT 1626 rev. ? 2; cf. BRM 4 20:46, constellation broken.
498 [• • •] MUL SUM 7 (possibly mistake for MAS 'Capricorn') din(Dl) bel
dababi KI ? (or bel dababisu) x [. . .], LBAT 1626 rev. ? 5'.
499 See Introduction (p. 13) and above note 475. See also A. Bouche-
Leclercq, L'Astrologie grecque (Paris, 1899, reprinted Aalen: Scientia, 1979)458ff.
500 Dated by the name of the eponym Bel-aha-usur in the colophon.
501 £jY 300^ published in 1964 in cuneiform copy by O. R. Gurney, who
identified it as a duplicate to BRM 4 19 and noted the differences between
them. See also Jean Bottero, EPHE, Annuaire 1974-75, pp. 130ff., reprinted
in Jean Bottero, Mythes et rites (note 473 above) lOOff .
502 See above pp. 108ff. and note 491.
503 STT 30 O:7 has a p ara ii e i i n Egbert von Weiher, SpTU, vol. 2 no. 23:1,
a ritual concerning the activity su.dus.a, which is also listed in BRM 4 20, see
Ungnad, AfO 14 (1941-44) 272 and von Weiher, op. cit. 124.
504 SA.ZI.GA, line 1.
505 SAG.KI.DIB TUK-e u nu-uh-hi SA.ZI.GA x x, line 2.
Ill
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
Some entries are applicable to more than one month. 506
According to rev. 18, days 27, 28, and 29 of every month are (pro-
pitious) for [expelling 7 ] the demon SAG.HUL.HA.ZA, literally:
'who holds the head of evil/ 507
The medieval lunaria that list every day of the month are not
much different from the hemerologies that list auspicious and
inauspicious days, adding, in the words of Boll and Gundel,
only a thin veneer of astrology 508 over the ancient menologies,
and the previously adduced lunaria or zodiologia, which list the
twelve zodiacal signs, can similarly be considered offshoots of
the ancient menologies.
Such hemerologies and menologies existed in Mesopo-
tamia, 509 both in the redaction in which the days and the
months are listed in their calendrical order and marked as
either good or bad for initiating certain activities, and in the
reverse format, in which the activity is mentioned first, and is
followed by the list of the months or days which are recom-
mended for its execution or are to be avoided. 510 The resem-
blances to the last section (lines 765-828) of Hesiod's Works and
Days, even though they are few and superficial, have naturally
been noted by the editors of these texts. 511
As for the cultic significance of the days and months of the
506 Line 11 to months II and III, line 19 to months IV and V, line 24 to
months VI and VII, rev. 15 to months X and XI, and rev. 16 and 17 to months
XI and XII. (Months VIII and IX are not so combined.)
507 For this demon see W. Farber, "Saghulhaza mukil res lemutti," ZA 64
(1974) 87-95.
508 "es ist damit nur ein leichter astrologischer FirniB uber die alte
Tagewahlweisheit gestrichen," Boll-Bezold-Gundel 176.
509 For texts and discussion see S. Langdon, Babylonian Menologies and the
Semitic Calendars, The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy 1933
(London: Oxford University Press, 1935); Rene Labat, Hemerologies et meno-
logies d'Assur (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1939), and additional texts published by
him in RA 38 (1941) 13ff., MIO 5 (1957) 299-345, Sumer 8 (1952) 17ff.; and
by L. Matous in Sumer 17 (1961) 17ff. A new edition of the hemerologies is
being prepared by A. Livingstone.
510 Among the lunaria too some are arranged according to the activity rec-
ommended or to be avoided, see Boll-Bezold-Gundel 176, listing "Krankheits-,
Traum-, AderlaB-, Nativitats- und Tagewahllunare."
511 The edition of Hesiod by M. L. West (Oxford University Press, 1978),
conversely, notes many parallels with the Assyrian and Babylonian hemerol-
ogies and Mesopotamian (Sumerian and Akkadian) literary texts.
112
SORCERERS AND SORCERESSES
year from Sumerian times onward, and for the local calendars
of the second millennium, it is only recently that efforts have
been underway 512 to enlarge and update Benno Landsberger's
early work of 1915, 513 since he himself never returned to the
subject in a second volume as he had promised.
The cuneiform hemerologies list the days that are favorable —
in their entirety or in part— in general or for conducting a par-
ticular kind of business or activity, either private, such as
building a house, taking a wife, or religious, such as addressing
prayers and offerings to a god or goddess. The sequence is
calendrical by months and days; some texts are laid out in a grid
pattern, indicating "favorable" (SE) or "unfavorable" (NU SE) in
the appropriate column of a table. 514
Some lists give only a selection of the days of the month. The
selection always includes the days that are most dangerous,
namely the "evil" days 7, 14, 19, 21, 28. Cultically significant
days on which prayers and offerings to gods are prescribed are
found especially in hemerologies prepared for use by the king,
and perhaps exclusively in those. Astral gods to whom prayers
and offerings are to be made are conceived in their astral mani-
festations: stars, constellations, and planets; offerings to the
Moon are prescribed for the 15th day, the day of the full moon
in the standardized thirty-day month. A hemerological text
from Assur which is the most explicit of all 515 prescribes
offerings on the 18th of Nisannu (the first month in the cal-
endar) to the Pleiades (ii 45); on the 19th and on X 10 to Orion
(Sipazianna, ii 15 and r. ii 48); on III 16 to Marduk, Gula, and
Venus (v 44f .); on III 12 and XI 14 to Venus (v 32 and r. ii 53);
on IV 18 to the Scorpion (MUL.GIR.TAB, vi 47); and VI 16 and
VII 14 to Jupiter (Sulpae, r. v 50 and r. iv 80).
512 Mark E. Cohen, The Cultic Calendars of the Ancient Near East
(Bethesda, Maryland: CDL Press, 1993); Walther Sallaberger, Der kultische
Kalender der Ur III-Zeit, Untersuchungen zur Assyriologie und Vorderasiati-
schen Archaologie, 7 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1993).
513 Benno Landsberger, Der kultische Kalender der Babylonier und Assyrer.
Leipziger Semitistische Studien 6/1-2 (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1915).
514 Compare the layout of the table at the end of the Diviner's Manual
cited p. 96.
515 KAR 178, edited by Rene Labat, Hemerologies et menologies dAssur
(Paris: Maisonneuve, 1939).
113
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
Conversely, on particular days food and sex proscriptions
apply, to avoid acts abhorrent to the astral deity. One of the
more common proscriptions, that of eating fish and leeks, is on
day 7 of month VII 516 said to be prohibited by "Sulpae, lord of
the date grove"; as often, the reference is frustrating because
a connection between Sulpae, that is, Jupiter, and date groves
is not otherwise attested, nor are we told what these two for-
bidden foodstuffs have to do with Jupiter, even though offer-
ing onions is considered sacrilegious in the Greek magical
papyri. 517
On the 7th of month VII there is a prohibition for having inter-
course with one's wife because "she will despoil him of his
virility; it is an abhorrence to the Wagon of the sky of Anu." 518
Again, the relationship between sexual abstinence and the
Wagon is not explicit, but the connection between the (celestial)
Wagon, Ursa Maior, which often represents Venus, and sexual
taboo is readily understandable.
The few late texts concerning the relationship of days of the
month and the signs of the zodiac 519 presumably reflect Helle-
nistic speculations. These are the texts for which the term "cal-
endar texts" (German: Kalendertexte) 520 was coined. Of two re-
516 Reverse iv 55f .
517 E.g., PGM IV 2584-86, 2650; the fact was noted by Albrecht Dieterich
(". . . Zwiebeln haben eine besondere Bedeutung") in Abraxas, Festschrift
Hermann Usener (Leipzig, 1905, reprinted Aalen: Scientia, 1973) 158.
518 ina sun <SAL>-su la inal UR-su itabbal ikkib GIS.MAR.GID.DA same
Anim, KAR 178 r. iv 61f . I have supplied the sign SAL 'woman' in the poorly
written and transmitted text; the omission of the word and the consequent
tfanslation "he must not lie in his (own) lap," has given rise to several, to
my mind wrong, interpretations. The remark "of the sky of Anu" to "Wagon"
is presumably added because the text simply says "wagon" (GIS.MAR.GID.
DA), not "Wagon-star" (MUL.MAR.GID.DA). For MUL.MAR.GID.DAAN.NA
'Ursa Minor' see the literature cited in W. Horowitz, "The Akkadian Name
for Ursa Minor," ZA 79 (1989) 242-44.
519 For the late introduction, c. 500 B.C., of the zodiac of 30 degrees as
opposed to references to zodiacal constellations see Neugebauer, HAMA 593.
520 E. F. Weidner, Gestirn-Darstellungen auf babylonischen Tontafeln, Oster-
reichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse,
Sitzungsberichte 254, 2. Abhandlung (Wien: Bohlaus Nachf., 1967). Addi-
tional fragments are W. Mayer, Baghdader Mitteilungen, Beiheft 2 p. 19 nos.
78-79 and W.20030,133, cited H. Hunger, "Noch ein 'Kalendertext,'" ZA 64
(1975) 43.
114
SORCERERS AND SORCERESSES
cently published tablets from Uruk that belong to this genre 521
one lists the thirty consecutive days of month IV, the other of
month VIII. Each line begins with the name of the month (indi-
cated with the "ditto"-sign from line 2 on) and the number
of the day. These two entries are followed by another pair of
entries, also designating a month and day, in which the month
is expressed, as elsewhere, by the name of the corresponding
zodiacal sign, and the day by the number referring to the
degree in the sign. From one line to the next the second pair
increases by nine signs plus seven degrees (9 x 30 + 7) yielding
the number 277. Since no astronomical significance for this
number can be found, it has been suggested, among other spec-
ulations, that it refers to the number of days in a gestation
period. In the first text (no. 104) the sequence begins with I 7
(Aries 7°) for day one, continuing with X 14 (Capricorn 14°) for
day two, etc. 522
Typical of "Calendar texts" is the association of zodiacal
signs with a tree, a stone, an herb, and various other items.
Sources come from Seleucid Uruk 523 and their relationship
with Hellenistic texts is shown by the fact that they assign the
same entities to the signs of the zodiac — or rather, of a micro-
521 Egbert von Weiher, SpTU, vol. 3 nos. 104 (month IV) and 105 (month
VIII).
522 Not all the designations of the zodiacal signs are the standard ones
used in astronomical texts. Both texts (nos. 104 and 105) use the month
names BAR (month I) instead of LU or HUN for Aries (I), and SU (month IV)
instead of ALLA for Cancer (IV). Moreover, the sign GUD Taurus' is replaced
by MUL.MUL 'Pleiades' (II), MAS.MAS 'Gemini' by SIPA 'Orion' (III), and 1 IKU
'Field' ( = Square of Pegasus) (XII?) stands for ZIB (Pisces, XII); both texts also
use the abbreviated names GIR (= GIR.TAB) for Scorpius, SIPA (= SIPA.ZI.
AN.NA) for Orion (standing for Gemini), PA (= PA.BIL.SAG) for Sagittarius,
SUHUR (= SUHUR.MAS) for Capricorn. However, according to the catch line
of no. 104, the next tablet of the set, dealing with month V, again designates
Taurus, as usual, by GUD 'Bull.'
523 Published in cuneiform copy by F. Thureau-Dangin, TCL 6 12, and
edited along with another fragment, now in Berlin, of the same tablet (see
figs. 3-5) by E. Weidner in Gestirn-Darstellungen auf babylonischen Tontafeln
(note 520 above). Included in Weidner's publication is a tablet now in the
British Museum, which is catalogued among the Kuyunjik collection, but
most likely also comes from late Babylonian Uruk. Landsberger drew atten-
tion to it as early as 1915 in Der kultische Kalender der Babylonier und Assyrer
(note 513 above) 145ff.
115
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
zodiac 524 in which each sign is divided into twelve units of 2Vi
degrees each — as do the Cyranides, 525 as I discuss in Chapter
VII. The above-described Uruk texts assign to each of the cal-
endar dates an ointment whose ingredients are related to the
zodiacal sign by a pun, either linguistic or purely orthographic,
on the name of the sign. Thus, the text prescribes as ointment
the following ingredients:
For the first month, corresponding to the zodiacal sign Aries
'Ram/ the ingredients are blood, tallow, and wool from a sheep;
for month II, corresponding to the zodiacal sign Taurus 'Bull/
here designated by one of its conspicuous constellations, the
Pleiades, they are blood, fat, or hair of a bull; for month III,
corresponding to the zodiacal sign Gemini, here, as in the simi-
larly late text cited on p. 80, designated by the name of the
constellation Orion, they are to contain the head, blood, and
feather of a rooster; 526 for month IV, corresponding to the
zodiacal sign Cancer 'Crab/ the blood and fat of a crab; for
month V, corresponding to the zodiacal sign Leo 'Lion/ blood,
tallow, or hair from a lion; for month VI, corresponding to the
zodiacal sign Virgo 'Furrow/ 527 flour made of sigusu-barley, the
head and feather of a raven; for month VII, corresponding to
the zodiacal sign libra 'Scales' . . .; 528 for month VIII, corre-
sponding to the zodiacal sign Scorpius 'Scorpion' . . .; for
month IX, corresponding to the zodiacal sign Sagittarius, here
designated by the name of the god Pabilsag, the head, feather,
and blood of the anzu-bird; for month X, corresponding to the
zodiacal sign Capricorn, blood, fat, and hair of a goat; for
month XI, corresponding to the zodiacal sign Aquarius, 529 the
524 For the micro-zodiac see A. Sachs, JCS 6 (1952) 71.
525 p or recen t literature see David Bain, Dover Fs 295f .
526 Written DAR.MUSEN, which elsewhere corresponds to Akkadian
ittidu 'francolin' but which here must be an abbreviation for DAR.LUGAL.
MUSEN = tarlugallu 'Rooster/ part of the constellation Canis Minor.
527 The name of the constellation is written, as usual in late texts, with
the signs KI.DIDLI that have no known etymology, unless they stand for Akka-
dian asar nisirti, literally "secret place," a term designating the sign in which
a planet reaches its exaltation (Greek: hypsoma). The constellation Raven
(Corvus) has its heliacal rising in month VI; compare the text cited p. 78.
528 The entry is, here and in the next month, the unintelligible KI.KAL-f/ra.
529 The name of the constellation, written GU, abbreviated from its Sumer-
ogram GU.LA, does not seem to be connected with the word for 'eagle.'
116
SORCERERS AND SORCERESSES
head, feather, and blood of an eagle; for month XII, corre-
sponding to the zodiacal sign Pisces, here designated by 'Field/
the name for the Square of Pegasus, the head and blood (vari-
ant: heart) of a dove, the head and blood of a swallow.
The late origin of the text is also evident from the fact that
the punning relationship between the prescription and the
corresponding sign of the zodiac can be understood only with
reference to the classical zodiac. For example, the recipe pre-
scribed for the first month is prepared from a sheep although
the expected zodiacal sign, Aries 'ram/ is not mentioned nor
is the Akkadian name of the sign, Agru 'hired man/ associated
with "sheep"; MUL.LU, MUL.LU, or simply LU with the mean-
ing "Aries" is well attested in Seleucid texts. 530 Note also that
the prescription for the second month requires the blood, fat,
or hair of a bull, but the month is identified by the constellation
MUL.MUL 'Stars/ i.e., the Pleiades, used in late texts instead of
the name GUD 'Bull' of the zodiacal sign.
I am not able to solve the problem posed by the unintelligible
KI.KAL-fzm prescribed for months VII and VIII, the signs Libra
and Scorpius. However, although less transparent, the connec-
tion between the birds that provide materials for the ointments
and the month or sign for which these are prescribed, can be
astronomically justified; 531 thus month III, Gemini, desig-
nated by Orion, is connected with the Rooster, a part of Canis
Minor; month VI appropriately with the Raven (Corvus);
month XI, Aquarius, with the Eagle (Aquila), and month XII,
Pisces, with the Swallow, a name for the western Fish of Pisces.
Since the identification of the anzu-bird is not certain, its con-
nection with month IX, Sagittarius, cannot be argued.
Heads and feathers of various birds indeed appear as ingre-
dients in various Mesopotamian recipes, both magic and medi-
cal, just as they do in medieval magic texts. Among twelve
recipes against a disease 532 — its name is broken on the tablet—
530 See A. Sachs, JCS 6 (1952) 71f. ad TCL 6 14:6-20. Among various the-
ories for the origin of the writing LU, the association of LU (a cuneiform sign
that may also be read UDU 'sheep') with the zodiacal sign Aries 'ram' was
also discussed by Ungnad, AfO 14 (1941-44) 256 n. 37.
531 Following a suggestion of David Pingree.
532 12 bultu sa[. . .], BAM 473 i 26; in line 27, an enumeration of medicines
for SUGIDIM.MA 'hand-of-the-ghost' begins.
117
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
only in the last five are the names of the ingredients preserved,
and in the first of these five, the eighth recipe, only the word
for "head/' The ninth recipe requires the head of a raven, 533
the tenth the head of a goose, 534 the eleventh the head of an
uruballu bird, 535 and the twelfth the head of an eagle. 536 A
salve for headache in another recipe also uses the head of an
eagle; 537 a phylactery to assure victory over an adversary must
include an eagle's head, eagle feathers, and hair from a lion. 538
The heads of a water-fowl and of a male bat 539 are used in a
salve for headache; the head of a bat and feathers and blood
from various birds in phylacteries against epilepsy 540 and
other afflictions. 541
These phylacteries are said to have been transmitted from
Lii- d Nanna, 542 one of the seven sages who lived under King
Sulgi of the Third Dynasty of Ur, who elsewhere too is credited
with the confection of powerful drugs and amulets. 543
533 qaqqad (or res, written SAG) a-ri-bi.
534 SAG KUR.GI MUSEN.
535 qaqqad (written SAG.DU) u-ru-bal-li MUSEN.
536 SAG A.MUSEN; the text is BAM 473 i 1-25.
537 qaqqad a-re-e, BAM 481:4.
538 Egbert von Weiher, SpTU, vol. 2 no. 22 iv 11-12.
539 qaqqad KI. SAG. SAL. MUSEN qaqqad BURU5.HABRUD.DA NITA, BAM 480
hi 38, cf . AMT 76,6:4'-ll' cited BAM V p. xxv ad loc.
540 BURU5.HABRUD.DA 'bat' (BAM 476:10'), arabu (a bird) (line 14'), aril
nahti 'fledgling eagle' (lines 14' and 17'), nahti paspasi 'duckling' (line 14'), aribu
'raven' (line 16). For BURU5.HABRUD.DA 'bat' see above note 363.
541 The head of a falcon (surdu) in BAM 311:62' and dupl. AMT 46,5:8, of
a swallow and a bat BE 8/1 133:6, etc., see, e.g., CAD S s.v. suttinnu.
542 See Rykle Borger, "Die Beschworungsserie bit meseri und die Himmel-
fahrt Henochs," JNES 33 (1974) 183-96, and Claus Wilcke, "Gottliche und
menschliche Weisheit im Alten Orient," in Weisheit, A. Assmann, ed.
(Munchen: Fink, 1991, pp. 259-70) 266.
543 BAM 476 r. 11', also BAM 434 iii 78.
118
CHAPTER VII
The Nature of Stones
Ingens est herbis virtus data, maxima gemmis *
(H&ya n&v o6evo<; ercXexo {yitft^ dXXa XiGou noXi) net^ov
Orphei Lithika 410.)
Zachalias of Babylon, in the volumes which he dedicates to King
Mithridates, attributes man's destiny to the influence of precious stones.
Pliny, NH 37.169.
Human-headed bulls and other stone colossi guarded, as it
is well known, the gates of Assyrian palaces. Their apotropaic
function is sometimes inherent in their names already, as that
of the guardian figure called aladlammu (from the two Sumerian
words alad and lamma, both designating protective spirits); the
name of another, apsasatu, reflects its shape (from the word for
cow, Sumerian db). Both these learned loanwords were coined,
along with many others, during the renaissance of learning
under the Sargonid kings.
The palace of Alcinous too was guarded, as we know from
the Odyssey, by apotropaic dogs of gold and silver, fashioned
for the Phaeacian king by Hephaestus the Magician. 544 But
only the Assyrian king Esarhaddon explains how the guard-
ians fulfilled their function: they were made of the stone SE.TIR
"repelling the evil one according to their siknu." 545 The avail-
able, usual translation of this word siknu as 'form' (in the
* John M. Riddle, Marbode of Rennes' (1035-1123) De Lapidibus, Prologus,
line 23. (Sudhoffs Archiv, Beiheft 20), Wiesbaden, 1977, p. 34.
544 Christopher A. Faraone, "Hephaestus the Magician and Near Eastern
Parallels for Alcinous' Watchdogs," Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 28
(1987) 257-80. A revised version is found in Christopher A. Faraone, Talis-
mans and Trojan Horses (Oxford University Press, 1992) 18-35, Chapter 2,
"Beastly Guardians at the Gate."
545 aladlamme apsasati sa NA4. SE.TIR sa ki-i sik-ni-su-nu irti lemni utarru,
Borger, Esarh. p. 61 §27 Episode 22, A vi 15-16.
119
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
alternative translation "which by virtue of their form ward off
evil" of the above phrase) seemed to indicate to Faraone, in his
comparison of Greek and Near Eastern apotropaic statues, that
the Assyrian king attributed the operative force of the statues
to their form alone. We have seen, however, that in reference
to the handbooks describing herbs or stones a more appro-
priate translation of the word siknu would be 'nature/ A trans-
lation 'nature' also vindicates Faraone's suggestion that "the
medium could also be an important factor." His suggestion was
based on an inscription of Sennacherib who boasts of having
had protective colossal statues 546 fashioned from that same
stone SE.TIR, 547 which, as the old translation had it, "was nor-
mally used only for making neck amulets." 548 Unfortunately,
Sennacherib does not say exactly this. Rather, as the more up-
to-date translation has it, he identifies "the pindu stone which
at the time of my forefathers was (considered) too precious to
be (worn) around the neck." 549 Still, as Faraone had surmised,
it is the material, the substance, the nature of the stone— its
siknu— that gives it its power, a power described in the hand-
book called, after its incipit, abnu sikinsu 'the nature of the stone
is.' Of the entries of this handbook, which has survived only
in fragmentary state, 550 some preserve the description of the
stone or mineral, and others also the purpose for which it is
suited. For example:
546 For the human-headed lion-colossi (apsasati) made of NA4. d SE.TIR see
H. D. Gaiter, L. D. Levine and J. E. Reade, ARRIM 4 (1986) 31 sub no. 20.
547 The Akkadian name is possibly pindu or ezennu, and not as previously
thought asnan.
548 "Ashnan-stone, whose beautiful structure had the appearance of cu-
cumber seeds, and was highly prized for necklaces {lit. , stones of the neck),
or amulets to bring on rain {lit., stone for commanding favor and bringing
on rain) and to keep disease from approaching a man" D. D. Luckenbill,
Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1927) vol. 2 no. 430.
549 mala aban kisadi suquru, OIP 2 127 d 5, in CAD K p. 449 kisadu meaning
2b.
550 The surviving fragments are: STT 108, STT 109, BAM 194, BAM 378,
K.4751 (for these, see B. Landsberger, JCS 21 [1967, published 1969] 151 n.
64), and BM 50664; the latter two are edited, with some comments on the
series, by Wayne Horowitz, "Two Abnu sikinsu Fragments and Related Mat-
ters," ZA 82 (1992) 112-21.
120
THE NATURE OF STONES
the such-and-such stone is for appeasing divine anger;
the such-and-such stone is for entering the palace -namely, to be
received with favor by the ruler; 551
the such-and-such stone is to prevent migraine;
the such-and-such stone which has a greenish tinge is to assure
that the god be favorable to the man; and so on. 552
Descriptions that appear only in the Assyrian kings' narra-
tives probably are citations from this work, as that of the girim-
hilibu stone, which protects one from plague 553 or of the elallu
stone, which serves to obtain obedience, 554 while that of the
SE.TIR-stone "which ensures obedience and averts destruc-
tion" 555 may be compared with "the stone for averting de-
struction," attested in a list of amulet stones. 556 The 'nature' of
the SE.TIR-stone itself does not happen to be preserved in the
Stone-book, and many of the Stone-book's descriptions leave
the modern reader perplexed and, as so often, with his curi-
osity unsatisfied. Take the entry: "the stone whose nature is
like fish eye is called 'fish-eye'"; no more informative though
more picturesque is the description of, for example, the stone
arzallu as "the stone whose nature is like a stork's wing" or the
stone abasmu called "stone of sunset"; 557 another stone or pos-
sibly the same— the name is not preserved— is called "stone
551 Two parallel texts sum up a list of 37 stones as 37 NA 4 .MES TU E.GAL
tas ? -ni-ni kar-sa la ma-ha-ri '37 stones for entering the palace and not be con-
fronted with calumny/ BM 56148 ii 12, dupl. to BAM 367:9, coll. C. B. E Walker.
552 The text is published as LKA 9; the list is on the left side of the tablet,
that is, either on the first column of the obverse or the last column of the
reverse. The bottom of the tablet is not preserved, so that the purpose of the
enumeration is not apparent. Neither are the beginnings of the lines pre-
served, so that the name of the stone with which the line began is missing;
to compound the uncertainty caused by the break at the left margin, it is also
often impossible to tell whether a line is a new entry, or whether it continues
the preceding line. The text belongs possibly to the abnu sikinsu series. Sim-
ilar are the texts BAM 343 and 344, as noted by Kocher, BAM IV p. xiii. Com-
pare also Egbert von Weiher, SpTU, vol. 4 no. 129.
553 NA 4 girimhilibu . . . NA 4 N[AM.BAD] ana ameli la tehe, Archaeologia 79
pi. 52 no. 122 N (+ M):5, cited CAD E p. 74 s.v. elallu A usage b.
554 NA 4 alallu aban qabe u magari, Borger, Esarh. 85:50, cited ibid.
555 aban qabe magari u rihsu sutuqi, Luckenbill, OIP 2 132:73 (Sennacherib).
556 NA 4 rihsi sutuqi, BAM 343:2.
557 STT 108:75 and dupl. BAM 378 iv 17'f.
121
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
of sunrise/' 558 Would that we had the lapidary of Zachalias of
Babylon! 559
A place of special interest was allotted to the magnetite,
Sumerian KA.GI.NA.DIB.BA, a compound translated into Ak-
kadian as sadanu (KA.GI.NA) with an epithet written DIB.BA
that may be read sabtu or sabitu. Since the reading of the Sumer-
ogram DIB.BA is ambiguous, the epithet either describes the
magnetic attraction of the stone: sabitu 'capturing/ or alludes to
the magnetite captured, along with a cohort of rebellious
stones, by the god Ninurta in the Sumerian mythological epic
tale Lugale: 560 sabtu 'captive/ Akkadian sadanu most likely simply
refers to the ore's '(coming) from the mountain' 561 but the
explanation of the corresponding Sumerogram KA.GI.NA as
'speaking the truth' is probably just popular etymology, based
on the possible translation dababu 'to speak' of its component
KA, and the translation kinu 'true' or kittu 'truth' of its compo-
nent GI.NA; the stone therefore is given the aitiology "the
stone of truthfulness, he who wears it shall speak the truth,
only a pious man may wear it." 562 This function of "the stone
of truthfulness" evokes of course Pliny's statement that posses-
sion of the haematite reveals treacherous designs on the part
of the barbarians. 563
Reference to the "Babylonian Stone-book" is made in a Neo-
Babylonian list of stones 564 which culls stone names, both
Sumerian and Akkadian, from the standard lexical list HAR-ra
= hubullu without apparent order. It ends with a colophon
558 STT 108:74.
559 Pliny, NH 37.169, quoted in the motto to this chapter, see Robert Hal-
leux and Jacques Schamp, Les Lapidaires grecs (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1985)
xxiv and 320.
560 J. J. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LAM-bi MR-GAL. he recit epique et didac-
tique des Travaux de Ninurta, du Deluge et de la Nouvelle Creation (Leiden: Brill,
1983).
561 From Akkadian sadu 'mountain.' See A. A. Barb, "Lapis Adamas. Der
Blutstein," in Hommages a Marcel Renard, vol. 1, Coll. Latomus 101 (Brus-
sels, 1969) 69 n. 6 for the suggestion that the word recurs in Greek as oreites,
and that Greek 8|iV|/uxov dpeiiriQ reflects Akkadian sadanu baltu.
562 BAM 194 vii 4.
563 Pliny, NH 3760, as cited in R. Campbell Thompson, DACG 86.
564 Published in MSL 10 65-68.
122
THE NATURE OF STONES
comprising a subscript 7 and a catch line: 565 "(the series) abnu
sikinsu for learning about stones'' 566 followed by the equation
NA4 KALAG = su-u, [u]s-su-ru, the catch line 567 to the stone
section of the pharmaceutical series Uruanna. 568 The same
catch line also appears at the end of Tablet VIII of the synonym
list malku = sarru, 569 showing that the sequel to this synonym
list was the stone list, or a particular recension of it. 570
Besides the handbooks, there exist shorter lists of herbs
alone, stones alone, or of a combination of herbs, stones, shells,
and various other materia magico-medica; these are usually
written on narrow tablets, 571 whose shape itself is reminiscent
of the lamellae made of lead or other metals.
Certain Akkadian stone names have been adduced to
explain Arabic and Greek counterparts. 572 The fame of stones'
magical properties and the aitiological explanations pertaining
to them have spread beyond Babylonia. The best known of
these is the aitites or 'eagle-stone/ Its name in Akkadian is aban
ere (or its phonetic variant aban are), of which the second ele-
ment, eru or aru, is both the word for eagle and the infinitive
of the verb 'to be pregnant.' It is in the bilingual Sumerian and
Akkadian lists that we find the "basic" meaning, or at least the
565 yi 17 _20.
566 [( x y)j a b nu sikinsu [N]A 4 ana lamada.
567 NA4.KALAG.GA = NA 4 su-u, K.4237 i 1, in CT 14 17 (= Uruanna III
143).
568 The stone section— with its entries preceded by the determinative
NA4 'stone— follows the herb section, whose entries begin with the deter-
minative U 'herb' or GIS 'tree'; they are usually separated by a ruling (in
Kocher, Pflanzenkunde 12 ii 39/40 and Kocher, Pflanzenkunde 14 + CT 14 10 iii
18/19). One source, K.4419, in CT 14 43, ends with the plant section, and has a
subscript [. . .] NA4.MES, which Kocher suggests to restore [arkisu] NA4.MES
'[there follow] the stones.'
569 Malku VIII 176.
570 p or concatenating various series see Chapter V (p. 90).
571 E.g., BAM 255, or UET 4 nos. 148-53, mentioned in his review of the
volume by A. Leo Oppenheim, JCS 4 (1950) 188ff., and especially Rene
Labat, "Ordonnances medicales ou magiques," RA 54 (1960) 169-76, with RA
55 (1961) 95; such texts are mentioned in Jean Bottero, EPHE, Annuaire
1974/75 p. 110, who is quoted by Kocher, BAM V p. xi note 9.
572 See Paul Kraus, Jabir ibn Hayyan, vol. 2, Memoires de l'lnstitut
d'Egypte, 45 (Cairo, 1942) 72ff. (citing Akkadian stone names after R. Camp-
bell Thompson, DACG).
123
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
meaning that was considered primary: the Sumerian name of
the stone is na4.pe§4 'stone for pregnancy/ Nevertheless, in
Akkadian context, the name of the stone is often written,
in rebus writing, with the Sumerogram NA 4 .A.MUSEN, that
is, NA 4 = aban 'stone (of)/ A.MUSEN 'eagle-bird' = eru. It is of
course the homonymity of 'pregnant' and 'eagle/ and the use
of the logogram of the latter word for the former, that gave rise
to the fable about the stone to be found in the nest of the eagle,
brought by the eagle from India or other far-away places, 573
or, according to other sources, found in the head of a fish called
'eagle/ 574 to serve as amulet for pregnant women. 575
The claim that stones have such beneficial properties was rid-
iculed by Pliny the Elder when he wrote in his Natural History
in the first century a.d.: "Zachalias of Babylon, in the volumes
which he dedicates to King Mithridates, attributes man's des-
tiny to the influence of precious stones; and as for the 'haema-
titis' [a stone discussed by Pliny earlier], he is not content to
credit it with curing diseases of the eyes and liver, but places
it even in the hands of petitioners to the king, 576 allows it to
interfere in lawsuits and trials, and proclaims also that to be
smeared with an ointment containing it is beneficial in battle." 577
Beads made of semi-precious stones, shells, and other
colored stones (some of which are probably colored glasses 578 )
are supposed to protect from evils wrought by demons or
witches. Even though in some of the Assyriological literature
they are called "amulet stones/ 7 this designation may be mis-
leading, as our own associations with the word "amulet" are
573 See RAC 1 (1950) 94 s.v. "Adlerstein."
574 Kyranides, cited Barb, JWCI 13 (1950) 317 n. 8.
575 "In der Literatur wird ein Stein erwahnt, der den Mutterleib mit dem
darin befindlichen Embryo durch ein im Inneren befindliches kleineres
Steinchen wiedergibt (AGM VIII 1/2, P. II 4 ). Natiirlich wollte sich die
Tragerin dadurch vor Fehlgeburt sichern." E. Ebeling, RLA 1 (1928) 121 s.v.
"Apotropaeen." See now R. Halleux, Les lapidaires grecs (note 559 above) 336f.
n. 4 with previous literatu hA.A. Barb, "The Eagle-stone," JWCI 13 (1950)
316-18 has noted the pun, interpreting the hesitant suggestion of R. Camp-
bell Thompson, DACG 105.
576 Compare the stone "for entering the palace" cited earlier.
577 Pliny, NH 37.169.
578 A. Leo Oppenheim, Glass and Glassmaking in Ancient Mesopotamia
(Corning, NY: The Corning Museum of Glass, 1970) 9ff.
124
THE NATURE OF STONES
different and, moreover, modern authors use the term "amulet 77
to refer to a variety of things. 579 In fact, the Latin word amuletum
from which "amulet" is borrowed has no known etymology, 580
and when Greek and Latin texts speak of using such stones and
other materials for protection, they simply prescribe "tying
them on" as in Latin (ad)alligare, Greek kathaptein or periaptein.
It is exactly the same phrase, 'to tie on/ that is used in Akkadian
to describe wearing such phylacteries. 581
Amulets are used mostly not singly, but on a string. Such a
string of beads (Akkadian turru) is made up of various stones
strung on a cord of colored — red, white, black, or multicolored —
wool to be worn as charms around the neck, on the right or left
wrist, or the right or left ankle. Other charms— amulet stones —
may be placed on the chest or the abdomen. A particularly well
known example from Hellenistic and medieval magic texts and
lapidaries is the charm used to make a woman talk, a phrase
that recurs verbatim in a Babylonian magic text. 582 It is only
the Hellenistic lapidary that says that by placing the prepara-
tion on the sleeping woman's bosom (Greek: psyche, a term
used for pudenda), she will be induced to talk. It is, however,
a medieval text that tells us that if you place the stone from the
nest of an owl [la huppe < upupa] on the bosom of the sleeping
woman, she will babble out in her sleep if she has a lover. 583
Prescriptions for various ills include long lists of such beads,
579 E. j+ Beatrice L. Goff, "The Role of Amulets in Mesopotamian Ritual
Texts," JWCI 19 (1956) 1-39.
580 According to A. Ernout and A. Meillet, Dictionnaire etymologique de la
langue latine 3 (1951) 54 s.v., while others have proposed that it derives from
Greek amylon 'starch/ reinterpreted by folk-etymology as amolimentum 'phy-
lactery' (A. Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch s.v).
581 The Hebrew term qamiy'a also means Angebundenes/ see Strack-
Billerbeck, vol. 4/1 p. 529.
582 Reiner, "Nocturnal Talk," in Lingering over Words: Studies in Ancient
Near Eastern Literature in Honor of William L. Moran, Tzvi Abusch et al., eds.,
Harvard Semitic Studies, 37 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990) 421-24.
583 Auctarium cavense, 65, p. 645 Pitra (Analecta Sacra II), from Evax lap-
idary, cited Halleux, Studi medievali 3,15 (1974) 332, and newly edited in Hal-
leux, Lapidaires (note 559 above) 288 lxvii and 342. For literature (Pliny, Dami-
geron, and the similar beliefs in German and French folklore ["Aberglaube"])
see also Max Wellmann, Marcellus von Side als Ant und die Koiraniden des
Hermes Trismegistos, Philologus, Supplementband 27/2 (Leipzig: Dieter ich,
1934), 7f. and nn. 26-29.
125
THE NATURE OF STONES
sometimes enumerated in sets for each such string; the lists
end by stating the purpose of the string (turru), or simply of
the group of "stones' 7 (Akkadian abnu, usually expressed with
the Sumerogram NA4) and the manner of application. For
example, a small tablet enumerates eleven beads, and summa-
rizes them as "eleven stones for blurred vision, 584 to string on
red wool, you wrap 'wolf-bane' on seven rolls (HppT) of blue
wool, while you recite a charm, and tie it on his left hand." 585
To cure a hemorrhaging woman you string on red wool various
stones, recite the appropriate magic spell, and tie the string
around her waist; 586 another string for the same purpose is to
be strung on the tendon of a dead cow or dead sheep, with
fourteen -that is, twice seven -knots tied between the beads. 587
Not all the items are precious or semi-precious stones, or
even stones at all. Among the "stones" enumerated there
appear beads made of a metal, either of the precious metals
silver and gold, or of others, such as copper, iron, or tin, and
beads of various minerals such as antimon, and even shells, all
of which are normally written by means of their Sumerograms,
with initial NA4 'stone.'
Specifications added to names of stones are rare, except for
the qualification "male" or "female" mentioned earlier in con-
nection with the sex of herbs (Chapter II). Male and female vari-
eties of stones are known from Classical texts 588 and from late
antiquity; for example, it is said of the topaz that "it is green,
. . . hard, compact, transparent. This is the male variety. The
female variety is lighter." 589 Male and female stones are named
not only in magic texts 590 and in the stone lists, 591 but they are
so classified in the "Glass texts," the Assyrian prescriptions for
584 Akkadian: birrat int.
585 BAM 351, also 352.
586 BAM 237.
587 BAM 237 i end.
588 E.g., Pliny, NH 36.39, 37.119; see R. Halleux, "Fecondite des mines et
sexualite des pierres dans l'antiquite greco-romaine," RBPH 48 (1970) 16-25
and Lapidaires (note 559 above) 326.
589 Orphei lithica kerygmata 8.6: Outo<; (scil.TorcdCioc;) eonv 6 dpoiiv, 6
6e GtjXukoc; 8A,a<ppOT£po<;, cited Halleux, Lapidaires (note 559 above) 151.
590 E.g., 7 NA4 su-u NITA, BAM 473 iii 22.
591 NA4 li-li-i NITA and NA 4 li-li-i SAL in the abnu Ukinsu text K.4751:5-6,
see ZA 82 (1992) 117f .
126
THE NATURE OF STONES
producing colored glasses, which speak of male and female
frit. 592 Among the rare descriptions of natural markings, one
refers to a variety of aspu stone as sa uskaru kullumu 'which
shows a (moon?) crescent/ 593 and some shells are often
specified as having seven spots. 594
In contradistinction to the amulet of antiquity, which
according to one definition is "a stone of inherent supernatural
powers that may be engraved and/or consecrated, and that is
either used as a seal or worn as a phylactery" and to the tal-
isman, which is "an image either made of metal in the round
or engraved on a metal plate, over which image a ceremony of
incantations and suffumigations is performed in order to
induce a spirit to enter the talisman and to endow it with
power," 595 the Babylonian "stone" bears no engraving or
image. The images and engravings on Babylonian cylinder
seals have a different origin and aitiology, even though of
course some seals may have been worn as amulets, 596 and
even though the particular stone that serves as material for a
cylinder seal is said to determine the fate of the person who
wears such a seal in the omens appended to one exemplar of the
abnu sikinsu series. 597 Nor does the Babylonian string of stones
592 (anzahhu) lu US lu [SAL], A. Leo Oppenheim, Glass and Glassmaking
in Ancient Mesopotamia (note 578 above) 48 fragm. e §20, see ibid. 49.
593 See E. Reiner, JNES 26 (1967) 196 line 7, with note 21; a further attes-
tation is NA 4 as-pu-u sa UD.SAR PAD-w, von Weiher, SpTU vol. 2 no. 22 iii 32.
594 ayartu sa 7 tikpusa, Egbert von Weiher, SpTU, vol. 2 no. 22 iv 19 and
other references cited CAD T s.v tikpu; for the reading see Landsberger, JCS
21 (1967, published 1969) 147.
595 David Pingree, "Astrology," in Dictionary of the History of Ideas, vol. 1
(New York: Scribner, 1973) 118-26; see also Et ymagines sapientes apellant
telsam, quod interpretatur violator quia quicquid facit ymago per violenciam
facit . . . Sunt composite corporibus propriis ad implendum predicta, et hoc
in temporibus opportunis; et suffumigacionibus quibus fortificantur attra-
huntur spiritus ad ipsas ymagines . . . Picatrix Latinus (Pingree) I ii 1.
596 For the question of representations on and the function of seals see
the works of Edith Porada, for example, "The Iconography of Death in
Mesopotamia in the Early Second Millennium B.C.," in Death in Mesopotamia,
B. Alster, ed., Mesopotamia, 8 (Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1980)
259-70. See also the article by B. Goff cited n. 579.
597 BAM 194 viii. The text (formerly published as KAR 185) has been
adduced by B. Goff (note 579 above), but was interpreted as referring to por-
tents from a particular cylinder seal rather than referring to the wearer of
such a seal.
127
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
normally undergo a ceremony of consecration by which a spirit
is induced to enter it and to endow it with power. The power
sought to imbue the string or the individual stones is that
coming from the stars. For this reason they must be exposed
to irradiation by stars.
In a recently published ritual enumerating the proper amulet
stones to be used in various predicaments 598 such an exposi-
tion to the Goat star is recommended against the evil machi-
nations of an "ill-wisher" or, as the term bel lemutti may also be
translated, "adversary." Other strings listed in the same text,
but without specifically prescribed nocturnal exposition, pro-
tect from such physical ailments as diseases of the eye, 599 but
also from harm brought about by enemies, ill-wishers, divine
anger, 600 and sorcery. 601 The ritual to protect the client from
the disastrous consequences (described in lines 8-16) brought
about by an "ill-wisher" begins with column ii line 8. 602 It is
divided in two parts; the first section of seven lines (ii 17-23)
enumerates seven phylacteries, one in each line, containing
two herbs and one stone each, while the next section goes —
without a ruling— from the enumeration of stones to the expo-
sition to the Goat star (the star of Gula) and the prayer to Gula,
beginning in ii 24 and ending in iii 2, for a total of thirty lines. 603
This last section begins with a list of twelve stones — as a matter
of fact, when you count them there are thirteen— and many of
them cannot be identified:
Carnelian, lapis lazuli, yellow obsidian, mekku, egizangu, pappardilu,
papparminii, lamassu 1 \ antimon, jasper, magnetite, turminu, abasmu,
twelve(szd) stones (to use) if a man has an "ill-wisher." You string
598 Egbert von Weiher, SpTU, vol. 2 no. 22. An excerpt tablet that dupli-
cates lines 16-25 is published by M. J. Geller, AfO 35 (1988) 21f . Note [x] BE
NA 4 .MES DIS HUL.GIG UD.4.KAM sa ITLNE DU-su '[...] stones if "hatred"
was practiced against him on the fourth of month V, i 30-31 with which may
be compared the magic "practiced against the man on the fourth of month
XI before the constellation Centaurus," STT 89:50, see Chapter VI.
599 birsu, i 3'-15'.
600 i 16'-25', ii 8'-16', etc.
601 i 39'-46'.
602 A ruling after line 7' of column ii introduces a section that runs until
column iii line 32, at which point other rituals begin.
603 Thirty and not thirty-one, since line "32" is a rejet from line 31.
128
THE NATURE OF STONES
the stones and phylacteries on a [linen 7 thread], you set in place
a holy-water vessel, you purify the stones and the phylacteries,
you place the stones before the Goat star, you set up a censer with
aromatics, you libate beer, (you recite) the incantation:
. . . 604 O Bright one, let your angry heart be appeased,
let your innermost relent, O Gula, exalted Lady.
You are the one who created mankind, who bestows lots, food
portions, and food offerings, 605
be present at my lawsuit, let me obtain justice through your verdict,
because of the sorceries, spittle and spatter, evil machinations
of my adversary, let his evil doings turn back against him and affect
his head and his body,
and I, your weary servant, will sing your praises.
How stones acquired their renown for protecting from evil
and granting success to an enterprise is not known; however,
there is a tradition about strings of amulet stones harking back
to a famous king of the past. Some are attributed to Hammu-
rapi, Naram-Sin, and Rim-Sin, just as some "proven salves"
bear the name of Hammurapi. 606 A list enumerating fourteen
amulet stones, to which several duplicates exist, has as sub-
script: "14 stones of the necklace of Naram-Sin," 607 while vari-
ants to it attribute the necklace to King Rim-Sin.
604 The first four signs, u-sd-an-ni, are unintelligible to me. They seem to
stand for a first or third person past tense of the verb sunnu 'to repeat' or
'to change/ or possibly may have to be read sam-sd-an-ni or sam-gar-an-ni,
with the ending -anni that could represent a first person dative.
605 Compare the address to the Wagon star in STT 73 (see p. 71).
606 For salves attributed to a famous king of the past, see Chapter II p. 41
and n. 170.
607 14 NA 4 .MES GU m Na-ram- d Sin, BAM 372 ii 5; [1]4 GU Na-ram- d Sin,
BAM 357:5'; 14 NA 4 .MES GU m Na-(ra)-am- d Sin, BAM 375 II 42; 14 GU m Na-
(ra)-am- d Sin, BAM 376 iv 8; [. . .].MES GU [. . .], BAM 368 iii 9'; see (also for
K.2409+ ii 24', K.6282+ ii 14) Kocher, BAM IV p. xvi ad no. 357, and Kocher,
"Ein verkannter neubabylonischer Text aus Sippar," AfO 20 (1963) 157ff.
Note, however, that not all names written AM- d Sin are to be emended to
Naram-Sin, since AM as Sumerogram can stand for the Akkadian word rxmu
'wild bull/ and hence the spelling can refer to King Rim-Sin of Larsa, as in,
e.g., GU AM- d Sin in AMI 7,1 r. i 6, see Yalvac, Studies in Honor of Benno
Landsberger on His Seventy-Fifth Birthday, April 21, 1965, AS 16 (Chicago: Uni-
versity of Chicago Press: 1965) 332, now confirmed by the recently published
text CT 51 89, which writes GU AM- d Sin LUGAL Larsam ([UD].UNUG ki ) in
i 15, as I pointed out in "Magic Figurines, Amulets and Talismans," in Monsters
and Demons in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds. Papers Presented in Honor
129
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
The date of composition of the Stone-book is not known, but
it probably is to be placed around the turn, or at the beginning
of the first millennium, when much of the speculative literature
and scholia originated, as opposed to lists of stones and other
objects of the material world, which go back to the very origin
of cuneiform writing. It is worth noting that of these latter lists
only chapters XIV (snakes and other animals), XVI (stones),
and XVII (plants) of the lexical series HAR-ra = hubullu have
parallels in the three handbooks characterized by their kenning
sikinsu. It is therefore significant that the same three kingdoms
of nature have a role not only in Hellenistic magic but also, with
slight modifications, in Babylonian astral magic.
The relevant part of Hellenistic magic is described in the
work called Cyranides. 608 Book I "contains twenty-four alpha-
betically ordered chapters. In each of these are enumerated,
both individually and in combination, the magical-medical
properties of four entities which share a common letter, these
entities being plant, bird, stone, and fish. Each chapter also con-
tains the description of an amulet made of the relevant stone
and containing in its design one or more of the other enti-
ties." 609 Neither birds nor fish- which, by the way, share one
tablet, Tablet XVIII, of HAR-ra = hubullu -appear in the Baby-
lonian sources; they are replaced by trees, so that in lieu of four
entities, Babylonian sources enumerate three only as being per-
tinent in magic: plants, stones, and trees. The references to this
practice are rare and often unclear, but the juxtaposition of
these three is diagnostic. For example: "when 7 you practice 7
plant, stone, and tree and exorcism, do it along with its com-
mentary 7 " 610 or "when you want to ascertain the zodiacal sign
of Edith Porada, Ann E. Farkas et al., eds. (Mainz on Rhine: Philipp von
Zabern, 1988) 33 n. 27. A new duplicate published in Egbert von Weiher,
SpTU, vol. 4 no. 129 iv 19 writes GU AM- d Sin LUGAL SES.UNUG ki . The list
of amulets ADD 1043 (= SAA 7 no. 82) also lists 14 GU AM-Sin in reverse
line 6.
608 p or recent literature see David Bain, "Treading Birds.' An Unnoticed
use of 7NXT8C0 (Cyranides 1.10.27, 1. 19.9)," in Dover Fs 295-304.
609 Dover Fs 296.
610 ki U NA 4 u GIS u LU.MAS.MAS-u-tu a-na GIG te ! -pu-su it-ti si-ti-su
e-pu-us, ZA 6 (1891) 243:39f ., cited A. Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological
Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars (Oxford: Clarendon,
130
THE NATURE OF STONES
in . . . stone, plant, and tree [. . .]." 611 Trees, plants, and stones
were associated with zodiacal signs in late Babylonian texts
as they were in Hellenistic Egypt, and to these entities were
sometimes added animals, cities, and excerpts or incipits of
mantic material, lists of gods and temples, and others. 612 No
explicit reference is made, however, to amulets with such pic-
torial representations.
In a late commentary 613 the mention of plant, stone, and
tree is possibly connected with medicine, if my reading 614 "to
heal him [. . .] plant, stone, and tree of /which [. . .]" is correct;
the next line of the text already makes the association of a zodi-
acal sign with magic operations 615 for which the main sources
are the two Neo-Babylonian texts BRM 4 20 and 19, and the simi-
lar texts LBAT 1597 and LBAT 1626, discussed in Chapter VI.
The just cited text which associates the three entities plant,
stone, and tree with exorcism or magic (Akkadian masmasutu or
asiputu 'art of the exorcist') enjoins the practitioner to have
recourse to its situ or, as the signs can also be read, setu. The
latter reading, setu, designates a commentary arranged like a
glossary in two columns, and such a commentary would have
given in the second column the synonym or explanation of the
word in the first. 616 What the commentary to NA 4 u GIS may
have contained we do not know; possibly it gave equivalences,
1986) 73, and translated by him as "When you perform plant stone and wood
and the art of the exorcist for a sick man— one performs (it) with its com-
ment 7 ." For the texts see Ernst Weidner, Gestirn-Darstellungen auf babyloni-
schen Tontafeln (note 520 above) 17ff.
611 MUL.LU.MAS ana IGI-ka ina E SU 11 (= pit-qad ? ) sa NA 4 U u is-si [. . .],
JCS 6 (1952) 66:6 (= TCL 6 12), see Sachs, ibid. 71ff.
612 See Reiner, JAOS 105 (1985) 592f .
613 LBAT 1621.
614 [ana] bullutisu ([. . .] TI-su) U NA 4 u GIS sa T[U . . .].
615 [K]I.AG.GA NITA ana SAL MUL.[KUN.MES] 'love of man for woman:
constellation: [Pisces]/ LBAT 1621:8', restored from BRM 4 20:6, see Ungnad,
AfO 14 (1941-44) 258.
616 For botanical glossaries cf., e.g., the glossaries in A. Delatte, Anecdota
atheniensia, Bibliotheque de la Faculte de philosophic et lettres de
l'Universite de Liege, fasc. 88, vol. 2 pp. 273ff.; the Byzantine Greek Lexikon
kata alfabeton en ho hermeneuontai Una ton botanon (= Delatte, op. cit. 378ff.)
was also edited subsequently by M. H. Thomson (note 108 above) as no. 9,
"Lexique de synonymes grecs," 133ff.
131
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
or common names, to such exotic ingredients as "lion's blood"
or "wolf bone" as the magical papyrus PGM XII 401ff. 617 cited
earlier (p. 32) and so represents one tradition in the explanation
of "secret" names.
617 See Hopfner, Offenbarungszauber, vol. 1 p. 124f. §493 and "Mageia" in
RE 27 (1928) 319.
132
CHAPTER VIII
Nocturnal Rituals
Stellis atque herbis vis est, sed maxima verbis
Heim, Incantamenta Magica, p. 465
Night is a time when spirits roam and danger lurks. ". . . The
ominous day was one of the dark, moonless nights of the inter-
lunium at the end of the month between last and first visibility
of the moon, nights when it was indeed believed that evil
spirits could roam freely/' 618 But night is also filled with the
emanations of the moon and the stars, and is thereby suited
for the performance of rituals and magic manipulations. The
moon may have been an ally of sorceresses — it was the full
moon that Erichtho, Medea, and other notorious sorceresses
"drew down" to make their magic more efficacious, thus
making Thessaly, the home of witches, famous from Plato to
Lucan 619 -but no Mesopotamian text speaks of the influence
of its waxing and waning on the growth of crops or on various
human activities. No instructions are extant about procedures
known from folklore and that the farmers' handbooks of
antiquity— Virgil, Columella, Pliny the Elder— recommend and
that are still practiced today under the name "biody-
namics": 620 say, planting to be carried out when the Moon is
waxing, and pruning when it is waning. 621
-f A. T. Grafton and N. M. Swerdlow, "Calendar Dates and Ominous
Days in Ancient Historiography," JWCI 51 (1988) 14-42; the quote is on p. 16.
619 For literature see Chapter VI.
620 The New York Times, May 2, 1991, Section B, page 1 (continued on
page 7).
621 I know only of one instruction to the farmer based on astronomical
data, a letter from the Old Babylonian period that warns not to soak 7 the
sesame seeds in preparation for sowing before the rising of Sirius. The letter,
TLB 4 (= Altbabylonische Briefe, 3 [Leiden: Brill, 1968]) no. 65, is quoted by
F. R. Kraus, JAOS 88 (1968) 116 and again, adding a reference to stars sig-
naling the time to cultivate, by R. Frankena, SLB 4 p. 197. The reference is
133
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
Moon and Sun may combine their influences. Accordingly,
two dates expressly designated for administering potions and
for other ritual acts are the two regularly occurring planetary
events, the conjunction and the opposition of the Sun and the
Moon. These are of course, in lay terms, the nights of the new
moon, a time when a solar eclipse' may occur, and of the full
moon, that is, the middle of the month, when a lunar eclipse
may occur.
Both dates repeatedly appear in medical texts. The night of
the new moon is recommended as the time when an herb
against witchcraft is to be ingested in beer; 622 another herb is
to be used for purifying the man at new moon's day, by putting
it into water and exposing it to the stars, 623 and still others by
placing it around the patient's neck or giving it to him to eat
at new moon's day. 624 A particularly precise instruction
directs: "put a potsherd lying in the street [and other mate-
rials?] into first-quality beer, drink (it) at new moon's day facing
the sun." 625 Moonless nights are, as we saw, particularly appro-
priate for gathering herbs. Thus, an instruction, unfortunately
naturally to the season, and comparable to the importance of the rising of
Sothis (i.e., Sirius) in signaling the flood of the Nile in Egypt, or to the rising
of Sirius observed for the timing of agricultural tasks in the Nabatean Agri-
culture as noted by D. Chwolsohn, Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus (St. Peters-
burg, 1856) vol. 2 p. 912. The relevance of the Old Babylonian letter for the
identification of the oleiferous plant was most recently adduced by Miguel
Civil, The Farmer's Instructions. A Sumerian Agricultural Manual (Sabadell [Bar-
celona], Spain: Editorial AUSA, 1994) with reference to the discussion by
Marvin Powell, Aula Orientalis 9 (1991) 155-64.
622 ina urn bubbuli ina sikari saqu, KMI 76 K.4569:l-8 and 14-21, a three-
column pharmaceutical text of which the rightmost column, the recommen-
dation for use, is preserved but not the first column, the one that gives the
name of the herb, and only part of the second column, the one that specifies
the herb's curative power.
623 ina urn bubbuli amela(NA) ullulu ana me nadu ina UL bu-[ut-tu ? ]
ibid. 10.
624 ina UD.NA.A ina kisadisu [. . .], KMI 76 K.4569:ll, amela sukulu, ibid.
12-13 and Kocher, Pflanzenkunde 1 rev. v 18, 19, 24, 27-29, 30, 32. The two texts
are discussed in Pablo Herrero, La Therapeutique mesopotamienne, M. Sigrist,
ed. (Paris: Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1984) 19, with a note that we have
here "une des rares prescriptions de caractere magique," ibid. n. 33.
625 hasabtu sa ina suqi nadat [. . .] ana libbi sikari resti tanaddi ina urn
bubbuli ana pan [Samas siti], BAM 208:7, restored from AMT 85,1 ii 12.
134
NOCTURNAL RITUALS
fragmentary, prescribes a procedure "on the day when the
moon disappears from the sky" 626 and continues with "you
pull up ? [. . .] the stars must not see (it ? ), on the 29th day [. . .]
hair from his head" and further directs that an effigy be made
(presumably of the evil) and offered to the sun, Samas. 627
An effigy is also used in a ritual to be performed at the first
sighting of the new moon, a favorable moment as the subscript
tells us: "Incantation to recite in order to turn the evil into good
at the first visibility of the moon." 628
The effigy to be fashioned, at moonrise, is called here not
with the usual term 'figurine' or 'statue(tte)' 629 but passu
'doll/ 630 specified in two exemplars as a "male doll" 631 and in
the third as a "female doll." 632 Whose effigy the "doll" repre-
sents is not stated in the preserved portions. The ritual
addresses the exorcist with the words "throw the 'doll' behind
you into the river, and the evil will be loosed." 633 Whereas one
626 um d Sin ina same ittablu, BAM 580 v 5' (= AMT 44,1 iv 5'); compare a
ritual against evil dreams prescribed enuma Sin ittablu 'when the Moon has
disappeared/ KAR 262 rev.(!) 14.
627 BAM 580 v 7-8'.
628 KA.INIM.MA sa IGI.DU 8 .A d Sin HUL SIG 5 .GA.KAM. This apotropaion
has survived in three exemplars. One, which has the ritual on the reverse
(BMS 24 + 25 + K. 14704, new copy in Su-ila no. 59, subscripts in rev. 4', 15',
edited by Werner Mayer Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen
"Gebetsbeschworungen," Studia Pohl: Series Maior, 5 [Rome: Biblical Institute
Press, 1976] 529f.) has on the obverse a prayer to the Moon god Sin "with
lifting of the hand"; its tenor resembles that of the prayers for calming the
angry god (dingir.sa.dib.ba gur.ru.da). The second (BAM 316) is a large tablet
with three columns on each side; it enumerates a number of afflictions, seem-
ingly psychological; the ritual appears toward the end, and is followed by
the words "the evil of dreams and (other) evil signs," a phrase that may rep-
resent the final rubric. The purpose of the third ritual (LKA 25 ii) and the
prayer to the Moon preceding it, is, according to its rubric, "to calm the angry
god." The prayer to the Moon was edited, along with its several more com-
plete duplicates, by W. G. Lambert, JNES 33 (1974) 294ff.
629 NU = salmu.
630 See Benno Landsberger, WZKM 56 (1960) 117£f.
631 ZA.NA NITA (BAM 316 and LKA 25).
632 ZA.NA SAL (Su-ila no. 59 obv. 15', in Werner Mayer, Untersuchungen
(note 628 above) 530.
633 [ku-tal-l]a-nik-ka ana ID SUB-ma HUL BUR, Werner Mayer, Untersu-
chungen (note 628 above) 531 rev. 19'.
135
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
text ends here and its parallel 634 is followed by a ritual against
evil dreams, in the third text 635 the ritual is followed by a
prayer to Orion, fragmentary to be sure, but evidently imploring
the constellation to avert illness: "O Orion [. . .], who drives
away illness [...], you are high in the sky, you rise [...], vertigo
[. . .], before 7 you [. . .]." 636
The full moon also has a role in nocturnal rituals. The day
of the opposition of Sun and Moon may vary from the 13th to
the 16th, but in the schematic month of 30 days it is set for the
15th. To cure the affliction named ZI.KU 5 .RU.DA, literally "cut-
ting the breath/' 637 the patient addresses a prayer to the Moon
god Sin, presents an offering and recounts his affliction to Sin
on the night of the 15th of the month. 638 Offerings to the
Moon on the 15th day are also recommended in the hemerol-
ogies. 639 A remedy for the ears is to be prepared on the 15th
of the sixth month 640 while the next recipes prescribe that the
treatment be performed on the 1st of the third month and
the 11th of the eighth month respectively. 641 t
For some rituals it is essential that both planetary deities,
the Sun and the Moon, be equally present. That time is when
the full moon sets and the sun rises, at dawn of the day of the
opposition of Sun and Moon, in the middle of the month (usu-
ally expressed as the 15th day); this is the time for carrying out
a ritual against the spirits of the dead that haunt a man. 642 The
aim of the ritual is to gain deliverance from afflictions caused
634 BAM 316 vi 24'-28\
635 LKA 25.
636 EN MUL SIPA.ZI.AN.NA [. . .] mukkisu GIG [. . .] En-la-ta ina same
nap-[ha-ta . . .], sldanu [. . .] mahraka AN [. . .], LKA 25 ii 20-24 (end of
obverse 7 ). For other prayers to Orion see p. 56.
637 For literature and suggested identifications see Kocher, BAM IV p. xvi
n. 26. For rituals against zikurudu-magic see Chapter VI.
638 BAM 449 ii 2f., also ibid. 11-15.
639 See p. 113.
640 UD.15.KAM sa ITI.KIN, AMT 105:10.
641 ina UD.l.KAM sa ITI.SIG4, ibid. 14, and ina UD.ll.KAM sa ITI.APIN,
ibid. 17. The latter date which does not seem to be astronomically significant
may relate, as possibly also the other dates of this text, to some pre-calculated
time, such as are known from certain divinatory practices.
642 BAM 323:93ff. and parallel 228:28ff.
136
NOCTURNAL RITUALS
by a "persecuting ghost"; 643 it is performed "on the 15th day,
when moon and sun are equally present." 644 The exorcist
"clothes the patient in a dirty 7 garment, draws his blood by
slashing his forehead with an obsidian (knife), has him sit
down in a reed hut, has him face north, makes an incense
offering of juniper and libates cow's milk to Sin toward 'sunset/
and makes an incense offering of 'cypress' and libates fine beer
to Samas toward 'sunrise.' Then the patient recites as follows:
'To my left is Sin, the crescent of the great heavens, 645 to my
right the father of mankind, 646 Samas the judge, the two gods,
ancestors (lit. fathers) of the great gods, who determine the lots
for the far-flung people. An evil wind has blown at me, the per-
secuting ghost persecutes me, so that I am worried, I am trou-
bled, disturbed (as I face) your verdict. Save me so that I not
come to grief.' He recites this seven times, leaves the reed hut,
changes his clothes, puts on a pure garment, speaks to Sin as
follows: 'Incantation: Sin, light of heaven and earth, take away
my sickness!' He speaks this three times and speaks to Samas
as follows: 'Samas, great judge, father of mankind, 647 let the
evil wind that has settled on me rise to heaven like smoke, and
I will sing your praises'— he speaks this three times and does
not [. . .]." 648
643 etem ridati, BAM 228:27 and dupl. BAM 323:92.
644 ina UD.15.KAM urn Sin u Samas istenis izzazzu, BAM 228:28 and
dupls. 229:21'f ., 323:93. The texts have been edited by Jo Ann Scurlock, "Mag-
ical Means of Dealing with Ghosts in Ancient Mesopotamia" (Ph.D. diss.,
University of Chicago, 1988), Prescriptions 56-59; the ritual is edited as no. 59.
645 The word "crescent" is used here as a standard epithet of the moon,
since obviously on the 15th the moon is full.
646 The word for 'mankind' is sal-mat qaqqadi (SAG.DU), literally 'black-
headed,' written with the Sumerogram SAG.Gl6.GA in line 106.
647 See preceding note.
648 NA BI TUG.SA.HA MU 4 .MU 4 -as ina NA 4 .ZU SAG.KI-su te-es-si-ma US-su
ta-tab-bak ina SA GI.URI.GAL TUS-ib-su IGI-su ana IM.SI.SA GAR-an ana
d Sin ana d UTU.SU.A NIGNA SIM.LI GAR-an GA AB BAL-qi ana d UTU.E
NIG.NA GIS.SUR.MIN GAR-an KAS.SAG BAL-qi NA BI HAR.GIM DUG4.GA
ana GUB-ia d Sin UD.SAR AN-e GAL.MES ana ZAG-ia a-bi sal-mat SAG.DU
d UTU DI.KUD DINGIR.MES kilallan a-bi DINGIR.MES GAL.MES TAR-su
ES.BAR ana UN.MES DAGAL.MES IM HUL-tim i-di-pan-ni-ma GIDIM ri-da-a-ti
US.MES-an-ni lu <na>-as-sa-ku e-sa-ku u dal-ha-ku ana di-ni-ku-nu su-zi-
ba-ni-ma la ah-ha-bil 7-su DUG 4 .GA-ma is-tu GI.URI.GAL E-ma TUG.BI u-na-
137
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
The situation is quite clear, even though the ritual does not
specify the time when it is to be performed. Since the moon
is in the west, that is, setting, and the sun rising in the east,
we have here a dawn ceremony.
Appeals to stars and planets as the deities 7 astral manifesta-
tions are known from two late rituals, the New Year's ritual in
Babylon and a ritual performed in the temple of Anu in Uruk.
Among the deities addressed in the New Year's ritual in
Babylon 649 are the goddess Sarpanltu (the consort of Marduk,
chief god of Babylon) in her astral manifestation, 650 also the
Square of Pegasus, 651 Mudrukesda, 652 and the star of Eridu; 653
they are followed by the planets Jupiter, 654 Mercury, 655 Saturn—
here called, with an epithet elsewhere reserved for Libra, Star
of justice 656 -and Mars, 657 and the stars Sirius, 658 Arcturus, 659
NE.NE.GAR, 660 Numusda, 661 Antares, 662 and finally the Sun and
the Moon. 663 The prayer to Babylon's tutelary deity, Bel (that is,
kar TUG.UD.UD MU 4 .MU 4 ana d Sin HAR.GIM DUG 4 EN d Nanna gis.nu x .gal
an.ki.ke4 tu.ra nu.dug.ga su!.mu.ta ba.z[i] 3-sii DUG 4 .GA-ma ana d UTU
HAR.GIM DUG 4 .G[A] d Utu di.ku5.gal f a l a sa g-gi6-ga im.hul gar.ra.ba
i.bf.ginz an.se he.e ka.tar.zu ga.an.si.il : 3-sii DUG4.GA-ma NU x [x], BAM
323:94-107, partly duplicated by BAM 228:24-32, 229:18'-26'. My translation
differs in mostly minor details from that of Jo Ann Scurlock (see note 644).
The text is also treated by Marten Stol, in Natural Phenomena, D. J. W. Meijer,
ed. (Amsterdam, 1992) 256.
649 Le rituel des fetes du nouvel an a Babylone, in Francois Thureau-
Dangin, Rituels accadiens (Paris, Leroux: 1921), pp. 127ff.
650 ds ar _p a _ n j_t um na _bat kakkabl 'Sarpanltu, brightest of the stars/ line
252.
651 lku, lines 275f .
652 MUL.MU.BUKES.DA, line 302.
653 MOL.NUN.KI, line 303.
654 MOL.BABBAR 'White Star/ line 305.
655 MOL.GUD.UD, line 306.
656 mOL.GENNA kakkab kittu u misar, line 307. Libra and Star of Samas
designate Saturn in several cuneiform sources, see Hunger in Hunger and
Pingree, MUL.APIN p. 130 ad i 38f. quoting Parpola, LAS 2 pp. 342f.
657 MOL.AN, line 308.
658 m0l.KAK.SI.SA, line 309.
659 MOL.SU.PA, line 310.
660 N ot identified; line 311. The name is possibly to be read Ne-bi-ru x , i.e.,
another name for Jupiter.
661 MOL Nu-mus-da, line 312.
662 MOL GABA GIR.TAB 'Breast of the Scorpion/ line 313.
663 Lines 314 and 315.
138
NOCTURNAL RITUALS
Marduk), and his consort Beltiya in lines 318ff . addresses the
goddess (lines 325-32) as the planet Venus or as one of its mani-
festations as a fixed star: the Bow (MUL. BAN), the Goat (MUL.
UZ), the Star of Abundance (MUL.HE.GAL.A), the Star of Dig-
nity (MUL.BAL.TES.A), the Wagon (MUL.MAR.GID.DA), Coma
Berenices 7 (MUL.A.EDIN) and Vela 7 (MUL.NIN.MAH).
In the temple of Anu at Uruk in a nocturnal ceremony 664
offerings are made on the 16th (of a month that is not identified
in the preserved portions of the ritual) to the heavenly manifes-
tations of the temple's main deities: to "Anu of the sky" and
"Antu of the sky," as well as to the seven planets, 665 and in the
same text daily offerings are made to "Anu and Antu of the sky"
and to the seven planets, now named in the sequence Jupiter,
Venus, Mercury, Saturn, Mars, the rising of the Sun and the
sighting of the Moon. 666
The heavenly manifestations of Anu and Antu are, for Anu,
a star belonging to the constellation Mudrukesda (a Dra-
conis 7 ) and, for Antu, a star in the constellation Ursa Maior. 667
The text itself specifies: "as soon as the star of Great Anu of the
sky rises, (and?) Great Antu of the sky rises in the Wagon." 668
The most elaborate ritual performed at night with appeal to
the stars is the "washing of the mouth" (mis pi). It deals with
the all-important ceremony of breathing life into the statues of
the gods, a process called empsychosis in Greek. In Babylonia,
664 Akkadian: bayatu.
665 Rituels accadiens (note 649 above) 79, lines 32-34: UD.16.KAM sa
arhussu 10 immere SAG-ii-tu marutu ebbuti sa qarnu u supru suklulu ana
d Ani(DIS) u Antu sa same u d UDU.BAD.MES 7-su-nu ana sa-al-qa i-na te-
bi-ib-tum SU 11 ina paramahi ziqqurrat d Ani kima sa UD.16.KAM sa Tebeti
inneppus.
666 umisam kal satti 10 immere maruti ebbuti sa qarnu u supru suklulu
ana Ani u Antu sa same d SAG.ME.GAR d Dil-bat d GUD.UD d GENNA d Sal-bat-
a-nu KUR-ha Samas u IGI.DU 8 .A d Sin . . . inneppus, ibid. p. 79 rev. 29-31,
and the similar enumeration . . . ina muhhi 7 passurmah hurasi ana d SAG.
ME.GAR d Dil-bat d GUD.UD d GENNA u d Sal-bat-a-nu d Sin u d Samas kima sa
innammar me qate tanassi-ma (etc.), ibid. p. 119:22-24.
667 Rituels accadiens (note 649 above) 85 n. 2. The star list to which he
refers is now published in MUL.APIN.
668 kima sa MUL d Anu rabu sa same ittapha An-tum rabltu sa same ina
MUL.MAR.GID.DA ittapha "Une ceremonie nocturne dans le temple d'Anu,"
in Rituels accadiens (note 649 above) 119 lines 15-16.
139
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
the ceremony is called the "opening of the mouth" (pit pi),
which is preceded by the "washing of the mouth" (mis pi) of the
divine statue. Divine statues, we know, were made of wood,
and overlaid with precious materials, usually gold; incrusta-
tions of precious stones adorned them. 669 Their fabrication
was, therefore, placed under the tutelage of the patron gods of
carpenters, goldsmiths, and jewelers. Only after the inert ma-
terials were infused with breath through the mouth-opening
ceremony could the statue eat and drink the offerings, and
smell the incense. 670
The vivification of the divine statue comprised several
stages. The first stage, the first mouth-washing, was conducted
in the workshop; then, the statue was carried in procession to
the river bank, where a second mouth-washing took place. The
statue was first facing west, then facing east. Offerings were
made to the nine great gods, among whom are the major plan-
etary gods, that is, Sun, Moon, and Venus; then to the nine
patron gods of the craftsmen; then to other planets and to cer-
tain fixed stars and constellations, among them Sirius, Libra,
the Wagon, the Goat, and the Scorpion, and finally to the stars
rising over the three "paths" along the eastern horizon, that is,
all the stars. 671 The role of the astral deities in the ritual is not
specified; nevertheless, that role is clear from the description
of the venue, which is the river bank, and the time: at night,
as indicated by the fact that the procession advances by torch-
light; the stars and planets were to irradiate the statue crafted
of wood and adorned with precious metals and stones and
thus infuse these materials with their power. The offerings are
669 Oppenheim, 'The Golden Garments of the Gods," JNES 8 (1949)
172-93.
670 salmu annu ina la pit pi qutrinna ul issin akala ul ikkal me ul isatti
'this image without opening of the mouth does not smell incense, does not
eat food, does not drink water/ STT 200:42f. and dupl. PBS 12/1 6- a near-
literal equivalent of Psalm 115's description of idols.
671 S. Smith, JRAS 1925 37ff., also Erich Ebeling, Tod und Leben nach den
Vorstellungen der Babylonier (Berlin and Leipzig: de Gruyter & Co., 1931)
104-105:25-36; see also W. Mayer, Or. NS 47 (1978) 445 W 20030/3:3-5 (copy:
Baghdader Mitteilungen, Beiheft 2 no. 1). The introductory instructions are
partially broken; the text begins: e-nu-ma sip-ri DINGIR [BllGA-am~] [x x x
ina IT]I sal-me . . . 'when . . . the work on the god, [. . .] in a favorable
month . . .,' lines If.
140
NOCTURNAL RITUALS
described with the words: "you set up a cultic arrangement 672
to the god"; it seems that these "cultic arrangements" or, as we
might say, "altars," are the loci to which the astral god will
descend. It is to be noted that no specific connection is made
between the various materials of which the statue is made and
the deity that presides over each. Only in Hellenistic times will
each planet be associated with a particular metal and stone. 673
At the head of the offerings to astral deities stands Jupiter:
You set up two altars for Jupiter and Venus— ditto (= you perform
the mouth-washing)
You set up two altars for the Moon and Saturn — ditto
You set up three altars for Mercury, Sirius, and Mars— ditto
You set up six altars for Libra, (called) the Star 674 of Samas, the
Plow, SU.PA,
the Wagon, the Cluster, the Goat -ditto
You set up four altars for the Field (the Square of Pegasus), the
Swallow, the Star of Anunitu, the Furrow— ditto
You set up four altars for the Fish, Aquarius, the Star of Eridu, the
Scorpion— ditto
You set up three altars for (the stars) of the Path of Anu, of the Path
of Enlil, of the Path of Ea- ditto. 675
The first seven offerings, in two groups of two and one of
three, are meant for the seven planets, even though the place
of the sun, Samas, is taken by Sirius in the last group, either
because he was included in the group of nine gods enumerated
672 riksu.
673 Bouche-Leclercq, L'astrologie grecque (Paris, 1899, reprinted Aalen: Sci-
entia, 1979) 313.
674 Text: House.
675 29. 2 rikse a-na d SAG.ME.GAR u d Dil-bat tarakkas KI.MIN
30. 2 rikse a-na d Sin u d UDU.BAD.SAG.US tarakkas KI.MIN
31. 3 rikse a-na MUL.GUD.[UD] MUL.KAK.SI.SA MUL Sal-bat-a-nu
tarakkas KI.MIN
32. 6 rikse a-na MUL Zi-ba-ni-tum E d UTU MUL.APIN MUL.SU.PA
33. MUL.MAR.GID.DA MUL.A.EDIN MUL.UZ tarakkas KI.MIN
34. 4 rikse a-na MUL.AS.GAN MUL.SIM.MAH MUL d A-nu-ni-tum MUL.
AB.SIN tarakkas KI.MIN
35. 4 rikse a-na MUL.KU 6 MUL.GU.LA MUL.NUN.KI MUL.GIR.TAB
tarakkas KI.MIN
36. 3 rikse a-na su-ut d A-nim su-ut- d E[n-lil u su-ut d E-a tarakkas KI.
MIN].
141
ASTRAL MAGIC IN BABYLONIA
earlier in line 25 or simply because it is night. The next three
groups include the zodiacal constellations Libra (with its stan-
dard epithet, Star of Samas) in the first group of six, Virgo in
the second group of four, and Pisces, Aquarius, and Scorpius
in the third group, also of four. Moreover, the northern constel-
lations Triangulum (the Plow), Bootes (SU.PA), Ursa Maior (the
Wagon), Coma Berenices 7 (the Cluster), and Lyra (the Goat)
receive offerings in the first group, the Square of Pegasus and
the Northern Fish (the Swallow)— paired, as usual, with the
Southern Fish (the Star of Anunitu)-in the second group, and
the southern constellation Vela 7 (the Star of Eridu) in the
third. And finally, offerings are made to all the stars, collec-
tively called "those of (the paths of) Anu, Enlil, and [Ea]."
While only the Late Babylonian version of the mouth-
washing ritual describes in such detail the appeal to the stellar
powers, already the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon and Assurban-
ipal speak of the initiation of the new cult statues as taking
place before not only the gods and the divine patrons of the
crafts by means of which these statues were made, but also
"before the stars of the sky," as the texts expressly state. 676 In
the Assurbanipal-library version of the directions for the
mouth-washing ritual only the setting up of an offering table 677
for d SAG.ME.GAR (Jupiter) and an altar for MUL.SUPA (= Arc-
turus 7 ) and the incipits of the prayers to be addressed to them
are cited: "You Sulpaea" 678 to Jupiter, and "(You,) magnificent
one, 'Mountain' of the Igigu-gods" 679 to Arcturus 7 . 680 It was
noted long ago that the Assyrian recension "did not enumer-
ate these [astral] deities, at any rate in quite the same con-
676 mahar kakkabl samami, M. Streck, Assurbanipal, Vorderasiatische
Bibliothek 7/2 (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1916) 268 iii 20 (= Th. Bauer, Das Inschriften-
werk Assurbanipals, vol. 2 [Leipzig, 1933] 84), Borger, Esarh. 91 §60 i 13, and
parallels §57 r. 21, etc.
677 GI.DUs = patlru, line 14.
678 atta d Sul-pa-e-a, line 18.
679 s[urbu sadu] Igigi, line 21.
680 Gerhard Meier, "Die Ritualtafel der Serie 'Mundwaschung,'" AfO 12
(1937-39) 40-45; the rituals and prayers to the stars appear on K.9729 + obv.
14-21. A new edition of the "mouth-washing" ritual is being prepared by
C. B. F. Walker.
142
NOCTURNAL RITUALS
nexion," 681 it is therefore only in the Babylonian, late version
that the process takes on the character of what may already be
called "astral religion" while the Assyrian recension testifies
only to the belief in stellar irradiation, the effect of which has
permeated, as we saw, several crucial areas of Babylonian
science and religion.
681 S. Smith, JRAS 1925 40.
143
Index
abnu sikinsu (composition), 122-125
acacia, 38
acrographic, 26, 62
Adad (god), 65, 66, 68, 79, 91
aitites, 123
Akkadian, 26, 28, 44, 45, 48
"all evil," 83
amulet, amulets, 15, 110, 120, 125,
127
amulet stones, 41, 121, 124, 128,
129
Antares, 138
Antu (goddess), 139
Anu (god), 5, 6, 12, 20, 71, 79, 87,
89, 139, 141
aphasia, 105
aphrodisiac, 35
apodosis, 61
apotropaia, 109, 119
apotropaic ritual, 39, 46, 47, 66, 82,
83, 84, 96
apotropaion, 83, 96. See also
namburbu
Aquarius, 78, 109, 116, 117, 144
Aquila, 117
Arcturus, 138, 144
Aries, 78, 93, 109, 117
Aristophanes, Wasps, 105
Arrow star, 3, 17, 19
Asalluhi (god), 86
Assur, 50, 71
Assur (god), 75
Assurbanipal (king of Assyria), 18,
50, 67, 142
astral deities, 9, 141, 113
astral irradiation, 49, 51, 52, 55
astrologer, 76
astrology, 76, 77; catarchic 13, 111;
horoscopic 13
astronomer, 65
astronomical observations, 14, 65
astronomy, 14
Babylon, 71, 138
Babylonian calendar, 89; divinatory
texts, 72, 84; "Stone-book," 122
"Babylonian Diviner's Manual," 94,
95, 96
bakshish, 38
beads, 126
Bear (constellation), 56, 70
Bel (god), 139
Belet-balati (goddess), 78
Beltiya (goddess), 139
bestiaries, 25, 29
bewitching, 97
Big Dipper, 3, 56, 58, 70
bilingual (lists), 46
birds, 86-87, 117, 118
Bison (constellation), 66
black magic. See magic
Boghazkoy, 48, 67
Bootes, 15, 56, 144
Bow star, 66, 88, 139
brontoscopy, 65
Bull, 117. See also Taurus
calendar, 8, 22, 89, 113
calendar texts, 114-116
Cancer, 78, 109, 116
Canis Maior, 88
Canis Minor, 117
cannabis, 35
Capricorn, 109, 110, 116
catalogue, 82, 83, 91
catarchic. See astrology; magic
Centaurus, 56, 67, 106
centaury, 33
charms, 125
chiromancy, 30
classification, 26
clouds, 91
Columella, 133
Coma Berenices, 139, 144
commentary, 110, 133
145
INDEX
concatenation, 90
conjunction, solar-lunar, 134
conjurer, 47
constellations, 3, 79, 94
Corvus, 78, 117
cuneiform, 25
"cutting the breath," 104, 105, 109,
136
Cygnus, 3
Cyranides, 116, 130
dawn, 23
Delebat, 7. See also Venus
Delphi, 72
Demon with the Gaping Mouth
(constellation), 3
destruction, 121
determinative, 5, 25, 26
dew, 59, 104
diagnosis, 47
diagnostic omina. See omens
divination, 2, 11, 14, 72
diviner, 1, 2, 15, 64, 65, 67, 69,
73-74, 94, 95
dodekatemorion, 110
dog, 52
Draco, 139
Dragon (constellation), 66
Dream-book, 71
dreams, 74
"Dreckapotheke," 45
Ea (god), 5, 6, 21, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86,
87, 88, 141
eagle, 124
Eagle (constellation), 117
eagle-stone, 123
earthquake, 90, 91, 92
eclipse (lunar), 8, 11, 12, 22, 74, 75,
76, 77, 90, 91, 134
eclipse (solar), 11, 12, 90, 134
ecstatic, 74
emgy, 135
Ekur (temple), 21
Emar, 41
empsychosis, 140
Enki (god), 88
Enlil (god), 5, 12, 21, 87, 89, 141
Enuma Anu Enlil (composition), 13,
65, 77, 84, 89, 90, 91
Enuma elis (composition), 22
Ereskigal (goddess), 19
Eridu, 138
Erra (god), 66
Esarhaddon (king of Assyria), 18,
22, 74, 75, 76, 93, 98, 119, 144
Etruscan, 2, 65
Euphrates, 19
Evening star, 3, 6, 23
evil, 20, 22
exorcist, 8, 15, 24, 47, 65, 92, 131
exposition, 109; nocturnal 51-56, 58
exta, 2, 65, 70, 72, 79. See also liver
extispicy, 65, 66, 67, 70, 74, 77, 84.
See also hepatoscopy
female. See feminine
feminine: materia medica, 35;
stones, 128
Ferry (constellation), 67
Field (constellation), 67
figurines, 24, 105
First-born of Emah (star), 20, 21
fish, 114
Fish (constellation), 117, 144
full moon, 113, 133, 134, 136
Furrow (star), 3
garlic, 27
Gemini, 78, 104, 109, 117. See also
Twins
genethlialogy, 13
ghost, 137
Glass texts, 127
goat, 86
Goat (star), 3, 52, 55, 56, 58, 66, 78,
86, 128-129, 139, 140, 141, 144
gods of the night, 1, 16, 18, 19, 66,
68, 69, 73, 86
grave, 39, 40
Gula (goddess), 5, 52, 53, 55, 56,
86, 113, 128, 129
haematite, 122
halo (of the moon), 90
Hammurapi (king of Babylon), 41,
129
146
INDEX
HAR-gud (composition), 26
HAR-ra = hubullu (composition),
26, 27, 90, 122, 130
haruspex, 2, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69,
70, 72, 74, 75, 77, 79, 94. See fl/so
diviner
Hattusa, 49
Hecate, 53
hemerologies, 21, 59, 96, 112-114,
136
hepatoscopy, 63, 65, 74, 76, 79. See
also extispicy
Hephaistio, Apotelesmatika, 79
herb, 27, 28, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 103,
115, 128
herbalist, 36, 38, 39
herbals, 25, 28-29, 33
Hermetic, 9
Herodotus, 45
Hesiod, 89, 112
Hippolytus, 100
Hittite, 48, 55-56, 67
Hittites, 18
Hydra, 3, 66
hypsoma, 75
iatromathematics, 46
ikribu, 73
illustrations, 30
incantations, 47
intercession (of stars), 17
iqqur ipus (composition), 88, 91, 94
iron, 38
irradiation, 15, 48, 52, 55, 59, 128, 141
Irragal (god), 20
Ishara (goddess), 35
Isin, 43, 44
Istar (goddess), 5, 6, 8, 18, 19, 23,
35, 57, 68, 91
Istar-of-the-Stars (goddess), 23, 24
Jupiter (planet), 4, 7, 17, 18, 19, 20,
59, 60, 61, 74, 75, 87, 93, 104, 105,
106, 114, 138, 139, 141, 144
justice (Star of), 4
Kidney star, 16, 60, 88
lapidaries, 25, 29
lecanomancy, 62, 84
leeks, 114
Leo, 78
Libanius, 105-106
libanomancy, 62, 84
Libra, 4, 78, 108, 109, 117, 138, 140,
141, 144
libraries, 50, 67, 142
lifting-of-the-hand, 17
lightning, 89
lists, 26, 46, 62, 130
litany, 19
liver, 77, 7S-79, 94, 96
liver models, 30
loosing, 81
love charms, 24
lu = sa (composition), 90
Lucan, 98, 133
Lucian, 100
Lugalirra (god), 104, 105
lunarium, lunaria, 108-110, 112
Lyra, 3, 53, 78, 86, 144. See also
Goat star
magic, 14; black, 3, 14, 101, 109;
catarchic, 111
magic circle, 37, 39, 55, 59
magical papyri, 9, 32, 33
magnetite, 122
male. See masculine
malku = sarru (composition), 123
Maqlu (composition), 101
Marduk (god), 21, 71, 85, 113, 138,
139; Star of, 75
Mars (planet), 4, 7, 8, 18, 22, 60, 61,
66, 93, 138, 139, 141
masculine: materia medica, 35;
stones, 126
materia medica, 15, 44, 123
mediator, 15
medicine, 15, 131; Mesopotamian,
44
melothesia, 59
menology, 112
Mercury (planet), 3, 5, 6, 18, 138,
139, 141
Meslamtaea (god), 104
messengers: stars as, 16
meteorological omens, 63
147
INDEX
meteorological phenomena, 92
metoposcopy, 30
micro-zodiac, 116
Moon, 4, 8, 9, 12, 18, 88, 91, 93,
98-101, 104, 108-111, 133, 134,
139. See also full moon; new
moon
Moon god, 18, 74, 77, 101, 107, 113,
136, 140
Morning star, 3, 6, 23
Mudrukesda (constellation), 138, 139
MUL.APIN (composition), 20, 78, 90
Nabatean Agriculture, 42
Nabonidus (king of Babylonia), 76,
77
namburbu, 81, 82, 96
Naram-Sin (king of Akkad), 42, 129
nature, 30, 120
NE.NE.GAR (star), 138
Nergal (god), 7, 18, 22, 60, 61
nether world, 19
new moon, 63f., 134, 135
New Year's ritual, 138
Nineveh, 50, 67
Ninmah (goddess), 22
Ninsianna (goddess), 67, 68, 73
Ninurta (god), 5, 19, 35, 71, 122
Nippur, 21, 43
Nisannu (month), 113
nocturnal exposition, 52, 56, 59
Numusda (god), 1, 40
obedience, 121
omen, 61-63
omen collections, 13, 82-84
omen literature, 13
omens: 11, 82, 90, 94, 95; celestial,
11, 12, 63; diagnostic, 84, 105;
liver, 7, 11, 30; meteorological,
63, 72, 92; physiognomic, 30, 84
"opening of the mouth," 140
opposition, 134, 136
Orion, 3, 5, 17, 19, 56, 66, 67, 78,
113, 116, 117, 136. See also
Sipazianna
patch test, 40
path: of Anu, 5, 87, 144; of Ea, 5,
87, 144; of Enlil, 5, 87, 144; three
paths, 5, 87, 140, 144
Pegasus (square of), 66, 138, 141,
144
pharmaceutical, 46; handbook 28
pharmacist, 35
phylactery, 118, 125, 127, 128, 129
physician, 8, 35, 43, 47, 48, 64;
Egyptian, 44
physiognomic omens, 30, 84
Pisces, 117, 144
plague, 7-8, 22, 66, 121
planet, planets, 6, 8, 13, 19, 91, 139,
140; rising of, 90
planetary gods, 140
plant, plants, 27, 131; gathering, 36;
planting, 133
Plato, 98, 133
Pleiades, 16, 17, 19, 20, 66, 86, 113,
117
Pliny, 35, 39, 122, 124, 133
Plow star, 144
Poem of the Creation (composition),
22
poetry, 15
Pole star, 20
portents, 95
prayer, 73, 74
prayers, 17, 18; 82; ikribu, 73-74
pregnancy, 124; testing, 41
prescriptions (medical), 46, 125
prognosis, 40
prognosticate, 47
prophecy, 74
protasis, 61
Puppis, 88
rain, 90
Raven, 78, 79, 117
regions, 108, 110
Regulus, 78, 108
reports (on extispicy), 70
Rim-Sin (king of Larsa), 41, 129
rituals, 17
Rooster (constellation), 117
sacrifice, 72
Sagittarius, 5, 86, 93, 107, 116, 117
Sargon (king), 12, 74, 75
148
INDEX
Saturn (planet), 3, 18, 138, 139, 141
Scales, 4. See also Libra
scholia, 27, 60, 79, 105, 130
Scorpion, 17, 56, 114, 139. See also
Scorpius
Scorpius, 17, 106, 116, 117, 144
(cylinder) seals, 127, 128
secret names, 33, 132
secret place, 75, 116
"seizing of the mouth," 105-106, 109
Selene, 53
semen: of stars, 104, 105
Sennacherib (king of Assyria), 75,
120
Seven Gods, 86
seven sages, 118
shells, 126, 127
shooting stars, 72, 94
signs, 9
Sin, 8, 18, 68, 74, 77, 91, 104, 105,
136, 137 See also Moon god
Sipazianna, 56, 113. See also Orion
Sirius, 3, 17, 18, 19, 66, 70, 105, 138,
140, 141, 142
Snake (constellation), 3
sorcerer, 2, 8, 14, 97, 109
sorceress, 2, 8, 97, 109, 133
sorceries, 101
Spica, 3
squash, 27
Star of Abundance, 139
Star of AnunTtu, 142
Star of Dignity, 139
Star of Eridu, 142
Star of Justice, 138
stars, 12, 13, 17, 18, 19, 57, 86, 87,
91, 93, 97, 133, 140; ftrst, 58; of
the night, 24; of the sky, 142
statue (divine), 140
stone, stones, 115, 120, 121, 131;
masculine, 131; feminine, 126
Stone-book, 121
storm god, 66
string of beads, 125, 126, 128
substitute king, 9
Sultantepe, 111
Sumerian, 22, 26, 28, 44, 45; lists,
26; writing system, 25
Sumerogram, 104, 110
Sun, 4, 9, 17, 18, 22, 23, 65, 66, 91,
104, 134, 136, 138, 139, 140
Sun god, 86. See also Samas
sun, 37
sunrise, 22, 23
Swallow (constellation), 117, 142
Syriac, 19
Salbatanu (planet), 7, 8, 18. See also
Mars
SarpanTtu (goddess), 138
Samas, 8, 18, 23, 65-66, 68, 79, 85,
86, 91, 94, 104, 105, 135, 137, 141,
142. See also Sun
Samas-sumu-ukln (king of
Babylonia), 18, 22, 76
sammu sikinsu (composition), 90
Sulgi (king of Ur), 118
Sulpae (planet), 67, 87, 114, 142
summa alu (composition), 83, 85, 87,
88, 90, 91, 92
summa izbu (composition), 83
tablets, 12, 82, 93, 95, 96
Taurus, 78
Theocritus, 24, 42
Theophrastus, 34, 38
Thessaly, 98, 100
Thucydides, 105
thunder, 90
Tiglath-Pileser I (king of Assyria),
50
Tigris, 19
toothache, 21
treaties, 8
treatment (medical), 46
tree, trees, 115, 131
Triangulum, 142
True Shepherd of Anu, 3, 17, 56.
See also Orion
Twins (constellation), 107. See also
Gemini
Ululu (month), 21, 76-77
Urartu, 75
Ursa Maior, 3, 17, 24, 57, 58, 66, 70,
71, 107, 114, 139, 142. See also
Wagon
Ursa Minor, 66
Uruanna (composition), 28, 36, 123
149
INDEX
Uruk, 78, 108, 115, 116, 138, 139.
See also Warka
Vega, 53, 56
Vela, 139, 142
Venus (planet), 3, 5, 6, 8, 16, 17, 18,
19, 22, 23, 24, 58, 68, 73, 74, 75,
78, 90, 91, 114, 139, 140
veterinarian, 55
Virgil, 24, 34, 101, 133
Virgo, 4, 19, 110, 116, 142
warnings, 12, 61, 85
"washing of the mouth," 140
watches of the night, 16, 101
weather, 91
witch, 97, 98, 99, 100
witchcraft, 81, 97, 99, 101, 105
writing of heaven, 9
Yoke star, 15, 16, 57, 66, 67
Wagon (constellation), 3, 17, 20, 56, zodiac, 96, 108, 111, 114, 116, 117
57, 66, 67, 70, 71, 85, 107, 114, zodiacal constellations, 108
139, 140, 142. See also Ursa Maior zodiacal signs, 115, 131
Warka, 78. See also Uruk zodiologia, 112
150
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